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1118 lines
60 KiB
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The Environmental Movement and the Value of "Moderation"
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by Brian K. Yoder
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[Presented at a 1992 commencement address in California. An excellent
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analysis of the totalitarian threat posed by environmentalism. The
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historical examples discussed here bring to mind Santayana's maxim,
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"Those who do not learn from the past are condemned to repeat it."]
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If you could give some advice to a fish about how not to end up on a
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fisherman's stringer, you might recommend that he closely examine each
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juicy tidbit he encounters to see if it contains a hook. I would like to
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make that same recommendation to you this evening with regard to
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political ideologies. If you consider swallowing an ideology containing
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some true and good components, you should scrutinize its structure in
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order to determine whether it contains a false and evil hook.
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A look at history will show us many instances of large numbers of people
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adopting tyrannical ideologies which killed and enslaved them. What
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caused this? Were these people less intelligent than we are? Weimar
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Germany had one of the best educated populations in the world before the
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Nazis came to power. Certainly they weren't grossly stupid or
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uneducated. Even today, many of the most vocal proponents of Marxism on
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American campuses are otherwise intelligent people.
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Were they more subject to evil intent? There is certainly no evidence of
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this. Nobody promotes ideas he considers to be evil. Do you have ideas
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you consider to be evil? Of course not. Neither did the citizens of
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Russia and Germany. It must be something else.
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How could the proponents of tyranny have been so effective and the oppo
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nents so ineffective? If the common people wouldn't stand up for
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themselves, didn't business and religious leaders stand up to the
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tyrants? No, for the most part, they supported them. How can it be that
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intelligent, well-meaning people can allow and even support the
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development of tyrannical political movements? The answer is that the
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majority swallowed some juicy bait uncritically, without looking for an
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ideological hook, and that's how they ended up on the stringer.
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So, how does one identify a "hook" of this kind? Answering this question
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is vitally important today because we are being presented with an
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ideology similar in many respects to those of the worst tyrannies of the
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20th century. It is necessary to be able to recognize such ideologies in
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order to fight against them.
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The ideology I would like to discuss this evening is environmentalism as
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a philosophical and political movement. We will examine the philosophy
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of environmentalism, and determine whether or not it is safe to swallow.
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I could speak about the scientific case (or lack of it) behind such
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issues as ozone depletion, the greenhouse effect, and the solid waste
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"crisis", but I won't, because these issues have been dealt with by many
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others already, and because I do not believe that science is what makes
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environmentalism "work" as a political movement. Let's begin by looking
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at several environmental issues and trying to see what they have in
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common and how they differ.
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Remember Acid Rain? Asbestos? Mercury in fish? Ozone Depletion from
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Supersonic Transports? Alar in apples? Rachel Carson's Silent Spring of
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the 1960s? The Coming Ice Age of the 1970s? Paul Ehrlich's Population
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Bomb of the 1980s? What all of these have in common is that they are
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based on dubious scientific theories, and that they predicted disaster
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unless the environmentalists were given the power to violate the rights
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of individual citizens. Also, ultimately all of the apocalyptic claims
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were proven to be false, if for no other reason than that the massive
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disease and death these theories predicted never materialized.
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What about today's predictions such as ozone depletion from CFCs, the
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greenhouse effect, deforestation, and the solid waste crisis? What do
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they all have in common?
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They are being trumpeted by the same people, they have the same dubious
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scientific foundations, and they are accompanied by the same demands for
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power to violate individual rights as the previous list. The only
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difference is that this last list is newer and therefore has not yet
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fallen to scientific disproof. Actually, global warming is already on
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its way out as more and more scientists stand up and point out the
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theory's faults. Don't worry though, there will be more sources of
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doomsday predictions next year. Perhaps the next big crisis will be the
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evil of road kills, paint fumes, neon lights, navigation beacons, or
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something else I can't even imagine. Probably that.
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If these predictions of doomsday are again and again shown to be false,
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why do new ones rise to take the place of each one that falls? This
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propensity can only be understood in a philosophical and political
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context rather than a scientific one. That is because environmentalism
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is a philosophical and political movement rather than a scientific one.
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It is no more scientific than communism (with its pseudo-science of
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history) or Naziism (with its pseudo-science of race).
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The communists claimed that scientific socialism would put an end to
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poverty and alienation. The Nazis claimed that the science of genetics
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proved that the Aryan race was blessed by nature with superior
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abilities. No matter how many times these theories were disproved, the
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adherents remained loyal to the ideology. Even today one can find many
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proponents of Marxist or racial ideologies plying their wares. Is
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environmentalism an ideology of the same kind?
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If we are to understand the nature of tyrannical political ideologies
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and determine whether environmentalism fits into that mold, we should
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examine some historical examples, and identify what makes them tick
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politically.
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We'll start with the communists. The essence of what they said to the
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public was, "Poverty is bad. We are the people opposed to poverty. In
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order for poverty to be eliminated, the people opposed to it must be
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given the power to violate individual rights. After all, helping others
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is the moral ideal and that's all we are doing. Trust us, we'll do it
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right this time.".
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The Nazis had a slightly different message for the common man. They
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said, "The destruction of Germany is bad. We are the people opposed to
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the destruction of Germany. In order for Germany to be defended, the
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people who defend Germany must be given the power to violate individual
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rights. After all, helping others is the moral ideal and that's all we
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are doing. Trust us, we'll do it right this time."
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The Khmer Rouge in Cambodia said, "Corruption is bad. We are the people
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opposed to corruption. In order for corruption to be eliminated, the
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people opposed to it must be given the power to violate individual
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rights. After all, helping others is the moral ideal and that's all we
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are doing. Trust us, we'll do it right this time." Each of these
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ideologies has a common set of attributes.
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1. Each defends an utterly uncontroversial position about which
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most people are likely to be concerned. (In these examples, that
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poverty is bad, that national destruction is bad, or that
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corruption is bad).
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2. Each offers to solve the uncontroversial problem, if only the
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public will grant the group the power to violate the rights of
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individuals.
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3. Each justifies that violation on the basis of the morality of
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altruism, that is, the moral theory that the standard of
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goodness is doing what is beneficial for others.
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4. Each resulted in millions of deaths, and slavery for millions
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more.
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Ideologies of this kind work by establishing a "package deal" in which a
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true and good idea is attached to a false and evil one which is
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swallowed whole by the unwitting citizen. This works the same way as a
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worm on a fisherman's hook and has similar results for those who swallow
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the combination.
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The simplest way of understanding how people can be tricked into
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swallowing a package deal of this kind is to notice that the first claim
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of each of these ideologies (that poverty, national destruction, and
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corruption are evil) are things everyone already agrees with. So ask
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yourself, what does taking such a position accomplish in a political
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context? Does it mobilize the public to change its opinions on the
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issue? Of course not, everyone already agrees. Does it differentiate the
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movement from the massive pro-poverty, pro-national destruction, or
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pro-corruption forces afoot in the population? Certainly not, there are
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no such wide-scale movements. It merely serves as the "worm" for the
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hook that follows.
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Once one has swallowed the worm and believes that "The Communists are
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the opponents of poverty," "The Nazis are the defenders of Germany," or
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"The Khmer Rouge are the opponents of corruption," there is only one
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step left for the advocates of tyranny. They must establish their goal
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as a moral primary. This is necessary because otherwise people could
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object to the tyranny on the basis of some higher moral principle such
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as individual rights.
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What I mean by "Moral Primary" is a moral concept which need not be
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justified on the basis of any other moral premise. For example, if I
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said, "It is good to eat your vegetables." you might ask why, to which I
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would answer, "A diet containing vegetables promotes health." That means
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my vegetable-eating principle was not moral primary. It was based on a
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more fundamental moral principle . . . the goodness of health. After
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hearing this, you might ask, "But why is being healthy good?" to which I
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would answer (depending on my moral philosophy), "Because having a
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healthy body is important to my life," or "Because God commands it," or
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"Because society needs strong citizens to survive," or "Because health
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brings pleasure." In each case, one is expressing a moral primary, that
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one's life, the will of God, the good of society, or pleasure is the
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foundation of moral evaluation. Each of these is moral primary. An
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egoist has no moral principle that underlies his evaluation of his life
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as his standard of value. What underlies it is an epistemological
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principle. A theist cannot explain what moral issue underlies the
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goodness of God. A collectivist cannot explain what moral issue
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underlies the goodness of society, and a hedonist cannot explain what
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moral issue underlies the goodness of pleasure. In each case, the
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explanation of the standard of good is epistemological, not moral. The
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theist, the collectivist, and the hedonist, will typically explain why
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their standard is correct with some version of "My standard is good
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because I feel it is." We'll get back to this issue later when we
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discuss the relationship between theories of knowledge and ethical
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systems. We will see why egoism can be defended on the basis of more
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than arbitrary feelings, while the others cannot.
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The moral foundation that the creators of tyrannical package deals count
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on, and the moral system already accepted by most people, is altruism.
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Altruism is the ethical theory which says that the moral ideal is to do
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what benefits others. Broadly speaking, "others" could include other
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people, supernatural beings, or even inanimate objects; the important
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issue is that altruism demands that one abandon one's own concerns and
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do things which are contrary to one's rational self-interest in order to
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lead a morally acceptable life. This is the perfect basis for a
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tyrannical ideology since anyone who claims that he is being personally
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harmed by Communism, Naziism, or the Khmer Rouge, is merely being
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selfish and is thus an agent of poverty, national destruction, or corrup
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tion. (Do you see how the package deal works here? To oppose the
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movement is taken as opposition to the uncontroversial idea, and since
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that idea has been elevated to a moral primary, such opposition must be
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considered the worst possible sin.) So, how can anyone oppose the
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tyranny?
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Once one has swallowed the hook, the chance for the citizen to oppose
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the violation of his rights in a consistent way is gone. Accepting the
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premises that the tyrants are the advocates of the good, and that the
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good supersedes the rights of any individual leads inexorably to the
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conclusions of the tyrants . . . that they should rule outside of
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considerations of individual rights.
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In our examples, anyone opposed to communism was considered to be in
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favor of poverty, and therefore could be treated without regard to
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individual rights, since communism was considered to be equivalent to
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the opposition to poverty, which was considered to be a moral primary.
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Anyone opposed to Naziism was considered to be in favor of the
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destruction of Germany, and therefore could be treated without regard to
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his rights. Anyone opposed to the Khmer Rouge was considered to be in
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favor of corruption, and therefore could be treated without regard to
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his rights. By grafting the movement to an uncontroversial idea which is
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a moral primary, tyrants can dismiss any objections to their movement as
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opposition to that moral idea. Opposition to the actions of the movement
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therefore becomes an unforgivable sin, subject to any retaliation the
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movement chooses.
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I should point out that the worst of such retaliation historically has
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not become a reality until after the tyrants took power. Obviously they
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can't build death camps before they take over, so you should not assume
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that any movement that hasn't imposed press censorship or started mass
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purges yet is not tyrannical. Mass killings and censorship are not the
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hallmarks of tyranny on the rise, they are the hallmarks of tyrannies in
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power.
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OK. Enough for history. Let's look at current affairs.
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Consider the reaction to those who speak out against environmentalism
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here in 1992. Anyone opposed to the environmentalists is considered to
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be in favor of pollution, and can be treated without regard to his
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rights (at least if the environmentalists have their way).
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The essential message of the environmental movement is, "Pollution is
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bad. We are the people opposed to pollution. In order for pollution to
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be eliminated, the people opposed to it must be given the power to
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violate individual rights. After all, helping others is the moral ideal
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and that's all we are doing. Trust us. we'll do it right this time." One
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can expect that the results of this package deal will be the same as
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those generated by its ideological counterparts if the environmentalists
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have their way.
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Let's look at what several prominent environmentalists have to say in
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their own words . . .
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Christopher Manes, the editor of the Earth First! Journal writes, "[T]he
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biological meltdown is most directly the result of values fundamental to
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what we have come to recognize as culture under the regime of
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technological society: economic growth, "progress", property rights,
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consumerism, religious doctrines about humanity's dominion over nature,
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[and] technocratic notions about achieving an optimum human existence at
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the expense of all other life-forms."
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Lynn White, a professor of history at UCLA wrote: "men must not crowd
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coyotes [or] try to exterminate locusts," because, he says: "we can
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sense our comradeship with a glacier, a subatomic particle, or a spiral
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nebula," and therefore, "We must extend compassion to rattlesnakes, and
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not just to koala bears."
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Paul Ehrlich, a prominent writer on population control in the Population
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Bomb writes: "We must have population control . . . by compulsion if
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voluntary methods fail."
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Dave Foreman, a founder of the Earth First! movement and a former repre
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sentative for The Wilderness Society writes: "An individual human life
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has no more intrinsic value than does an individual Grizzly Bear life.
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Human suffering resulting from drought in Ethiopia is tragic, yes, but
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the destruction there of other creatures and habitat is even more
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tragic."
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Kirkpatrick Sale, an "ecological historian" was quoted in the Washington
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Post as saying Western civilization is "founded on a set of ideas that
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are fundamentally pernicious, and they have to do with rationalism,
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humanism, materialism, science, progress. These are to my mind just
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pernicious concepts."
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David Graber is a research biologist with the National Park Service. In
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Graber's Los Angeles Times review of Bill McKibben's book, The End of
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Nature he wrote:
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"Somewhere along the line_at about a billion [sic] years ago, maybe half
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that_we quit the contract and became a cancer. We have become a plague
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upon ourselves and upon the Earth . . . Until such time as Homo sapiens
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should decide to rejoin nature, some of us can only hope for the right
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virus to come along."
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When I present this evidence and reasoning to friends and debating
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opponents, a common reaction is "Oh sure, those guys are bad, but they
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are just on the lunatic fringe. I'm no misanthrope, I just want clean
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air and clean water. That's why I'm an environmentalist, not because I
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believe in all those radical ideas." But aren't these "radicals" the
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ones who are leading influential environmentalist groups? Writing books?
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Making speeches? Raising and spending millions of dollars for environmen
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talist causes? Writing educational materials for our children? Even so,
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the everyday environmentalists say "That's not what I mean when I talk
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about environmentalism. I'm a moderate and I'm an environmentalist. Why
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don't you talk about what moderate environmentalists have to say?" Well,
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that's exactly what I would like to do this evening. Let's look at what
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Senator Al Gore, someone moderate enough to be elected vice-president of
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the United States, thinks is a proper response to the environmental
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"crisis".
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First, let's turn to the explanation Gore gives in his book Earth In the
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Balance: Ecology & the Human Spirit of why we are in such a terrible
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position in the first place. He essentially gives two reasons. First,
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that we human beings and Western civilization are mentally ill.
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On the one hand, we are individually "addicted" to civilization . . .
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[p. 222] "Industrial civilization's great engines of distraction
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still seduce us with a promise of fulfillment. Our new power to
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work our will upon the world can bring with it a sudden rush of
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exhilaration, not unlike the momentary "rush" experienced by
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drug addicts when a drug injected into their bloodstream
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triggers changes in the chemistry of the brain."
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That is because we are more interested in technology than in nature:
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[p. 207] "[F]ar too often, our fascination with technology
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displaces what used to be a fascination with the wonder of
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nature."
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On the other hand Western civilization itself is "addicted" to
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technology . . .
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[p. 220] "I believe that our civilization is, in effect, addicted
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to the consumption of the Earth itself. This addictive
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relationship distracts us from the pain of what we have lost: a
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direct experience of our connection to the vividness, vibrancy,
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and aliveness of the rest of the natural world. The froth and
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frenzy of industrial civilization masks our deep loneliness for
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that communion with the world that can lift our spirits . . ."
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How can addicts of civilization solve this problem?
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[p. 225] "Rather than distracting their inner awareness through
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behavior, addicts must learn to face the real pain they have
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sought to avoid. Rather than distracting their inner awareness
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through behavior, addicts must learn to face their pain_feel it,
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think it, absorb it, own it. Only then can they begin to
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honestly deal with it instead of running away."
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Notice that according to Gore, in order to even recognize that one is
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addicted, one needs to accept the idea that one is making choices
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because of addiction, rather than because of reason. Anyone who claims
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to make rational choices in favor of technological civilization, must be
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mentally ill and therefore blind to his illness. In fact, the only
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"solution" to this illness is for people to accept that it is real
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despite the fact that there is no evidence of this
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technologically-induced mental illness:
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[p. 236] "[Experts have shown] than the act of mourning the
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original loss while fully and consciously feeling the pain it
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has caused can heal the wound and free the victim from further
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enslavement."
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So, anyone who claims not to feel this "psychic pain", is a wounded,
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enslaved victim who can only be cured of this disease, which he doesn't
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know he has, by adopting an environmentalist view of civilization, by
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mourning, and by experiencing pain. Those who don't agree are mentally
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ill and are in need of re-education and psychological help. This is
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reminiscent of the attitude of the Soviet Union toward dissidents.
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Gore's second explanation is that the prime mover of history is not
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philosophy, necessity, money, religion, or great men, but the weather.
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He equivocates about this considerably explaining that he really isn't
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saying that climate is necessarily the most important factor in the
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course of civilization, but you can decide what he really thinks. He
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attributes more historic events to weather than I have time to recite,
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but I'll read you a few just to give you an idea of where Gore is coming
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from. He says weather caused:
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Human evolution, p. 63
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Vanishing of the Minoan civilization, p. 58
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Mass disappearance of population in Scotland in 1150 BC, p. 58
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Cannibalism & failed harvests in China in 209 B.C. p. 59
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Migration of Indians to America, p. 61
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The rise of Mesopotamia and Jericho, p. 62, p. 103
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The rise of Egypt, p. 62
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End of northern bronze age, p. 64
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The invasion of Europe by germanics, p. 64
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Macedonian conquest of Greece, p. 64
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Alexander the Great's conquest, p. 64
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Expansion of Chinese civilization, p. 64
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Decline of the Mali civilization in West Africa, p. 65
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Disappearance of the Mycenaean civilization, p. 65
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Migration of bronze age people from Balkans, p. 65
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The collapse of Hittite civilization, p. 65
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The rise of Rome, p. 65
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The imperial nature of Roman civilization, p. 64
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The fall of Rome & Barbarian invasions, p. 64
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The fall of the Mayan civilization, p. 66,67,379
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The voyages of Leif Erikson & Eric the Red, p. 66
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French revolution, p. 59
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Napoleonic wars, p. 57
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Anti-semitic riots in Wurzburg, p. 57
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The European emigration to the United States, p. 71
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The rise of the modem bureaucratic state (including the New Deal),
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p. 73
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The renaissance and enlightenment, & individualism in politics, p.
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68
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If you still don't think that Gore considers weather to be the prime
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mover of history, I suggest you read his book and look at the rest of
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the list I didn't have time to recite.
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Third, he explains that we as a civilization are a "dysfunctional
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family" because we can't seem to give up on science and reason, a
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dreadful hang-up according to Gore.
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||
[p. 230] "Like the rules of a dysfunctional family, the unwritten
|
||
rules that govern our relationship to the environment have been
|
||
passed down from one generation to the next since the time of
|
||
Descartes, Bacon, and the pioneers of the scientific revolution
|
||
some 375 years ago. We have absorbed these rules and lived by
|
||
them for centuries without seriously questioning them. As in a
|
||
dysfunctional family, one of the rules in a dysfunctional
|
||
civilization is that you don't question the rules."
|
||
|
||
All of this addiction and dysfunctional interaction ultimately arises,
|
||
according to Gore from "psychic pain" [p. 219] which we experience
|
||
because we are separated from nature. This separation began with the
|
||
invention of agriculture, and is directly related to the use of
|
||
knowledge in the creation of civilization. Civilization keeps us "out of
|
||
touch" with nature by creating artificial environments like homes and
|
||
fields. Being "in touch with nature" apparently requires the most
|
||
primitive animal state of existence.
|
||
|
||
Another problem Gore cites is that we have too much information
|
||
available to us:
|
||
|
||
[p. 197] " . . . rarely do we examine the negative impact of
|
||
information on our lives . . ."
|
||
|
||
[p. 200] "We have . . . automated the process of generating
|
||
data_with inventions like the printing press and
|
||
computer_without taking into account our limited ability to
|
||
absorb the new knowledge thus created."
|
||
|
||
[p. 201] "Vast amounts of information ultimately become a kind of
|
||
pollution."
|
||
|
||
So, we westerners and our civilization have been driven to insanity by
|
||
too much civilization, technology and information. What method does Gore
|
||
suggest we should use to understand our problem? He gives a long list of
|
||
methods: the Hindu method, the American Indian method, the Buddhist
|
||
method, the Christian method, the Baha'i method and others. All of these
|
||
methods, Gore tells us, will lead to the same conclusion . . . that
|
||
civilization is a failure, that technology doesn't work, and that we
|
||
should give it all up for some higher purpose. This theme is repeated in
|
||
his book again and again in regard to pesticides, fertilizers,
|
||
mechanical trucks and plows, mass-production, decorations, electronic
|
||
communication, transportation, and the mass-production of artwork. Gore
|
||
bases this on some interesting and very scientific premises:
|
||
|
||
[p. 244] "Whatever is done to the Earth must be done with an
|
||
awareness that it belongs to God."
|
||
|
||
[p. 243] "From the biblical point of view, nature is only safe from
|
||
pollution and brought into a secure moral relationship when it
|
||
is united with people who love it and care for it."
|
||
|
||
His scientific analysis continues on:
|
||
|
||
[p. 244] "... whatever verses are selected in an effort to lend
|
||
precision to the Judeo-Christian definition of life's purpose,
|
||
that purpose is clearly inconsistent with the reckless
|
||
destruction of that which belongs to God and which God has seen
|
||
as `good'."
|
||
|
||
Now we arrive at the real enemy ... human efficacy and achievement. The
|
||
idea that we can have what we want out of life is wrong according to
|
||
Gore.
|
||
|
||
[p. 206] "Technological hubris tempts us to lose sight of our place
|
||
in the natural order and believe that we can achieve whatever we
|
||
want."
|
||
|
||
To be more specific ...
|
||
|
||
[p. 240] "We have been so seduced by industrial civilization's
|
||
promise to make our lives comfortable that we allow the
|
||
synthetic routines of modern life to soothe us in an inauthentic
|
||
world of our own making. Life can be easy, we assure ourselves.
|
||
We need not suffer heat or cold; we need not sow or reap or hunt
|
||
and gather. We can heal the sick, fly through the air, light up
|
||
the darkness, and be entertained in our living rooms by
|
||
orchestras and clowns whenever we like."
|
||
|
||
Apparently, Gore thinks that medicine, aircraft, heating, light bulbs
|
||
and agriculture are intrusions against God's creation. If God had meant
|
||
us to be mobile, healthy, well-fed, warm in the winter, and able to read
|
||
at night, he would have provided us with wings, disease-free bodies,
|
||
heated caves, and nite-lights. Since he didn't, it is wrong for us to
|
||
provide them for ourselves. That wasn't what God created and saw to be
|
||
"good" .
|
||
|
||
But isn't environmentalism supposed to be a scientific ideology? If so,
|
||
why bother with the religious arguments? According to Gore, we can
|
||
reconcile science with religion in such a way as to allow religious
|
||
revelation to inform scientific opinion.
|
||
|
||
[p. 253] "... science offers a new way to understand_and perhaps
|
||
begin healing_the long schism between science and religion."
|
||
Aand he goes on to explain that the Heisenberg uncertainty
|
||
principle opens the way to allowing religion and science to
|
||
coexist without contradiction. Exactly how he proposes that this
|
||
might be done, is not clear, but Gore really does think that
|
||
religion can be used in place of science, and therefore that
|
||
religion is a proper method for discovering the truth.
|
||
|
||
In a C-Span interview just after his book was published, Gore explained
|
||
that the source of the idea that civilization must be restrained is
|
||
irrelevant. One can justify that idea using science, religion, social
|
||
solidarity, whatever you like, as long as the conclusion is that we
|
||
should renounce our civilization, technology, and power over nature. Any
|
||
method that does not create that conclusion should be discarded.
|
||
|
||
The moral goal toward which that renunciation is to be directed is also
|
||
optional according to Gore. You can give up your comforts for the
|
||
benefit of the state, for your children, for your class, for the
|
||
biosphere, for cute little animals, or for God. What matters is that we
|
||
use some method to arrive at the conclusion that we should perform some
|
||
acts of renunciation toward some end other than ourselves. This is
|
||
simple unadorned altruism. The method of thought doesn't matter to Gore.
|
||
The recipient of the sacrifices doesn't matter either. What matters, and
|
||
he said this literally over and over again, is that we must sacrifice
|
||
something, to anyone or anything, for any reason.
|
||
|
||
As Ayn Rand said in For the New Intellectual, p. 73, "It stands to
|
||
reason that where there's sacrifice, there's someone collecting the
|
||
sacrificial offerings. Where there is service, there is someone being
|
||
served. The man who speaks to you of sacrifice speaks of slaves and
|
||
masters. And he intends to be the master."
|
||
|
||
To sum it up, the environment reigns supreme as a force in history.
|
||
People and civilization are insane, and we should rely on religious
|
||
insights in order to see this. We should choose some person, thing, or
|
||
superstitious entity to sacrifice ourselves for, and give up everything
|
||
we can to accomplish this. Anyone who selfishly refuses to do this is
|
||
acting immorally because of his mental illness.
|
||
|
||
OK, that's the theory . . . lets look at the practice that follows from
|
||
it.
|
||
|
||
Gore outlines two political programs in his book. The first is a "Global
|
||
Marshall Plan" by which the United States transfers billions of dollars
|
||
to the rest of the world to get them to adopt environmentally benign
|
||
lifestyles. The second is the SEI (Strategic Environment Initiative),
|
||
the domestic counterpart which will completely transform the domestic
|
||
economy according to a plan of environmentalist control. This pair of
|
||
initiatives are, according to Gore, designed to transfer the entire
|
||
foundation of civilization from its current focus on fulfilling
|
||
individual human needs and desires toward one based on the preservation
|
||
of the world in its natural state.
|
||
|
||
[p. 269] "I have come to believe that we must take bold and
|
||
unequivocal action; we must make the rescue of the environment
|
||
the central organizing principle of civilization."
|
||
|
||
[p. 270] "Although it has never yet been accomplished on a global
|
||
scale, the establishment of a single shared goal as the central
|
||
organizing principle for every institution of society has been
|
||
realized by free nations several times in modern history."
|
||
|
||
In other words, rather than being in the business of promoting the lives
|
||
of human beings, as it does now, civilization ought to primarily be in
|
||
the business of making it more difficult for human beings to extract
|
||
values from nature.
|
||
|
||
According to Gore, existing civilization is based on the fulfillment of
|
||
human wants and desires:
|
||
|
||
[p. 243] "[O]ur civilization is built on the premise that we can
|
||
use nature for our own ends."
|
||
|
||
and goes on to explain that this is contrary to religious dictates.
|
||
|
||
Civilization, Gore says, is wrong because it tries to do good things for
|
||
people, when it should be trying to do good things for Bambi instead and
|
||
he knows this because God told him so.
|
||
|
||
He explicitly calls for a change in the central organizing principle of
|
||
civilization to one which has as its goal the maintenance of the world
|
||
in a wild state, and he claims that the only way to accomplish this is
|
||
by the establishment of a world-wide pseudo-government which will
|
||
control all of the human activities which have any impact on the
|
||
environment.
|
||
|
||
[p. 204] "the people of all nations have begun to feel that they
|
||
are part of a truly global civilization, united by common
|
||
interests and concerns_among the most important of which is the
|
||
rescue of our environment. "
|
||
|
||
[p. 295] "what's required now is a plan that combines large-scale,
|
||
long-term, carefully targeted financial aid to developing
|
||
nations, massive efforts to design and then transfer to poor
|
||
nations the new technologies needed for sustained economic
|
||
progress, a worldwide program to stabilize world population, and
|
||
binding commitments by the industrial nations to accelerate
|
||
their own transition to an environmentally responsible pattern
|
||
of life."
|
||
|
||
[p. 302] "We must negotiate international agreements that establish
|
||
global constraints on acceptable behavior but that are entered
|
||
into voluntarily_albeit with the understanding that there will
|
||
be both incentives and legally valid penalties for
|
||
non-compliance."
|
||
|
||
This [p. 301] "framework of global agreements" Gore insists is not a
|
||
government despite its binding nature and enforcement
|
||
mechanisms and Gore assures us that our fear of such a
|
||
delegation of sovereignty to a global government is a
|
||
guarantee that it couldn't possibly develop. Clearly he
|
||
wants it both ways . . . to have a global government to
|
||
manage the economies of the world but without it having any
|
||
power. For what it is worth, the index of the book says that
|
||
this page contains a discussion of "Post-nationalism" even
|
||
though that word is never actually used . . . it is pretty
|
||
obvious that is really what he is proposing here, a global
|
||
environmentalist state.
|
||
|
||
As you might guess, this switch from the idea of the individual good to
|
||
the collective good involves a switch away from the idea of individual
|
||
rights, and toward the power of a universal government just like the
|
||
ones proposed by the other tyrannical ideologies.
|
||
|
||
[p. 278] "we have tilted so far toward individual rights and so far
|
||
away from any sense of obligation that it is now difficult to
|
||
muster an adequate defense of any rights vested in the community
|
||
at large or in the nation_much less rights properly vested in
|
||
all humankind or posterity."
|
||
|
||
With this anti-individual rights paradigm in hand, Gore can plan his
|
||
domestic policy. He can argue for it on the basis that his opponents are
|
||
insane and therefore need not be answered rationally. He can argue that
|
||
religious determination is more important than individual rights. He can
|
||
argue that people ought to be prevented from using the Earth to improve
|
||
their lives, and that all of this follows from the desire for clean
|
||
water and air.
|
||
|
||
He can base it on that same old kind of package deal: "Pollution is bad.
|
||
We are the people opposed to pollution. In order for pollution to be
|
||
eliminated, the people opposed to it must be given the power to violate
|
||
individual rights. After all, helping others is the moral ideal and
|
||
that's all we are doing. Trust us, we'll do it right this time."
|
||
|
||
Let's look at the Strategic Environment Initiative. Here is an outline
|
||
of the parts of the plan:
|
||
[p. 319-320]
|
||
|
||
1. Tax incentives for government-approved technologies and
|
||
disincentives for those the government doesn't approve of.
|
||
|
||
2. Research and development funding for government-approved
|
||
technologies and bans for all those the government doesn't
|
||
approve of.
|
||
|
||
3. Government purchasing programs for the new technologies.
|
||
|
||
4. Government promises of large profits in a market certain
|
||
to emerge as older technologies are phased out.
|
||
|
||
5. The establishment of rigorous technology assessment
|
||
centers which evaluate new technologies and determine whether
|
||
they are "appropriate".
|
||
|
||
6. The establishment of a network of training centers to
|
||
create a core of environmentalist planners and technicians to
|
||
control third world economies.
|
||
|
||
7. The imposition of export controls in developed countries
|
||
to assess a technology's ecological effect and prevent all trade
|
||
the government doesn't approve of.
|
||
|
||
8. The expansion of intellectual property rights to
|
||
include genetic materials which will be the property of the
|
||
governments where various species emerged.
|
||
|
||
This amounts to complete domination of the domestic economy by environ
|
||
mentalist government agencies. It is quite consistent with Gore's
|
||
proposal to change the central organizing principle of civilization to
|
||
be the preservation of the world in a natural state. That being the
|
||
case, individual rights, economic efficiency, and human advancement must
|
||
all be made subservient to environmentalist dictates.
|
||
|
||
Gore doesn't believe that just dominating the lives of Americans is good
|
||
enough. He insists that the only way he can achieve his goals is through
|
||
coordinated global actions, through a global state with powers of
|
||
economic planning, technology approval, redistribution of income, and
|
||
enforcement of its demands. Of course, everyone will voluntarily
|
||
cooperate with this, so no violence will be necessary. "After all,
|
||
helping others is the moral ideal, and that is all we are doing."
|
||
|
||
Here are a few of his "strategic goals":
|
||
|
||
1. A comprehensive population control program, p. 311-314
|
||
|
||
2. A blur in what Gore calls the artificial distinction
|
||
between hard and soft currencies in international trade, p. 344
|
||
|
||
3. The establishment of debt-for-nature swaps whereby poor
|
||
countries have their debts forgiven in return for their promise
|
||
to leave their resources untouched, p. 345
|
||
|
||
4. The establishment of a CO2 trading credit system with
|
||
fewer and fewer credits being issued each year, p. 345
|
||
|
||
5. A change in the way GNP and productivity are calculated to
|
||
include the use of natural resources to counteract the apparent
|
||
creation of wealth when a resource is used to create goods, p.
|
||
346
|
||
|
||
6. A shift in the legal burden of proof from those who want
|
||
to prove environmental harm to those who want to prove they are
|
||
innocent, p. 341
|
||
|
||
This last is particularly ominous since it assumes that everyone is
|
||
guilty of crimes without proof, and with counterproof an impossibility
|
||
because it is impossible to prove a negative. We are to be considered
|
||
guilty until proven innocent of crimes which violate the central
|
||
organizing principle of civilization. What could be worse?
|
||
|
||
There are some additional ominous items in the joint Clinton-Gore
|
||
campaign book, Putting People First which are not in Earth in the
|
||
Balance. For example:
|
||
|
||
1. A national identification card with a magnetic strip which
|
||
will be required to gain access to government services such as
|
||
medical care.
|
||
|
||
2. A national service corps where young people will serve the
|
||
state in order to gain access to government services.
|
||
|
||
3. The establishment of a government-controlled national
|
||
computer network linking every home, library, and classroom in
|
||
the country.
|
||
|
||
4. A change in the corporate average fuel economy regulations
|
||
from current 27.5 MPG to 40 MPG by the year 2000 and to 45 MPG
|
||
by 2015.
|
||
|
||
5. Massive spending on public transportation.
|
||
|
||
6. Opposition to use of nuclear power.
|
||
|
||
7. A national program to re-educate citizens to produce
|
||
environmentally correct behavior.
|
||
|
||
Elsewhere in Putting People First, we see proposals for government
|
||
control of other areas as well, including doctors, insurance companies,
|
||
hospitals, pharmaceutical companies, labor, transportation, education,
|
||
energy production, civilian R&D, the arts, political elections, day
|
||
care, space exploration, computer telecommunication, the housing market
|
||
. . . have I left anything out? The principle is clear. If the citizens
|
||
are not doing what the wise managers of the environment desire, there is
|
||
no reason why the individual rights of the people involved should get in
|
||
the way. "In order for pollution to be eliminated, those opposed to
|
||
pollution must be given the power to violate individual rights. Trust
|
||
us, we'll do it right this time."
|
||
|
||
What's that you say? You don't want government control of everything?
|
||
You don't want a global state whose central organizing principle is to
|
||
thwart your use of the earth to make your life better? You want the
|
||
government to respect your rights? Why, if that's what you want, you
|
||
must want to drink polluted water and breathe poisonous air! Remember,
|
||
"Pollution is bad. Environmentalists are the people opposed to
|
||
pollution. In order for pollution to be eliminated, environmentalists
|
||
must be given the power to violate individual rights. After all, helping
|
||
others is the moral ideal and that's all we are doing. Trust them,
|
||
they'll do it right this time."
|
||
|
||
The unstated argument here is that individual rights are incompatible
|
||
with life, and that respecting them will lead to death and suffering. Of
|
||
course, if that argument were to be addressed in this head-on way by the
|
||
environmentalists, they would have to make admissions they would prefer
|
||
to avoid. Among them, what individual rights actually are, that
|
||
environmentalists are opposed to individual rights, and that this is on
|
||
the grounds that citizens are incompetent to arrange their own affairs,
|
||
and must turn to government bureaucrats for orders. Free thought and
|
||
free action are what individual rights exist to defend. If they are
|
||
forced to address the question, environmentalists have to admit that
|
||
they are opposed to free thought and free action and in favor of
|
||
government control of individual lives and property.
|
||
|
||
As we look at the history of the 20th century, we observe that the most
|
||
"toxic" thing present is not plutonium, dioxin, pesticide residues, or
|
||
mercury. These have at worst killed a few thousand people. Far more
|
||
dangerous than these are the things they combat: spoiled food, the
|
||
winter cold, starvation, and disease. Before the 20th century these were
|
||
very wide-scale killers and cripplers of human beings, and they have
|
||
been in the 20th century where modern technology was not available. But
|
||
both of these hazards pale in comparison to the hazards of political
|
||
tyranny. Governments using ideological package deals of the kind
|
||
environmentalists present have killed hundreds of millions and enslaved
|
||
billions more. Even if there really are dangerous environmental
|
||
catastrophes looming on the horizon, abandoning technological
|
||
civilization, and granting the government (a world-wide one at that) the
|
||
power to violate individual rights is FAR more dangerous.
|
||
|
||
If anything, the environmentalists are worse than the Nazis, the Khmer
|
||
Rouge, and the Communists. At least the Nazis, Communists, and Khmer
|
||
Rouge were claiming some kind of human goal as the reason for their
|
||
activities. The environmentalists are explicitly promoting the idea that
|
||
having human needs and desires met is a bad thing.
|
||
|
||
I hope you can see by now that there can be no such thing as a "moderate
|
||
environmentalist" any more than there can be a "moderate Nazi",
|
||
"moderate communist" or a "moderate axe murderer". Anyone who grants
|
||
moral support to an ideology of this kind is helping to bring it into
|
||
reality . . . not just the "clean air part" or the "anti-poverty part"
|
||
but the whole package deal, worm, hook, and all.
|
||
|
||
So, what is the position of the leader of the Republican Party, George
|
||
Bush, on this? He says "I'm an environmentalist too . . . just a
|
||
moderate one." Unfortunately, Bush and many other conservatives think
|
||
that the way to win battles against those who want to violate individual
|
||
rights is to leap out ahead of the pack and show that they agree with
|
||
every premise of the environmentalists, and to claim that their policies
|
||
are every bit as severe as those of the radicals.
|
||
|
||
Witness George Bush's recent performance at the Rio Earth Summit [June
|
||
1992]. Rather than pointing out the scientific faults of the
|
||
environmentalist cause, or pointing out the moral flaws in the idea that
|
||
governments should violate the rights of individuals, or pointing out
|
||
the counterproductivity of various environmental proposals, or simply
|
||
staying away from the Earth Summit entirely, he conceded every point
|
||
immediately. He begged the audience to believe that the Clean Air Act,
|
||
the policies of the EPA, and a myriad of other laws he has supported are
|
||
as strong as the restrictions the radical environmentalists wish to
|
||
impose.
|
||
|
||
This is obviously false. Worse yet, by arguing this way, opponents of
|
||
the environmentalists, such as Bush is supposed to be, cannot hope to
|
||
win. They concede every important point before they even begin. They
|
||
have swallowed the environmental package deal hook, line and sinker.
|
||
|
||
In political life today, there are no anti-environmentalists. There are
|
||
only "pretend environmentalists" like Bush who pretend to be both
|
||
pro-and anti-environmentalist, and there are "moderate environmen
|
||
talists" like Gore who offer the public a dangerous package deal. This
|
||
situation is not a good one. We are not given a choice between
|
||
environmentalism and anti-environmentalism, but between enthusiastic
|
||
genuine environmentalism and weak-kneed "me-too" environmentalism. It is
|
||
heads-environmentalism and tails-environmentalism.
|
||
|
||
What conservatives like Bush lack is a rational philosophy to counter
|
||
the irrational philosophy of the environmentalists. At best, they simply
|
||
offer no philosophical alternative, and at worst, they offer a religious
|
||
or emotional one which (fortunately) they are shy about expressing. To
|
||
combat a philosophy one cannot use emotion or raw conviction as
|
||
intellectual weapons. The opponents of environmentalism are in desperate
|
||
need of philosophical ideas. What they need is a philosophical answer to
|
||
the people like Al Gore who deny free will in favor of climatological
|
||
determinism. What they need is an answer to those who deny reason in
|
||
favor of religion, emotion, or social consensus as a method of thought.
|
||
What they need is an answer to those who deny the objectivity of values
|
||
in favor of intrinsic values based on some irrational revelation. What
|
||
they need is an answer to those who deny individual rights in favor of
|
||
collectivistic tyranny.
|
||
|
||
In short, what they need is an intellectual defense of their opposition
|
||
of tyranny. Without one, they will ultimately fail in their fight. What
|
||
they need is Objectivist philosophy.
|
||
|
||
For those of you who may not be familiar with Objectivism, I would like
|
||
to present to you the outlines of the Ojectivist point of view to help
|
||
you understand why such an intellectual foundation is necessary for an
|
||
intellectual defense of any ideas whether they are scientific, moral or
|
||
political.
|
||
|
||
Obviously, I cannot in the few minutes remaining give a thorough
|
||
exposition of objectivist philosophy. What I can do is recommend that
|
||
you read Ayn Rand's books: Atlas Shrugged, Capitalism: The Unknown
|
||
Ideal, and The New Left: The Anti-Industrial Revolution. I also
|
||
recommend Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand and The Ominous
|
||
Parallels by Leonard Peikoff. I also recommend Ayn Rand's novella
|
||
Anthem, it you want to have a look at the kind of "in touch with nature"
|
||
society these "moderate" environmentalists propose.
|
||
|
||
Although I cannot give a complete exposition of Objectivism in the
|
||
remaining time, I will offer a brief outline:
|
||
|
||
There are 5 branches of philosophy, four of which are important in the
|
||
context we are examining:
|
||
|
||
Metaphysics-Which answers questions about the fundamental nature of
|
||
reality.
|
||
|
||
Epistemology-Which deals with the nature of knowledge and the means
|
||
by which it can be acquired.
|
||
|
||
Ethics-Which deals with questions regarding what choices one ought
|
||
to make with that knowledge.
|
||
|
||
Politics-Which deals with issues of ethics in a social context.
|
||
|
||
Let's look briefly at each of these:
|
||
|
||
In metaphysics, some believe that the ultimate foundation of existence
|
||
is one's own mind and that there is no external reality. Others believe
|
||
that it is the collective mind of society which is the source of
|
||
existence. For others, it is the mind of God, and for others, there is
|
||
simply no reality and no way to know anything about it if it did exist.
|
||
The objectivist view is that reality is the foundation of existence.
|
||
Objectivism says that External reality exists independent of the mind.
|
||
|
||
In epistemology, there are many who believe intuition, religious
|
||
revelation, social consensus, or word games are the means by which
|
||
knowledge can be acquired. Others deny that knowledge of the real world
|
||
is possible by any means. The objectivist position is that human beings
|
||
possess free will and can choose to use a process of reason and science
|
||
on information presented by the senses in order to achieve knowledge of
|
||
reality. Objectivism says that reason allows knowledge of existence.
|
||
|
||
In ethics, many believe that people should make their choices of action
|
||
based on what would benefit the race, the class, the nation, one's
|
||
neighbor, God, or the ecosystem. Others claim that any kind of ethical
|
||
principle is naive and that one ought to act on the expediency of the
|
||
moment. The objectivist position is that one ought to make choices which
|
||
are to one's rational self-interest. Objectivism says that rational
|
||
choices of action are those which are consistent with one's
|
||
self-interest.
|
||
|
||
In politics, many people believe that the proper role of government is
|
||
to plan the lives of individuals, to do the will of the majority, to
|
||
serve the will of God, to serve the interests of the powerful, to serve
|
||
the interests of the weak, to maximize the common good, or to preserve
|
||
nature against human intrusions. The objectivist position is that the
|
||
proper purpose of the government is to protect the rights of individuals
|
||
by outlawing the initiation of force and fraud from human affairs.
|
||
Objectivism says that the rational way to live in a social context is by
|
||
the principle of individual rights.
|
||
|
||
To review:
|
||
External reality exists independent of the mind.
|
||
Reason allows knowledge of existence.
|
||
Rational choices of action are those which are consistent with
|
||
one's self-interest.
|
||
The rational way to live in a social context is by the principle of
|
||
individual rights.
|
||
|
||
The objectivist political message is this: "The initiation of force is
|
||
bad. In order for the initiation of force to be eliminated, the
|
||
government must protect the individual rights of every citizen and never
|
||
violate these rights itself. After all, rational self-interest is the
|
||
moral ideal, and that is the source of the idea that individuals have
|
||
rights." This is different from the tyrannical ideologies in that it
|
||
doesn't demand that people renounce the control of their lives to the
|
||
government. It demands that the government renounce the violation of
|
||
rights and prevent others from doing so as well. This provides the kind
|
||
of environment where individuals are free to solve their problems,
|
||
economic, personal, environmental, and otherwise.
|
||
|
||
You cannot mix and match these positions. It you believe that the
|
||
foundation of reality is social consensus, how could you conclude that
|
||
individuals have inalienable rights? Maybe next week there will be a
|
||
poll in which most people deny individual rights.
|
||
|
||
If you believe that reality cannot be known, how can you conclude that
|
||
one course of action is actually better than any other?
|
||
|
||
If you conclude that serving God is the ethical ideal, how can you
|
||
consistently defend a secular government? What if God demands theocracy?
|
||
What if God changes his mind?
|
||
|
||
Just as the objectivist ideas of reality, reason, egoism, and individual
|
||
rights are consistent with one another, so are theism, skepticism,
|
||
irrationalism, altruism, and tyranny. If you are consistent (and most
|
||
people are not) you will ultimately have to choose between these
|
||
incompatible systems of ideas.
|
||
|
||
At any point in the philosophical hierarchy, objectivism answers the
|
||
arguments of environmentalists that the "me-tooism" of the kind Bush
|
||
exemplifies cannot.
|
||
|
||
In metaphysics, the environmentalists claim that the ground of existence
|
||
is anything but reality, and that allows them to turn away from the
|
||
facts when it suits them. Objectivism claims that reality is a primary
|
||
which cannot be ignored or wished away.
|
||
|
||
In epistemology, environmentalists claim that religion, intuition, and
|
||
tradition just are as valid as reason and science. Objectivism counters
|
||
this with an insistence on observation and reason. Each position flows
|
||
from the previous metaphysical premises. A conservative who agrees that
|
||
reality is not a primary, but a matter of social consensus, religion, or
|
||
intuition, cannot consistently adopt a pro-scientific position and will
|
||
have to slug it out in the epistemological free-for-all that results
|
||
when one's ideas have no firm ground to stand on.
|
||
|
||
In ethics, environmentalists claim that trees and animals have
|
||
"intrinsic value." How do they know? They "feel it", or God has told
|
||
them so. Without a rational epistemology, how can such claims be
|
||
discredited? A conservative who agrees that non-rational methods of
|
||
thought are valid cannot consistently accuse environmentalists of flaws
|
||
in the way they determine what has value and why. He has thrown away
|
||
every tool that could have disproven the ethical claims of the
|
||
environmentalists.
|
||
|
||
In politics, environmentalists claim that the government knows best how
|
||
to organize society and that individuals ought to be forced to conform
|
||
to the demands of the government as long as the world is being
|
||
maintained in a natural state. They claim that people have no rights if
|
||
the government considers itself to have a good reason to violate them. A
|
||
conservative who simply asserts the existence of rights (using some
|
||
equally flawed epistemology based on emotion, intuition, tradition, or
|
||
revelation) can't even explain what rights are. His arguments are just
|
||
as weak as those of the environmentalists. They typically amount to
|
||
nothing more than appeals to emotion. Such arguments are only empty
|
||
shells. Their foundation has been undercut by a lack of any intellectual
|
||
foundation in ethics.
|
||
|
||
Finally, when the environmentalists claim that this or that law ought to
|
||
be passed or that this or that industry ought to be attacked and
|
||
destroyed, the conservatives show their bankruptcy. They have no
|
||
intellectual arguments with which to combat such laws. They are reduced
|
||
to pathetic me-tooism rather than a principled opposition. They have no
|
||
principles and nothing to build them out of.
|
||
|
||
How have large business concerns reacted to this onslaught? No better
|
||
than the politicians, I am afraid. They have pumped millions of dollars
|
||
into environmentalist groups, and into their own ad campaigns that
|
||
promote their products as being ecologically beneficial. They hope that
|
||
by doing this, they will get the environmentalists to leave them alone.
|
||
They are just as wrong as the supposed opponents of environmentalism in
|
||
government. They too need an intellectual defense of their existence and
|
||
of their freedom, and without one, they will continue answering attacks
|
||
with bribes rather than with moral condemnation.
|
||
|
||
So, how can one fight against this ideology once one concludes that it
|
||
is tyrannical?
|
||
|
||
If you are a part of the political process as either an intellectual, a
|
||
politician, or a voter, you need to take sides. A "moderate" position is
|
||
no more acceptable against environmentalist tyranny than against Nazi or
|
||
Communist tyranny. It you are a businessman, you must stop sanctioning
|
||
your destroyers. Stop supporting environmentalist groups with donations.
|
||
Stop advertising your products as "recyclable". Stop any support of the
|
||
environmental movement that may encroach on your work. Lastly, if you
|
||
are a student, parent, or a teacher, work to restore a sound science
|
||
curriculum to your school. If there are environmentalist materials in
|
||
your curriculum, complain about them. Learning about science is
|
||
important, learning environmentalist pseudo-science is not, and every
|
||
hour wasted discussing the apocalypse of the month is time that could
|
||
have been spent studying important things like literature, science,
|
||
history, and math. Youth is too important to waste on pseudo-scientific
|
||
propaganda.
|
||
|
||
When citizens are presented with a tyrannical ideology, they can either
|
||
accept the package deal and suffer the consequences or recognize it for
|
||
the trap it is and reject it. Germany, Russia, and Cambodia failed to do
|
||
so, and suffered the horrible consequences we have all seen.
|
||
|
||
It you were a fisherman, you might offer advice to nearby fish along the
|
||
following lines: "Worms taste good. This tidbit contains a worm. In
|
||
order for you to benefit from the worm, you have to swallow it all the
|
||
way down. After all, eating is the most important thing fish do, and
|
||
that's all I'm suggesting. Don't look too closely, it'll be tasty this
|
||
time." I hope I have helped to cleared the way for you to see that
|
||
environmentalism is a worm on a hook. I urge you not to take the bait.
|
||
|
||
Thank you.
|
||
|
||
[The following is not part of the original speech.]
|
||
|
||
Remarks by Mike Sivertsen
|
||
|
||
On page 16 Mr. Yoder states: "It you conclude that serving God is the
|
||
ethical ideal, how can you consistently defend a secular government?"
|
||
|
||
A secular government which departs from the principles of our U.S.
|
||
Constitution and the first ten Amendments does not warrant a
|
||
consistent defense; rather effort should be directed to changing it
|
||
or replacing it with one that does. This is clearly stated in the
|
||
Declaration of Independence:
|
||
|
||
"... We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men
|
||
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator
|
||
with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life,
|
||
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these
|
||
rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their
|
||
just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever
|
||
any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it
|
||
is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to
|
||
institute new government, laying its foundation on such
|
||
principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to
|
||
them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and
|
||
happiness..."
|
||
|
||
If one equates serving God with defending any and all secular
|
||
governments then Marxism is on an equal footing with our original
|
||
republic. Our Constitution has been subverted by elected representatives
|
||
and by court decisions which make law rather than passing upon the
|
||
constitutionality of it. The Constitution demands strict adherence in
|
||
order to preserve the most successful form of government in history. Our
|
||
Constitution does not need to be changed, rather it is those who have
|
||
run it into the ground who must be replaced. Evil prospers when good men
|
||
do nothing.
|
||
|
||
On page 16 Mr. Yoder states: "What if God demands theocracy? What if God
|
||
changes his mind?"
|
||
|
||
God does NOT change His mind. Malachi 3:6a in the Old Testament states
|
||
"For I [am] the Lord, I change not..."
|
||
|
||
|