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194 lines
9.4 KiB
Plaintext
194 lines
9.4 KiB
Plaintext
FREE TRADE VERSUS PROTECTIONISM
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By RICHARD M. EBELING
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A specter is haunting the economies of the world. It is the
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specter of protectionism. In one country after the other,
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cries are heard that international trade, rather than bringing
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mutual prosperity, imposes economic hardship on some nations
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so that others may gain. Trading practices among nations are
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declared to be "unfair." Jobs are supposedly lost through
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"cheap" imports flooding domestic markets. Balance of trade
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deficits threaten the financial stability of not only third-
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world countries, but the United States as well.
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And the solutions proposed are the same everywhere: demands
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are made for the imposition or stiffening of trade
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restrictions--the raising of barriers in the path of trade
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among nations. It is claimed that limitations on amounts of
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foreign supplies entering the domestic market, through either
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tariffs that make foreign goods more costly or quotas that
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prohibit the quantities which may be imported, will increase
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the market share of domestic companies as well as enhance
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employment opportunities at home.
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The reasoning seems straightforward and sensible. However, it
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suffers from one handicap: It is dead wrong! When implemented,
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protectionist policies bring economic harm, as well as lower
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standards of living, for the people of every nation choosing
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to follow this path.
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If the protectionist argument is correct, that buying Japanese
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goods, for example, is harmful to American industry and jobs
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as a whole, then the same logic would have to imply that
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importing New Mexico goods is harmful to Texas industry and
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jobs; and that buying Fort Worth goods is harmful to Dallas
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industry and jobs. Why does the Japanese-U.S. argument seem
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plausible, while the Fort Worth-Dallas argument appears
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suspect? Because people still suffer from the tribal notion
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that suggests that the accident of a political boundary across
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the face of a map must imply antagonism between the human
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beings who live on different sides of that boundary.
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International trade is nothing more than an extension of the
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social division of labor across national borders. And the same
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advantages that arise from a division of labor between members
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of the same nation apply among members of different nations.
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It enables a specialization of skills and abilities, with each
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member of the world economic community tending to specialize
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in that line of production in which he has a comparative
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advantage (a relative superiority) in relation to his trading
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neighbors.
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Through such a division of tasks and activities, the wealth
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and prosperity of every nation is increased, as compared to a
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situation in which individuals or nations are required to
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obtain what they desire through their own efforts, in economic
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isolation from their fellow men.
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But what of the particular charges presently leveled against
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our foreign trading partners? What about the detrimental
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effects which supposedly result from the trading policies of
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other nations? Let us examine some of these charges:
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1. Unfair Trading Practices. A number of nations have been
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accused of unfairly subsidizing the export of goods to
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America, i.e., at prices which are below their "actual" cost
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of production.
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The world is going through a dramatic technological and
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economic revolution, with many underdeveloped nations finally
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entering the industrialized era. Their lower prices often
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merely reflect their lower costs of production, as they shift
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into positions in the international division of labor which
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reflect those areas where their relative economic efficiencies
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are greatest. As these nations sell more in the United States,
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they earn the purchasing power to buy more from America.
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American exports, therefore, increase because the only way for
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foreigners to buy more from Americans is for Americans to sell
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more to foreigners.
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To the extent that foreign governments do subsidize some
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products sold in the U.S., this means that Americans are able
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to buy them below what would have otherwise been the market
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price. In other words, we are given a bargain, a bargain that
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saves us resources that would have been devoted to the making
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of more products to pay for what otherwise would have been
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higher-priced imports. And these resources are now available
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to make other things that we would not have been able to
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produce without this bargain. It is the citizens of those
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other nations who should be outraged since they, not us, have
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to foot the tax bill to pay for the subsidies.
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2. Foreign Products Cause Loss of Jobs. The charge is made
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that the sale of foreign goods in America "steals" markets
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away from American companies, with a resulting loss of jobs in
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America.
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This argument ignores the fact that these foreign goods must
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be paid for. It is true that jobs in those sectors of the
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economy which directly compete against certain foreign
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products may be lost. But other jobs are created in those
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industries which manufacture goods which foreigners are
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interested in purchasing from Americans. The sale of foreign
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goods in America may change the locale and types of
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employments in the U.S., but it need not result, over time, in
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any net loss of jobs.
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Furthermore, with free trade, Americans end up spending less
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of their income on certain products because they are bought
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more cheaply from foreign suppliers. This leaves them with
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extra dollars by which they are able to increase their demand
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for other goods on the market. The net effect, therefore, is
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to stimulate even more employment opportunities than
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previously existed.
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3. The Balance of Trade Deficit and Foreign Investment. The
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leading issue during the last several years has been the
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charge that America buys more abroad than it sells, resulting
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in a trade deficit that threatens the economic stability of
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the United States.
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It is true that in terms of tangible or visible goods, the
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U.S. has been buying more than it has sold. But this overlooks
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the overall trade "balance sheet." Instead of buying American
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commodities with the dollars they have earned, foreign earners
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of dollars have returned some of them to America in the form
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of savings in the credit markets, or as direct investment in
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U.S. industry. The overall balance of payments between the
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United States and the rest of the world has balanced.
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When this is pointed out, the concern expressed is that
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foreigners are "buying up America." "They" will control "us."
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Actually, however, when the foreign investment is "indirect,"
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i.e., loaned to Americans through the banking system, this
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merely increases the pool of savings in the United States; and
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this pool of savings is available to domestic businessmen who
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desire to expand or improve their plant and equipment. If
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wisely used, the money borrowed will be paid back, with
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interest. And, in a few years, the productive capital in
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America will be greater and more efficient. Industry will
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still be in "our" hands.
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But what if the investment is direct? Won't foreigners
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"control" America by buying out existing companies or starting
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up new businesses which successfully compete against American-
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owned firms? Again, this reflects the collectivist notions of
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past ages, notions which think of those who belong to other
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nations--"tribes"--as inherently dangerous enemies.
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But those of other nations who invest in America are actually
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"our" captives--if one wishes to use this form of reasoning.
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They have invested their savings in America because it has
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offered the most attractive economic and political
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environment. Their own fortunes and futures are linked to
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continuing American prosperity; and they must manage their
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investments in judicious, market-oriented directions if they
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are to generate the profits for which they hope.
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But what if "they" pulled out? Would that not hurt "us" by
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disrupting "our" economy? In such a case, the physical plant
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and equipment remain in America. To "pull out," they would
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have to find willing buyers. And to do that, they would have
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to offer attractive prices to prospective buyers. And they
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would only want to sell out if either the political or
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economic climate in the U.S. became less attractive as
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compared to other countries. But are these not the same
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incentives and motives which guide Americans who invest and
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save in New York rather than California, or in the U.S. rather
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than some other country?
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While there will always be necessary adjustments to new and
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changing circumstances, free trade between nations ultimately
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benefits all who participate. Protectionism can only lead us
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down a road of impoverishment and international commercial
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tensions. To paraphrase the great 18th century, free-market
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thinker, David Hume, when he criticized the protectionists of
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his time: Not only as a man, but as an American, I pray for
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the flourishing commerce of Germany, France, England and even
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Japan. Why? Because America's prosperity and economic future
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are dependent upon the economic prosperity of all of those
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with whom it trades in the international division of labor.
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Professor Ebeling is the Ludwig von Mises Professor of
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Economics at Hillsdale College, Hillsdale, Michigan, and also
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serves as vice-president of academic affairs for The Future of
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Freedom Foundation, P.O. Box 9752, Denver, CO 80209.
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------------------------------------------------------------
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From the January 1991 issue of FREEDOM DAILY,
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Copyright (c) 1991, The Future of Freedom Foundation,
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PO Box 9752, Denver, Colorado 80209, 303-777-3588.
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Permission granted to reprint; please give appropriate credit
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and send one copy of reprinted material to the Foundation.
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