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330 lines
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Plaintext
330 lines
15 KiB
Plaintext
PUBLIC MONIES AND PRIVATE SUPPLICATIONS
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by Davy Crockett
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[ShareDebate International editor's note: the
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copyright for the below has expired eons ago and is in
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the public domain. It was reprinted in The Washington
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Times National Weekly Edition, February 6-12, 1995,
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page 33.]
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[Washington Times Editor's note: This argument by Davy
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Crockett against the principle of wealth distribution
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first was published in "The Life of Colonel David
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Crockett,"compiled by Edward S. Ellis and published
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in 1884. It appeared in the Richmond Times Dispatch]
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"Several years ago, I was one evening standing on the
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steps of the Capitol with some other members of
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Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great
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light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large
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fire. We jumped into a hack and drove over as fast as
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we could.
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"In spite of all that could be done, many houses were
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burned and many families made homeless, and, besides,
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some of them had lost all but the clothes they had on.
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The weather was very cold, and when I saw so many
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women and children suffering, I felt that something
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ought to be done for them.
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"The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating
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$20,000 for their relief. We put aside all other
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business and rushed it through as soon as it could be
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done.
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"The next summer, when it began to be a time to think
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about the election, I concluded that I would take a
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scout around among the boys of my district. I had no
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opposition there, but, as the election was some time
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off, I did not know what might turn up."
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A stranger's curt greeting
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"When riding one day in a part of my district in which
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I was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man
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in a field plowing and coming toward the road. I
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gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came to
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the fence. As he came up, I spoke to the man. He
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replied politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly.
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"I began: 'Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate
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beings called candidates, and . . . '
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"'Yes, I know you; you are Colonel Crockett, I have
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seen you once before, and voted for you the last time
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you were elected. I suppose you are out electioneering
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now, but you had better not waste your time or mine. I
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shall not vote for you again.'
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"This was a sockdolager. . . I begged him to tell me
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what was the matter."
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"'Well, Colonel, it is hardly worthwhile to waste
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time or words upon it. I do not see how it can be
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mended, but you gave a vote last winter which shows
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that either you have no capacity to understand the
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Constitution, or that you are wanting in the honesty
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and firmness to be guided by it.
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"'In either case you are not the man to represent me.
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But I beg your pardon for expressing it in that way. I
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did not intend to avail myself of the privilege of the
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constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for the
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purpose of insulting or wounding you.
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"I intend by it only to say that your understanding
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of the Constitution is different from mine; and I will
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say to you what, but for my rudeness, I should not
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have said, that I believe you to be honest . . . but
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an understanding of the Constitution different from
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mine I cannot overlook, because the Constitution, to
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be worth having, must be held sacred, and rigidly
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observed in all its provisions. The man who wields
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power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the
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more honest he is.' "
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"I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be
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some mistake about it, for I do not remember that I
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gave any vote last winter upon any constitutional
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question."
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Crockett's vote on bill recalled
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"'No, Colonel, there's no mistake. Though I live here
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in the backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the
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papers from Washington and read very carefully all the
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proceedings of Congress. My papers say that last
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winter you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to
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some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown. Is that true? "
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"Well, my friend, I may as well own up. You have got
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me there. But certainly no one will complain that a
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great and rich country should not give the
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insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve its suffering
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women, particularly with a full and overflowing
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treasury, and am sure, if you had been there you would
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have done just as I did."
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"'It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of
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it is the principle. In the first place, the
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government ought to have in the treasury no more than
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enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has
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nothing to do with the question. The power of
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collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the
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most dangerous power that can be entrusted to man,
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particularly under our system of collecting revenue by
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tariff, which reaches every man in the country, no
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matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is, the
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more he pays in proportion to his means.
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"'What is worse, it presses upon him without his
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knowledge where the weight centers, for there is not a
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man in the United States who can ever guess how much
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he pays to the government. So you see that while you
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are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it
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from thousands who are even worse off than he.
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"'If you had the right to give him anything, the
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amount was simply a matter of discretion with you, and
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you had as much right to give $20 million as $20,000.
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If you have the right to give to one, you have the
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right to give to all; and, as the Constitution neither
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defines nor stipulates the amount, you are at-liberty
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to give to any and everything which you may believe,
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or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount
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you may think proper.' "
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Wide door to robbing people
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"'You will very easily perceive what a wide door this
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would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on
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the one hand, and for robbing the people, on the
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other. No, Colonel. Congress has no right to give
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charity. Individual members may give as much of their
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own money as they please, but they have no right to
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touch a dollar of the public money for that purpose.
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"'If twice as many houses had been burned in this
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district as in Georgetown, neither you nor any other
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member of Congress would have thought of appropriating
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a dollar for our relief. There are about 240 members
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of Congress.
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"'If they had shown their sympathy for the sufferers
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by contributing each one week's pay, it would have
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made over $13,000. There are plenty of wealthy men in
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and around Washington who could have given $20,000
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without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life.
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The congressmen chose to keep their own money, which,
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if reports be true, some of them spend not very
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creditably. And the people about Washington, no doubt,
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applauded you for relieving them from the necessity of
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giving by giving what was not yours to give.
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"'The people have delegated to Congress, by the
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Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do
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these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneys, and
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for nothing else. Everything beyond this is
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usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution.
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"'So you see, Colonel, you have violated the
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Constitution in what I consider a vital point. It is a
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precedent fraught with danger to the country, for when
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Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the
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limits~of the Constitution there is no limit to it,
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and no security for the people. I have no doubt you
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acted honestly, but that does not make it any better,
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except as far as you are personally concerned, and you
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see that I cannot vote for you.
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Critic could persuade others
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"I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have
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opposition, and this man should go to talking, he
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would set others to talking, and in that district I
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was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him, and the
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fact is, I was so fully convinced that he was right, I
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did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I said to
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him:
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"'Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head
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when you said I had not sense enough to understand the
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Constitution. I intended to be guided by it, and
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thought I had studied it fully. I have heard many
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speeches in Congress about the powers of Congress, but
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what you have said here at your plow has got more
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hard, sound sense in it than all the fine speeches I
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ever heard.
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"'If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I
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would have put my head into the fire before I would
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have given that vote; and if you will forgive me and
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vote for me again, if I ever vote for another
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unconstitutional law I wish I may be shot.' "
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"He laughingly replied: 'Yes, Colonel, you have sworn
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to that once before, but I will trust you again upon
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one condition. You say that you are convinced that
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your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will do
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more good than beating you for it. If, as you go
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around the district, you will tell people about this
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vote, and that you are satisfied it was wrong, I will
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not only vote for you, but will do what I can to keep
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down opposition, and, perhaps, I may exert some little
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influence in that way.' "
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"'If I don't,' said I, 'I wish I may be shot; and to
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convince you that I am in earnest in what I say, I
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will come back this way in a week or 10 days, and if
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you will get up a gathering of people, I will make a
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speech to them. Get up a barbeque and I will pay for
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it.' "
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"'No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this
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section, but we have plenty of provisions to contribute
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for a barbeque, and some to spare for those who have
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none. The push of crops will be over in a few days,
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and we can then afford a day for a barbeque. This is
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Thursday; I will see to getting it up on Saturday.
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Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together,
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and I promise you a very respectable crowd to see and
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hear you.' "
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"Well, I will be here. But one thing more before I
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say goodbye. I must know your name."
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"'My name is Bunce.' "
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"Not Horatio Bunce?"
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"'Yes.'
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""Well, Mr. Bunce. I never saw you before, though you
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say you have seen me, but I know you very well. I am
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glad I have met you, and very proud that I may hope
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to have you for my friend.
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"It is one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met
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him. He mingled but little with the public but was
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widely known for his remarkable intelligence and
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incorruptible integrity, and for a heart brimful and
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running over with kindness and benevolence, which
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showed themselves not only in words but in acts."
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His fame extended far and wide
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"He was the oracle of the whole country around him, and
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his fame had extended far beyond the circle of his
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immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him
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before, I had heard much of him, and but for this
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meeting it is very likely I should have had
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opposition, and been beaten. One thing is very
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certain, no man could now stand up in that district
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under such a vote.
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"At the appointed time I was at his house, having told
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our conversation to every crowd I had met, and to
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every man I stayed all night with, and I found that it
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gave the people an interest and a confidence in me
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stronger than I had ever seen manifested before.
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"Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached his
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house, and, under ordinary circumstances, should have
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gone early to bed, I kept him up until midnight
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talking about the principles and affairs of
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government, and got more real, true knowledge of them
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than I had got all my life before.
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"I have known and seen much of him since, for I
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respect him no, that is not the word - I reverence and
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love him more than any living man, and I go to see him
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two or three times every year; and I will tell you,
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sir, if everyone who professes to be a Christian lived
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and acted and enjoyed it as he does, the religion of
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Christ would take the world by storm.
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"But to return to my story. The next morning we went
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to the barbeque, and, to my surprise, found about a
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thousand men there. I met a good many whom I had not
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known before, and they and my friend introduced me
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around until I had got pretty well acquainted - at
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least, they all knew me.
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"In due time notice was given that I would speak to
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them. They gathered up around a stand that had been
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erected. I opened my speech by saying:
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"'Fellow citizens - I present myself before you today
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feeling like a new man. My eyes have lately been
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opened to truths which ignorance or prejudice, or
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both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I
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can today offer you the ability to render you more
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valuable service than I have ever been able to render
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before.
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"'I am here today more for the purpose of
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acknowledging my error than to seek your votes. That I
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should make this acknowledgment is due to myself as
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well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a
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matter for your consideration only.' "
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"I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for
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the appropriation and then told them why I was
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satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying:
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"'And now, fellow citizens, it remains only for me to
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tell you that most of the speech you have listened to
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with so much interest was simply a repetition of the
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arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced
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me of my error.
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It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he
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is entitled to the credit for it. And now I hope he is
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satisfied with his convert and that he will get up
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here and tell you so.' "
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