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<xml><p>Article 11142 of alt.activism:
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From: dave@ratmandu.corp.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
Newsgroups: alt.activism,alt.conspiracy
Subject: the INSLAW case:  Murder in the Martinsburg Sheraton?
Keywords: when justice is denied one citizen, everyone is in danger
<info type="Message-ID"> 1991Oct15.160108.29321@odin.corp.sgi.com</info>
Date: 15 Oct 91 16:01:08 GMT
Sender: news@odin.corp.sgi.com (Net News)
Organization: Silicon Graphics, Inc.
Lines: 195</p>

<p>  The House Judiciary Committee has been investigating the scandal
   since August 1989.  After months of foot-dragging, Attorney General
   Richard Thornburgh, under subpoena by the committee, finally
   released Inslaw-related files.  However, according to a source in
   the House, 15 to 20 files are missing.
  "Washington Post" columnist Mary McGrory is one of the few
   mainstream journalists to give the Inslaw case serious attention.
   She wrote on August 18, "The man who could have resolved the Inslaw
   case, Dick Thornburgh, resigned as attorney general on the day the
   West Virginia police came forward with their autopsy [on Casolaro].
   . . .  What was merely sinister has now turned deadly.  Thornburgh
   calls Inslaw `a little contract dispute' and refused to testify
   about it to the House Judiciary Committee.  Richardson thinks it
   could be `dirtier than Watergate,' and, as a victim of the scandal,
   he should know.  Thornburgh's conduct is the most powerful reason
   for believing that Danny Casolaro really saw an octopus before he
   died."</p>

<p>from "The First Stone" column of the Sept. 4-10 1991 issue of "In These
Times":
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
   Murder in the Martinsburg Sheraton?
    By Joel Bleifuss</p>

<p>   For more than a year, Danny Casolaro, a Washington D.C.-based
   freelance investigator, had been sorting through a web of intrigue-
   -the S&amp;L debacle, BCCI, Iran-Contra, the contra-connected Wackenhut
   Corp., the Wackenhut-connected Inslaw case, and the Inslaw-connected
   "October Surprise."
  According to one of his close friends, who asked not to be named,
   Casolaro began receiving death threats eight or nine months ago.
   "Brother, just make it quick," Casolaro is reported to have told one
   of these midnight callers.  The last threat came on Monday, August
   5, according to his brother, Anthony.
  How quick death came we may never know.  On Saturday, August 10,
   Casolaro was found dead in Room 517 of the Martinsburg, W. Va.,
   Sheraton.  His body was discovered with 12 incisions in his arms in
   a bathtub of bloody water 17 hours after he had called his mother's
   house at 6 p.m. Friday to say he was heading home but that he would
   not make it to his niece's birthday party.  On the following Monday
   Martinsburg authorities notified the family of Casolaro's death, but
   by then the body had been embalmed and the motel room had been
   sanitized by a cleaning contractor.  Officials are calling the
   incident an "unattended death" while they continue their
   investigation.  Family and friends say that suicide is out of the
   question.  They maintain that Casolaro was not a depressive type,
   and that while he did have financial problems, he did not dwell on
   them.
  According to family and friends, before leaving for Martinsburg,
   Casolaro had been ecstatic.  The pieces of the puzzle were finally
   fitting together.  He had told them he was going to West Virginia to
   meet a source who was to help him nail down a last piece of evidence
   in his investigation into the Inslaw software-theft case.
  Those close to Casolaro want many questions answered.  Where is
   his ever-present briefcase?  It was not in motel room.  Where is his
   tape deck?  It is missing.  Where were his notes and the outline of
   his proposed book, "Behold a Pale Horse," which he had shown to
   friends days before his death?  The documents were not to found in
   the Sheraton motel room or in the four boxes of his papers that the
   family turned over to ABC News.  Why did authorities wait so long to
   notify the family of his death?  His driver's license said he lived
   in Falls Church, Va., and all the Casolaros listed in the 703 area
   code are his relatives.  Why was his body embalmed before the family
   was notified?  West Virginia law requires family approval prior to
   embalming.  Who was the man who telephoned Casolaro's house on
   Saturday evening?  When a housekeeper picked up the phone, a voice
   said, "You're dead, you bastard."</p>

<p>   MOTIVE FOR MURDER?  What was Casolaro investigating that could have
   put his life in such danger?  David MacMichael is a former CIA
   analyst who now directs the Washington office of the Association of
   National Security Alumni, a watchdog group.  MacMichael had talked
   to Casolaro on the phone on Thursday, the day he left for
   Martinsburg.  Casolaro had made an appointment to meet with him.
  Says MacMichael, "Providing the death was not a suicide, one can
   examine three scenarios."  First, Casolaro was developing a theory
   that a group of former intelligence officers were members of a for-
   profit cabal that Casolaro called "The Octopus."  According to his
   theory, over the past 25 years The Octopus had its tentacles in a
   number of international scandals.  MacMichael doesn't think such a
   far-fetched-sounding theory would get Casolaro killed.  "If you
   published their names, pictures and documents, what kind of book
   would you have?" asks MacMichael.  It would be dismissed, according
   to MacMichael, like "a UFO crank book."
  Second, Casolaro was looking into the October Surprise, the
   alleged deal between the 1980 Reagan presidential campaign and
   Iranians.  That his death would be connected to this investigation
   is "nonsense" says MacMichael, who explains that many journalists
   are now investigating the 1980 deal, making it unlikely that
   Casolaro had information significant enough to endanger his life.
  Which leads to the third scenario, that Casolaro was on his way
   to collect the final evidence needed to wrap up his investigation of
   a scandal that, as MacMichael put it, involves "real crimes, real
   people and real money"--the Inslaw case.  (See "In These Times," May
   29 ["Software Pirates" posted on-line previously].)</p>

<p>   INSLAW MEETS THE LAW:  For eight years, Inslaw Inc, has been
   battling the Justice Department for possession of Promis, an
   innovative case-management software program developed by company
   owner Bill Hamilton.  In 1986 Inslaw filed suit against the
   department in federal court, claiming the department had stolen the
   program.
  In September 1987, Judge George Bason, the federal bankruptcy
   judge from Washington, D.C., ruled, "The Department of Justice took,
   converted, stole Inslaw's enhanced Promis by trickery, fraud and
   deceit."  He also charged, "The failure even to begin in investigate
   [these charges] is outrageous and indefensible and constitutes an
   institutional decision by the Department of Justice at the highest
   level simply to ignore charges of impropriety."
  The Justice Department appealed the ruling, and in November 1989,
   Judge William B. Bryant of the U.S. District Court in Washington
   affirmed the lower court's decision.  He ruled, "The government
   acted willfully and fraudulently to obtain property that it was not
   entitled to under contract.
  The Justice Department then appealed Bryant's ruling to the U.S.
   Circuit Court of Appeals in Washington, D.C.  On May 7 that court
   overturned the previous court decisions, saying the federal
   bankruptcy court lacked jurisdiction to hear the case.  However, the
   Court of Appeals left the findings of fact undisturbed.
  Earlier this year, the case took a new twist.  Inslaw went public
   with allegations that the Reagan Justice Department, after it had
   stolen the Promis software, turned it over to Earl Brian, a friend
   of both former President Ronald Reagan and former Attorney General
   Edwin Meese.  In 1974, Brian left then-California Gov. Reagan's
   cabinet.
  Inslaw alleges that its software was given to Brian as a payback
   for Brian's help in arranging the arms-and-hostages deal between the
   1980 Reagan-Bush campaign and representatives of the Ayatollah
   Ruhollah Khomeini (see "In These Times," July 24, 1987, Oct. 12,
   1988, and April 27, 1991).  According to Inslaw owner Bill Hamilton,
   Brian, who runs United Press International, allegedly then marketed
   Promis to the intelligence agencies of Israel, Jordan, Iraq, Canada,
   South Korea, Libya, Great Britain, Germany, France, Australia,
   Thailand, Japan, Chile, Guatemala and Brazil.  According to Inslaw's
   scenario, once the software was in use by foreign intelligence
   services, the U.S. National Security Agency would then be able to
   infiltrate the computerized intelligence files of these countries.
   Modifications on the pirated software were allegedly carried out by
   the Wackenhut Corp. of Coral Gables, Fla.</p>

<p>   WHERE IS JUSTICE?:  Inslaw's attorney, Elliot Richardson, the Nixon
   attorney general who resigned rather than participate in the
   Watergate cover-up, has long asked for the appointment of a special
   prosecutor to investigate the Justice Department's handling of the
   case.  But to no avail.
  The House Judiciary Committee has been investigating the scandal
   since August 1989.  After months of foot-dragging, Attorney General
   Richard Thornburgh, under subpoena by the committee, finally
   released Inslaw-related files.  However, according to a source in
   the House, 15 to 20 files are missing.
  "Washington Post" columnist Mary McGrory is one of the few
   mainstream journalists to give the Inslaw case serious attention.
   She wrote on August 18, "The man who could have resolved the Inslaw
   case, Dick Thornburgh, resigned as attorney general on the day the
   West Virginia police came forward with their autopsy [on Casolaro].
   Excess was the hallmark of the Thornburgh's farewell ceremony:  an
   honor guard, a trooping of the colors, superlatives form
   subordinates.  William P. Barr, his deputy and possible successor,
   spoke of Thornburgh's `leadership, integrity, professionalism and
   fairness'--none of which Thornburgh displayed in his handling of
   Inslaw.  What was merely sinister has now turned deadly.  Thornburgh
   calls Inslaw `a little contract dispute' and refused to testify
   about it to the House Judiciary Committee.  Richardson thinks it
   could be `dirtier than Watergate,' and, as a victim of the scandal,
   he should know.  Thornburgh's conduct is the most powerful reason
   for believing that Danny Casolaro really saw an octopus before he
   died."
  And in the wake of Casolaro's death, Richardson has repeated his
   call for a special prosecutor.  He told the "Boston Globe"'s John
   Aloysius Farrell, "It's hard to come up with any reason for his
   death other than he was deliberately murdered because he was close
   to uncovering sinister elements in what he called `The Octopus.'
   This simply strengthens the case for an in-depth, hard-hitting,
   thorough investigation."
  But will there be one?  The FBI is treating the death lightly.
   According to a spokesman in the Pittsburgh office, which has
   jurisdiction over West Virginia, "There is no federal investigative
   interest in the matter."
  As for former Attorney General Thornburgh, he is now running for
   the Senate in Pennsylvania. If Justice is served, perhaps he will
   also run for cover.</p>

<p>--
     daveus rattus</p>

<p>   yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>

<p>    KOYAANISQATSI</p>

<p> ko.yan.nis.qatsi (from the Hopi Language)  n.  1. crazy life.  2. life
 in turmoil.  3. life out of balance.  4. life disintegrating.
   5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.

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