mirror of
https://github.com/nhammer514/textfiles-politics.git
synced 2024-12-17 19:54:27 -05:00
188 lines
10 KiB
Plaintext
188 lines
10 KiB
Plaintext
<conspiracyFile>THE SANCTITY OF PRIVATE PROPERTY--PART 2
|
|
By JACOB G. HORNBERGER
|
|
The last thing which Americans of today wish to face is that
|
|
they have abandoned the principles of private property on
|
|
which the United States were founded. In last August's Freedom
|
|
Daily, I pointed to two examples of where the American people
|
|
have permitted their public officials to assume absolute and
|
|
total control over private property: income taxation and
|
|
licensing of occupations. Let us examine two additional
|
|
examples to assist us in destroying the myth of the sanctity
|
|
of private property in 20th-century America: international
|
|
trade and the oil business.
|
|
One of the favorite pastimes of Americans is to look down
|
|
their noses at the socialist systems which are now crumbling
|
|
all over the world. Americans honestly believe that the
|
|
American system of "free enterprise" has prevailed in the
|
|
battle of "capitalism" vs. socialism; and they believe that
|
|
the world should now simply copy the "private property" system
|
|
of the American people.
|
|
But what is it about the socialist countries which Americans
|
|
find so objectionable? After all, the socialist nations embody
|
|
much of that which Americans would never consider abandoning
|
|
in the U.S.: free housing and medical care for the poor, the
|
|
prohibition of private citizens from gaining significantly
|
|
high amounts of wealth, free schooling for all children, and
|
|
inexpensive food for everyone.
|
|
But one of the most significant characteristics of the
|
|
socialist systems is government control over a citizen's
|
|
ability to sell goods and services to people in other parts of
|
|
the world. In other words, the essence of the socialist
|
|
societies in regard to international trade is that the
|
|
government reigns supreme over the individual and his
|
|
property; that is, all property in the nation, even when legal
|
|
title is nominally held in the name of private citizens, is
|
|
either owned or controlled by the political authorities.
|
|
One of the best examples of this lies ninety miles away from
|
|
American shores. In Cuba, a nation guided by the principles of
|
|
free public housing, free medical care, free public schooling,
|
|
and inexpensive food for the populace, people are not
|
|
permitted to sell goods and services to others around the
|
|
world without the permission of their government officials.
|
|
The government takes the position that all property ultimately
|
|
belongs to "the people" and, therefore, subject to political
|
|
control.
|
|
Americans rightfully object to the Cuban way of life. But they
|
|
have a terrible time recognizing that these same principles
|
|
are found in 20th-century America. Like his Cuban counterpart,
|
|
no American is free to sell, without the permission of his
|
|
public officials, what supposedly belongs to him to people
|
|
around the world. If an American, for example, decides to sell
|
|
a quantity of wheat or penicillin
|
|
to the Cuban people, he is prohibited from doing so by his own
|
|
politicians and bureaucrats. In fact, if an American even
|
|
travels to Cuba without permission of his public officials, he
|
|
is incarcerated and fined. This was exemplified last year when
|
|
an American fisherman was actually sent to jail by American
|
|
authorities for organizing a fishing trip to Cuba.
|
|
Now, the American government officials justify this
|
|
prohibition on the basis of the Cuban ruler, Fidel Castro,
|
|
being a bad communist (as compared to the apparently "good"
|
|
communists of Red China with whom Americans are permitted to
|
|
trade). But the problem lies not with the American
|
|
government's determination of who are good communists and who
|
|
are bad ones. The problem lies in the American people
|
|
permitting their politicians and bureaucrats to assume and
|
|
exercise the same power over their lives and property as that
|
|
found in such nations as Cuba and China.
|
|
And despite the fact that the American government maintains
|
|
ultimate control over the buying and selling decisions of the
|
|
American people, Americans continue to believe that when
|
|
American government officials have this control, it is a
|
|
private property system; and that only when Cuban, Chinese, or
|
|
Soviet government officials have it, is it considered a
|
|
socialist system.
|
|
What would be a true private property system? One in which the
|
|
individual is free to buy and sell goods and services anywhere
|
|
in the world without the interference of his public officials.
|
|
And it would be a way of life in which people were trading not
|
|
because the politicians and bureaucrats permitted them to do
|
|
so but rather because they have the absolute right to sell
|
|
whatever belongs to them to anyone anywhere in the world.
|
|
A second example of this myth of private property in America:
|
|
oil and gas. Despite their commitment to "free enterprise" and
|
|
"private property," the American people believe that whenever
|
|
a person owns what other Americans need, the politicians and
|
|
bureaucrats must take control over it and redistribute it to
|
|
the needy.
|
|
The best illustration of this tendency toward the socialist
|
|
principle of public ownership or control over the means of
|
|
production concerns oil and gas. Whenever the owner of oil or
|
|
gas decides to sell his product at a higher price than that
|
|
which American consumers decide is "reasonable," the
|
|
politicians and bureaucrats, as a result of political pressure
|
|
from the American people, threaten not only to prohibit him,
|
|
through price controls, from doing so, but also to take away,
|
|
through a windfall profits tax, whatever "unjust" profits the
|
|
producer has made. In other words, while proclaiming the
|
|
superiority of the American "free enterprise" system over
|
|
socialist systems in which governments maintain extensive
|
|
controls over prices and profits, the American people approve
|
|
of these same socialist principles in their own nation. But,
|
|
of course, they do so under the rubric of the American
|
|
"private property" system rather than under the American
|
|
"socialist" system.
|
|
One of the ironies is that during depressed economic
|
|
conditions, when some oil companies go broke or bankrupt, the
|
|
American people take the attitude of, "That's their problem.
|
|
They chose to go into the oil business, and they can't cry
|
|
when it fails to pan out." But when conditions change, and
|
|
demand for the product suddenly increases, Americans take the
|
|
same attitude as their counterparts in China, the Soviet
|
|
Union, and Cuba: "It's not fair for others to have more when I
|
|
have less. I need the oil and gas. He's gouging me. I am
|
|
'forced' to pay these high prices. Take his product and his
|
|
income away from him and give it to me."
|
|
And another irony is that when price controls are instituted,
|
|
the problems which arise from those controls are never blamed
|
|
on the controls themselves. Instead, just like in other
|
|
socialist countries, the problems are always blamed on others,
|
|
usually "the evil, greedy, profit-seeking, bourgeoisie swine
|
|
of a capitalist pig."
|
|
The best example of this was the price controls imposed on the
|
|
oil industry by the American government in the 1970s. What was
|
|
the result of those controls? The same result found in the
|
|
Soviet Union, China, and Cuba when price controls are imposed
|
|
there: shortages and long lines. But did the American people
|
|
blame them on the political controls themselves? Of course
|
|
not. That would have been considered unpatriotic. So, the
|
|
shortages and long lines were blamed on American oil-
|
|
producers. And how do Americans explain the fact that no
|
|
shortages and long lines have developed as a result of the
|
|
recent Middle East crisis? They are unable to do so because
|
|
they have no idea only political control over prices, and not
|
|
private owners and producers of oil and gas, create shortages
|
|
and long lines.
|
|
The major disaster of price controls and windfall profits, of
|
|
course, is the abandonment of the sanctity of private
|
|
property. But the secondary disaster is that the economic
|
|
situation always becomes worse as a result of the political
|
|
intervention. People do not realize that prices are simply the
|
|
market's method of providing signals in the same way that a
|
|
thermometer uses temperature to provide signals. High prices
|
|
are simply the market's way of telling people to produce more
|
|
and consume less. But rather than permit the signals to guide
|
|
the actions of producers and consumers, the American people
|
|
pressure their rulers to break the thermometer. Rather than
|
|
cope with the bad news which the messenger has brought, people
|
|
instead choose to kill him. And the inevitable result is just
|
|
like that found in socialist countries everywhere: shortages,
|
|
long lines, and general market chaos.
|
|
What Americans of today recognize so well with respect to
|
|
other nations, but unfortunately refuse to see in their own
|
|
country, is that people can never be free whenever public
|
|
officials maintain ultimate control over the disposition of
|
|
their property. Like their counterparts in countries all over
|
|
the world, unfortunately Americans have a terribly difficult
|
|
time "letting go" of the apparent security of political
|
|
control over the means of production. Proclaiming the virtues
|
|
of freedom and private property for people in other parts of
|
|
the world, Americans are terribly fearful of trying it for
|
|
themselves. And it is this paralyzing fear of freedom that
|
|
causes Americans to continue their deep emotional and
|
|
psychological commitment to the 20th-century myth of American
|
|
"free enterprise" and "private property."
|
|
When will private property truly be sanctified not only in the
|
|
U.S. but in other nations as well? Only when the time comes
|
|
when people stop believing that they have a right to take away
|
|
what belongs to someone else. There are fewer more destructive
|
|
forces than the belief that it is acceptable to covet and
|
|
steal what belongs to another as long as it is done through
|
|
the political process. Whether it involves a person's income,
|
|
his occupational pursuits, his goods and services, or his
|
|
trading decisions, the succumbing to the urge to take from
|
|
those who have more will always result in the impoverishment
|
|
or destruction of the people of a nation regardless of whether
|
|
they are Romans, British, Soviet, Chinese, Cubans, and, yes,
|
|
even Americans. As our American ancestors understood so well,
|
|
only those nations which have a political system which
|
|
protects free economic activity are those nations in which the
|
|
citizenry are blessed with peace, prosperity, and harmony.
|
|
Mr. Hornberger is founder and president of The Future of
|
|
Freedom Foundation, P.O. Box 9752, Denver, CO 80209.
|
|
<div>
|
|
From the January 1991 issue of FREEDOM DAILY,
|
|
Copyright (c) 1991, The Future of Freedom Foundation,
|
|
PO Box 9752, Denver, Colorado 80209, <data type="phoneNumber">303-777-3588</data>.
|
|
Permission granted to reprint; please give appropriate credit
|
|
and send one copy of reprinted material to the Foundation.</conspiracyFile> |