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<h2>cncjb017</h2>
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<p> (The Elkhorn Manifesto) </p>
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<p> SHADOW OF THE SWASTIKA:</p>
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<p> The Real Reason the Government Won't Debate Medical Cannabis and
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Industrial Hemp Re-legalization</p>
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<p> An Open Letter to All Americans by R. William Davis </p>
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<p> Documented Evidence of a Secret Business and Political Alliance
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Between the U.S. "Establishment" and the Nazis - Before, During and
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After World War II - up to the Present. </p>
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<p> PREFACE </p>
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<p> Before the Gatewood Galbraith for Governor Campaign in 1991, few
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Kentuckians knew that the plant that the federal government had
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demonized for over 50 years as "Marijuana - Assassin of Youth," was,
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in fact, Cannabis Hemp, the most traded commodity in the world until
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the mid-1800s, and our state's number one crop, industry, and most
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important source of revenue, for over 150 years. </p>
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<p> Today, thanks to the efforts of pioneer hemp researchers and public
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advocates such as Galbraith, Jack Fraizer, Jack Herer, Chris Conrad,
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Ed Rosenthal, Don Wirtshafter and others, the federal government's
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unjustifiable suppression of our state's right to develop our most
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valuable and versatile natural resource, is facing increasing
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opposition from an informed public. Hemp is now recognized as the
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number one agriculturally renewable raw material in the world, and
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perhaps the only crop / industry which can guarantee us industrial
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and economic independence from the trans-national corporations. </p>
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<p> "Shadow of the Swastika" is a follow-up to my earlier work,
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"Cannabis Hemp: the Invisible Prohibition Revealed," which I wrote
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and published in support of the Galbraith Campaign. Since
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publication of that booklet, there has been growing public
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acceptance of the evidence that Marijuana Prohibition was created in
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1937, not to protect society from the "evils of the drug Marijuana,"
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as the Federal government claimed, but as an act of deliberate
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economic and industrial sabotage against the re-emerging Industrial
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Hemp Industry. </p>
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<p> Previous investigations by hemp researchers have been limited to
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the suppression of free-market competition from the hemp industry,
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and focused on the activities of three prominent members of
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America's corporate, industrial and banking establishment during the
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mid-to late-1930s: </p>
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<p> WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST, the newspaper and magazine tycoon.</p>
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<p> The expected rebirth of cannabis hemp as a less expensive source of
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pulp for paper meant his millions of acres of prime timberland, and
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investment in wood pulp papermaking equipment, would soon be worth
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much less. In the 1920s, about the same time as the equipment was
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developed to economically mass-produce raw hemp into pulp and fiber
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for paper, he began the "Reefer Madness" hoax in his newspaper and
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magazine publications.</p>
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<p> ANDREW MELLON, founder of the Gulf Oil Corporation.</p>
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<p> He knew that cannabis hemp was an alternative industrial raw
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material for the production of thousands of products, including fuel
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and plastics, which, if allowed to compete in the free-market, would
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threaten the future profits of the oil companies. As Secretary of
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the Treasury he created the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, and
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appointed his own future nephew-in-law, Harry Anslinger, as
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director. Anslinger would later use the sensational, and totally
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fabricated, articles published by Hearst, to push the Marijuana Tax
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Act of 1937 through Congress, which successfully destroyed the
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rebirth of the cannabis hemp industry. </p>
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<p> A prominent member of one Congressional subcommittee who voted in
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favor of this bill was Joseph Guffey of <span class="GPE">Pennsylvania</span>, an oil tycoon
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and former business partner of Andrew Mellon in the Spindletop oil
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fields in Texas.</p>
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<p> THE DU PONT CHEMICAL CORPORATION,</p>
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<p> which owned the patents on synthetic petrochemicals and industrial
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processes that promised billions of dollars in future profits from
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the sale of wood pulp paper, lead additives for gasoline, synthetic
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fibers and plastics, if hemp could be suppressed. At the time, du
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Pont family influence in both government and the private sector was
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unmatched, according to historians and journalists.</p>
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<p> This publication, however, reveals documented historical evidence
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that the suppression of the hemp industry was only one key part of a
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much larger conspiracy in the 1930s, not only by the three corporate
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interests named above, but by many others, as well. </p>
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<p> Congressional records, FBI reports and investigations by the
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Justice Department, during the 1930s and 1940s, have already
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documented evidence of this wider plot. A list of the corporations
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named include Du Pont, Standard Oil, and General Motors, all of
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which were proven to be conspiring with Nazi industrial cartels to
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eliminate competition world-wide and divide among themselves the
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Earth's industrial resources and commercial markets, for profitable
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exploitation. </p>
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<p> This conspiracy succeeded. It is now obvious that this lack of
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serious competition in the industrial raw materials market caused
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our present - and totally contrived - addiction to petrochemicals.
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Its success is directly responsible for the most troubling problems
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we now face in the 1990s; serious damage to our environment,
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concentration of economic and political power into fewer and fewer
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hands, and the weakening of the rights of individuals and states to
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determine their own futures. </p>
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<p> It is more and more evident that, given the historical record, the
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structure of the New World Order is being built upon the Foundation
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of Marijuana Prohibition, and only the relegalization of free-market
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hemp competition can save us.</p>
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<p> R. William Davis July 4, 1996 Louisville, Kentucky</p>
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<p> INTRODUCTION </p>
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<p> To clearly understand the circumstances which existed during the
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1930s and 1940s, and are the subject of this booklet, it would be
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helpful to first put the hemp / petrochemical conflict into
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historical perspective. The events which took place in the years
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leading up to World War II were a continuation of a struggle between
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agricultural and industrial interests that began before the American
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Revolution, a struggle which has yet to be decided, even today. </p>
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<p> AGRICULTURE VS. INDUSTRY </p>
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<p> The historical record, at least as it has been presented to us in
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the public school system, is that the Civil War was fought to end
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slavery. This is not the whole story. The truth of the matter is
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that it was also a clash between <span class="PERSON">Northern</span> industrialists and
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Southern agriculturists, over control of the expansion into the
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newly opened West. </p>
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<p> In 1845, Abraham Lincoln wrote, "I hold it a paramount duty of us
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in the free states due to the union of the states, and perhaps to
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liberty itself, to let the slavery of other states alone." (1) </p>
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<p> Concerning the Western territories, he said "The whole Nation is
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interested that the best use shall be made of these territories. We
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want them for homes and free white people. This they cannot be, to
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any considerable extent, if slavery be planted within them." (2) </p>
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<p> Lincoln was caught in the middle between the <span class="PERSON">Northern</span>
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industrialists and the Southern agriculturists, who both wanted to
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dominate Western expansion because of the wealth it offered. The
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industrialists knew that the agriculturists depended on slavery
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because cotton, upon which Southern wealth was based, was very labor
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intensive and required the inexpensive labor that slavery provided.
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They knew that if the Western lands were declared "free states" then
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the Southern agriculturists would be unable to compete, and would be
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forced to leave Western expansion, and its potential profits, to the
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<span class="PERSON">Northern</span> industrialists. </p>
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<p> Quoting "The Irony of Democracy," by Thomas R. Dye and T. Harmon
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Zeigler,</p>
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<p> "The importance of the Civil War for America's elite structure was
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the commanding position that the new industrial capitalists won
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during the course of the struggle. . . . The economic transformation
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of the United States from an agricultural to an industrial nation
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reached the crescendo of a revolution in the second half of the
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nineteenth century. </p>
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<p> "Civil War profits compounded the capital of the industrialists and
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placed them in a position to dominate the economic life of the
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nation. Moreover, when the Southern planters were removed from the
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national scene, the government in Washington became the exclusive
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domain of the new industrial leaders." (3)</p>
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<p> The <span class="PERSON">Northern</span> industrialists used this increased capital to build
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the system of transcontinental railways, linking the <span class="PERSON">Northeast</span> with
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both the South and West. The labor for this undertaking was from the
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<span class="PERSON">Northeast</span>ern Establishment's own source of cheap labor - recently
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freed slaves and poor immigrants from Europe and China - who
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suffered under living conditions which were often little better than
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those which existed under the Slave System just a few years before. </p>
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<p> It was during the years between the Civil War and the beginning of
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the Twentieth Century that the <span class="PERSON">Northern</span> industrialists altered the
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role of the American government. Originally established by the
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Revolution to protect and preserve the lives, property and freedoms
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of all Americans from repressive government, it was transformed into
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an agency to protect the economic future of <span class="PERSON">Northern</span> industrialists. </p>
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<p> "[T]he industrial elites," according to Dye and Zeigler, "saw no
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objection to legislation if it furthered their success in business.
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Unrestricted competition might prove who was the fittest, but as an
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added precaution to insure that the industrial capitalists
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themselves emerged as the fittest, these new elites also insisted
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upon government subsidies, patents, tariffs, loans, and massive
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giveaways of land and other natural resources." (4) </p>
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<p> The struggle between Western farmers and the railroads owned by the
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<span class="PERSON">Northern</span> industrialists is a good example. To protect their
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interests, citizens created "the Grange," an organization which
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helped to enact state laws regulating the "ruthless aggression" of
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the railroads. In 1877, these laws were upheld by the Supreme Court
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in the Munn v. Illinois decision. But, a few years later, Justice
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Stephen A. Field changed the role, and the very definition, of the
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corporation. He gave a new interpretation to the Fourteenth
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Amendment that actually gave corporations legal status as citizens .
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. . as artificial persons. (5) </p>
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<p> It was not long after this change in the interpretation of the
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Fourteenth Amendment that John D. <span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span>, the father of the
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modern-day corporation, created the great Standard Oil Corporation
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which, by the late 1880s, gained control over 90% of all the oil
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refineries in America. (6) </p>
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<p> The roots of 20th Century American politics can best be illustrated
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by the 1896 Presidential Election, won by Republican William
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McKinley by a landslide. The McKinley campaign was directed by
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Marcus Alonzo Hanna of Standard Oil and raised a $16000000
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campaign fund from wealthy fellow industrialists, (an amount that
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was unmatched in Presidential campaigns until the 1960s). The major
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theme of the campaign, and one that would echo far into the future,
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was "what's good for business is good for the country." (7) </p>
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<p> This emerging political and judicial misuse of power in America was
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feared by Thomas Jefferson who, in 1787, wrote, "I think our
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governments will remain virtuous for many centuries; as long as they
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remain chiefly agricultural; and this will be as long as there shall
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be vacant lands in any part of America. When they get piled upon one
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another in large cities as in Europe they will become corrupt as in
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Europe." (8) </p>
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<p> It is important to remember that the American Revolution was a
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clash between the agriculturists in the colonies, and the British
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industrialists who controlled the government in England. Almost 100
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years later the Civil War was fought as a continuation of the same
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basic struggle, but with the victory going back to the
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industrialists. This began the erosion of the American government
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"of the people, for the people and by the people." The buying of the
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1896 Presidential Election, by Hanna of Standard Oil and the
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<span class="PERSON">Northern</span> industrial interests, was the next important step on the
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long road to the American government "of the corporation, for the
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corporation and by the corporation." </p>
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<p> A few years later, World War I would forge an even closer
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relationship between corporations and government in the United
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States, as well as around the world. Anthony Sampson, in his book
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"The Arms Bazaar," notes that "the American companies, led by US
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Steel and du Pont, were transformed by war orders. US Steel, which
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had absorbed Carnegie's old steel company, had made average annual
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profits in the four pre-war years of $105 million, while in the four
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war years they were $240 million; and du Pont's average profit went
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up from $6 million to $58 million. . . . </p>
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<p> "Certainly the arms companies had become much richer through the
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war, and there were widespread suspicions that they were actually
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trying to prolong it." (9) </p>
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<p> The bottom line is, of course, victory or profit, and in what
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proportions? To what lengths would this nation's top industrial
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leaders go to secure their share of the profits before and during
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the next "war to end all war?" </p>
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<p> NOTES: INTRODUCTION</p>
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<p> 1.American Political Tradition, Hofstadter, p. 109. (As reprinted
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in The Irony of Democracy, Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler, p.
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72) 2.American Political Tradition, p. 113. (As reprinted in The
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Irony of Democracy, p. 72) 3.Irony of Democracy, p. 73 4.Ibid., p.
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74 5.Ibid., p. 75 6.Ibid., p. 76 7.Ibid., p. 82 8.Ibid., p. 62 9.The
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Arms Bazaar, Anthony Sampson, p. 65</p>
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<p> U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS </p>
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<p> "A clique of U.S. industrialists is hell-bent to bring a fascist
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state to supplant our democratic government and is working closely
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with the fascist regime in Germany and Italy. I have had plenty of
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opportunity in my post in Berlin to witness how close some of our
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American ruling families are to the Nazi regime. . . . </p>
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<p> "Certain American industrialists had a great deal to do with
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bringing fascist regimes into being in both Germany and Italy. They
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extended aid to help Fascism occupy the seat of power, and they are
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helping to keep it there." - William E. <span class="PERSON">Dodd</span>, U.S. Ambassador to
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Germany, 1937.(1)</p>
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<p> A large volume of documentary evidence exists that reveals that
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many of the richest, most powerful men in the United States, and the
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giant corporations they controlled, were secretly allied with the
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Nazis, both before and during World War II, even after war was
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declared between Germany and America. This alliance began with U.S.
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corporate investment during the reconstruction of post-World War I
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Germany in the 1920s and, years later, included financial,
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industrial and military aid to the Nazis. </p>
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<p> On the pages which follow we will review which prominent Americans
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and corporations were involved, what aid and comfort they gave our
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nation's enemies - treasonable offenses during time of war, and
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investigations into these matters which produced evidence of a
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US/Nazi corporate conspiracy to bring a fascist state to America,
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and eliminate competition in the industrial raw materials market in
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order to force world-wide dependance on oil-based petrochemicals. </p>
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<p> WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST </p>
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<p> Hearst, who was so concerned about the American public's health and
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safety on the matter of marijuana use, apparently had no such fears
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when it came to Hitler and the Nazis. According to journalist George
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Seldes:</p>
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<p> ". . . Hitler had the support of the most widely circulated
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magazine in history, 'Readers Digest,' as well as nineteen big-city
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newspapers and one of the three great American news agencies, the
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$220-million Hearst press empire. </p>
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<p> ". . . William Randolph Hearst, Sr., . . . was the lord of all the
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press lords in the United States. The millions who read the Hearst
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newspapers and magazines and saw Hearst newsreels in the nation's
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moviehouses had their minds poisoned by Hitler propaganda. </p>
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<p> "It was . . . disclosed first to President Roosevelt [by Ambassador
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<span class="PERSON">Dodd</span>] almost on the day it happened, in September 1934, and it is
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detailed in the book 'Ambassador Dodd's Diary,' published in 1941,
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and again in libel-proof documents on file in the courts of the
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state of New York. William E. <span class="PERSON">Dodd</span>, professor of history [at the
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University of Chicago], told me about the Hearst sell-out . . . </p>
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<p> "According to Ambassador <span class="PERSON">Dodd</span>, Hearst came to take the waters at
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Bad Nauheim in September 1934, and <span class="PERSON">Dodd</span> somehow learned immediately
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that Hitler had sent two of his most trusted Nazi propagandists,
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Hanfstangel and Rosenberg, to ask Hearst how Nazism could present a
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better image in the United States. When Hearst went to Berlin later
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in the month, he was taken to see Hitler." </p>
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<p> Seldes reports that a $400000 a year deal was struck between
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Hearst and Hitler, and signed by Doctor Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi
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propaganda minister. "Hearst," continues Seldes, "completely changed
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the editorial policy of his nineteen daily newspapers the same month
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he got the money." </p>
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<p> In the court documents filed on behalf of Dan Gillmor, publisher of
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a magazine named "Friday," in response to a lawsuit by Hearst, under
|
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item 61, he states: "Promptly after this said visit with Adolf
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Hitler and the making of said arrangements. . . said plaintiff,
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William Randolph Hearst, instructed all Hearst press correspondents
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in Germany, including those of INS [Hearst's International News
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Service] to report happenings in Germany only in a friendly' manner.
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All of such correspondents reporting happenings in Germany
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accurately and without friendliness, sympathy and bias for the
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actions of the then German government, were transferred elsewhere,
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discharged, or forced to resign. . . ." </p>
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<p> In the late 1930s, Seldes recounts, when "several sedition
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indictments [were brought by] the Department of Justice . . .
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against a score or two of Americans, the defendants included an
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unusually large minority of newspaper men and women, most of them
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Hearst employees." (2) </p>
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<p> ANDREW MELLON </p>
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<p> "Thurman Arnold, as assistant district attorney of the United
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States, his assistant, Norman Littell, and several Congressional
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investigations, have produced incontrovertible evidence that some of
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our biggest monopolies entered into secret agreements with the Nazi
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cartels and divided the world up among them," states Seldes in his
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book, "Facts and Fascism," published in 1943. "Most notorious of all
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was Alcoa, the Mellon-Davis-Duke monopoly which is largely
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responsible for the fact America did not have the aluminum with
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which to build airplanes before and after Pearl Harbor, while
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Germany had an unlimited supply." (3)</p>
|
|
<p> Alcoa sabotage of American war production had already cost the U.S.
|
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"10000 fighters or 1665 bombers," according to Congressman Pierce
|
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of Oregon speaking in May 1941, because of "the effort to protect
|
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Alcoa's monopolistic position. . ." </p>
|
|
<p> "If America loses this war," said Secretary of the Interior
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[Harold] Ickes, June 26, 1941, "it can thank the Aluminum
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Corporation of America." </p>
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<p> "By its cartel agreement with I.G. Farben, controlled by Hitler,"
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writes Seldes, "Alcoa sabotaged the aluminum program of the U.S. air
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force. The Truman Committee [on National Defense, chaired by then-Senator Harry S. Truman in 1942] heard testimony that Alcoa's
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representative, A.H. Bunker, $1-a-year head of the aluminum section
|
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of O.P.M., prevented work on our $600000000 aluminum expansion
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|
program." (4) </p>
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<p> DU PONT AND GENERAL MOTORS </p>
|
|
<p> General Motors is included here because, by 1929, the Du Pont
|
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corporation had acquired controlling interest in, and had
|
|
interlocking directorships with, General Motors. </p>
|
|
<p> Irenee du Pont, "the most imposing and powerful member of the
|
|
clan," according to biographer and historian Charles Higham, "was
|
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obsessed with Hitler's principles." "He keenly followed the career
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|
of the future Fuhrer in the 1920s, and on September 7, 1926, in a
|
|
speech to the American Chemical Society, he advocated a race of
|
|
supermen, to be achieved by injecting special drugs into them in
|
|
boyhood to make their characters to order." Higham's book on this
|
|
subject, "Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American
|
|
Money Plot 1933-1949," is highly recommended. </p>
|
|
<p> Du Pont's anti-Semitism "matched that of Hitler" and, in 1933, the
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|
Du Ponts "began financing native fascist groups in America . . ."
|
|
one of which Higham identifies as the American Liberty League: "a
|
|
Nazi organization whipping up hatred of blacks and Jews," and the
|
|
"love of Hitler. </p>
|
|
<p> "Financed . . . to the tune of $500000 the first year, the Liberty
|
|
League had a lavish thirty-one-room office in New York, branches in
|
|
twenty-six colleges, and fifteen subsidiary organizations nationwide
|
|
that distributed fifty million copies of its Nazi pamphlets. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The Du Ponts' fascistic behavior was seen in 1936, when Irenee du
|
|
Pont used General Motors money to finance the notorious Black
|
|
Legion. This terrorist organization had as its purpose the
|
|
prevention of automobile workers from unionizing. The members wore
|
|
hoods and black robes, with skulls and crossbones. They fire-bombed
|
|
union meetings, murdered union organizers, often by beating them to
|
|
death, and dedicated their lives to destroying Jews and communists.
|
|
They linked to the Ku Klux Klan. . . . It was brought out that at
|
|
least fifty people, many of them blacks, had been butchered by the
|
|
Legion." (5)</p>
|
|
<p> Du Pont support of Hitler extended into the very heart of the Nazi
|
|
war machine as well, according to Higham, and several other
|
|
researchers: "General Motors, under the control of the Du Pont
|
|
family of Delaware, played a part in collaboration" with the Nazis. </p>
|
|
<p> "Between 1932 and 1939, bosses of General Motors poured $30 million
|
|
into I.G. Farben plants . . ." Further, Higham informs us that by
|
|
"the mid-1930s, General Motors was committed to full-scale
|
|
production of trucks, armored cars, and tanks in Nazi Germany." (6) </p>
|
|
<p> Researchers Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, in their book, "Power
|
|
Inc.," describe the Du Pont-GM-Nazi relationship in these terms:</p>
|
|
<p> ". . . In 1929, [Du Pont-controlled] GM acquired the largest
|
|
automobile company in Germany, Adam Opel, A.G. This predestined the
|
|
subsidiary to become important to the Nazi war effort. In a heavily
|
|
documented study presented to the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust
|
|
and Monopoly in February 1974, Bradford C. Snell, an assistant
|
|
subcommittee counsel, wrote: </p>
|
|
<p> "'GM's participation in Germany's preparation for war began in
|
|
1935. That year its Opel subsidiary cooperated with the Reich in
|
|
locating a new heavy truck facility at Brandenburg, which military
|
|
officials advised would be less vulnerable to enemy air attacks.
|
|
During the succeeding years, GM supplied the Wehrmact with Opel
|
|
"Blitz" trucks from the Brandenburg complex. For these and other
|
|
contributions to [the Nazis] wartime preparations, GM's chief
|
|
executive for overseas operations [James <span class="LOC">Mooney</span>] was awarded the
|
|
Order of the German Eagle (first class) by Adolf Hitler.'"</p>
|
|
<p> Du Pont-GM Nazi collaboration, according to Snell, included the
|
|
participation of Standard Oil of New Jersey [now Exxon] in one, very
|
|
important arrangement. GM and Standard Oil of New Jersey formed a
|
|
joint subsidiary with the giant Nazi chemical cartel, I.G. Farben,
|
|
named Ethyl G.m.b.H. [now Ethyl, Inc.] which, according to Snell:
|
|
"provided the mechanized German armies with synthetic tetraethyl
|
|
fuel [leaded gas]. During 1936-39, at the urgent request of Nazi
|
|
officials who realized that Germany's scarce petroleum reserves
|
|
would not satisfy war demands, GM and Exxon joined with German
|
|
chemical interests in the erection of the lead-tetraethyl plants.
|
|
According to captured German records, these facilities contributed
|
|
substantially to the German war effort: 'The fact that since the
|
|
beginning of the war we could produce lead-tetraethyl is entirely
|
|
due to the circumstances that, shortly before, the Americans [Du
|
|
Pont, GM and Standard Oil] had presented us with the production
|
|
plants complete with experimental knowledge. Without lead-tetraethyl
|
|
the present method of warfare would be unthinkable.'" (7) </p>
|
|
<p> At about the same time the Du Ponts were serving the Nazi cause in
|
|
Germany, they were involved in a Fascist plot to overthrow the
|
|
United States government. </p>
|
|
<p> "Along with friends of the Morgan Bank and General Motors," in
|
|
early 1934, writes Higham, "certain Du Pont backers financed a coup
|
|
d'etat that would overthrow the President with the aid of a $3
|
|
million-funded army of terrorists . . ." The object was to force
|
|
Roosevelt "to take orders from businessmen as part of a fascist
|
|
government or face the alternative of imprisonment and execution . .
|
|
." </p>
|
|
<p> Higham reports that "Du Pont men allegedly held an urgent series of
|
|
meetings with the Morgans," to choose who would lead this "bizarre
|
|
conspiracy." "They finally settled on one of the most popular
|
|
soldiers in America, General Smedly Butler of <span class="GPE">Pennsylvania</span>." Butler
|
|
was approached by "fascist attorney" Gerald MacGuire (an official of
|
|
the American Legion), who attempted to recruit Butler into the role
|
|
of an American Hitler. </p>
|
|
<p> "Butler was horrified," but played along with MacGuire until, a
|
|
short time later, he notified the White House of the plot. Roosevelt
|
|
considered having "the leaders of the houses of Morgan and Du Pont"
|
|
arrested, but feared that "it would create an unthinkable national
|
|
crisis in the midst of a depression and perhaps another Wall Street
|
|
crash." Roosevelt decided the best way to defuse the plot was to
|
|
expose it, and leaked the story to the press. </p>
|
|
<p> "The newspapers ran the story of the attempted coup on the front
|
|
page, but generally ridiculed it as absurd and preposterous." But an
|
|
investigation by the Congressional Committee on Un-American
|
|
Activities - 74th Congress, first session, House of Representatives,
|
|
Investigation of Nazi and other propaganda - was begun later that
|
|
same year. </p>
|
|
<p> "It was four years," continues Higham, "before the committee dared
|
|
to publish its report in a white paper that was marked for
|
|
'restricted circulation.' They were forced to admit that 'certain
|
|
persons made an attempt to establish a fascist organization in this
|
|
country . . . [The] committee was able to verify all the pertinent
|
|
statements made by General Butler.' This admission that the entire
|
|
plan was deadly in intent was not accompanied by the imprisonment of
|
|
anybody. Further investigations disclosed that over a million people
|
|
had been guaranteed to join the scheme and that the arms and
|
|
munitions necessary would have been supplied by Remington, a Du Pont
|
|
subsidiary." (8)</p>
|
|
<p> The names of important individuals and groups involved in the
|
|
conspiracy were suppressed by the committee, but later revealed by
|
|
Seldes, Philadelphia Record reporter Paul French, and Jules Archer,
|
|
author of the book, "The Plot to Seize the White House." Included
|
|
were John W. Davis (attorney for the J.P. Morgan banking group),
|
|
Robert Sterling Clark (Wall Street broker and heir to the Singer
|
|
sewing machine fortune), William Doyle (American Legion official),
|
|
and the American Liberty League (backed by executives from J.P.
|
|
Morgan and Co., <span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span> interests, E.F. Hutton, and Du Pont-controlled General Motors). (9) </p>
|
|
<p> THE US/NAZI CARTEL AGREEMENT </p>
|
|
<p> "On November 23, 1937," states Higham, "representatives of General
|
|
Motors held a secret meeting in Boston with Baron Manfred von
|
|
Killinger, who was . . . in charge of West Coast espionage [for the
|
|
Nazis], and Baron von Tipplekirsch, Nazi consul general and Gestapo
|
|
leader in Boston. This group signed a joint agreement showing total
|
|
commitment to the Nazi cause for the indefinite future. . . ." (10) </p>
|
|
<p> Seldes describes the plotters as "the great owners and rulers of
|
|
America who planned world domination through political and military
|
|
Fascism" including "several leading American industrialists, members
|
|
of the Congress of the United States, and representatives of large
|
|
business and political organizations . . ." </p>
|
|
<p> He obtained the text of the agreement, and published it in his
|
|
newsletter, "In Fact," on July 13, 1942. The plan "goes much further
|
|
than the mere cartel conspiracies of Big Business of both
|
|
countries," writes Seldes, "because it has political clauses and
|
|
points to a bigger conspiracy of money and politicians such as
|
|
helped betray Norway and France and other lands to the Nazi machine.
|
|
The most powerful fortress in America is the production monopolies,
|
|
but its betrayal would involve, as it did in France, the
|
|
participation of some of the most powerful figures of the political
|
|
as well as the industrial world." (11) </p>
|
|
<p> STANDARD OIL OF NEW JERSEY (Now Exxon) </p>
|
|
<p> "On February 27, 1942," according to Higham, "Arnold, with
|
|
documents stuffed under his arms, . . . strode into the lion's den
|
|
of Standard at 30 <span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span> Plaza. Just behind him were Secretary
|
|
of the Navy Franklin Knox and Secretary of the Army Henry L.
|
|
Stimson." They confronted Standard official William Farish and
|
|
"Arnold sharply laid down his charges" that "by continuing to favor
|
|
Hitler in rubber deal and patent arrangements," Standard Oil "had
|
|
acted against the interests of the American government . . .
|
|
suggested a fine of $1.5 million and a consent decree whereby
|
|
Standard would turn over for the duration all the patents" in
|
|
question. </p>
|
|
<p> "Farish rejected the proposal on the spot. He pointed out that
|
|
Standard" was also selling the U.S. a "high percentage" of the fuel
|
|
being used by the Army, Navy, and Air Force "making it possible for
|
|
America to win the war. Where would America be without it?"</p>
|
|
<p> Blackmail? Yes, says Higham. And effective. Arnold was finally
|
|
reduced to asking the oil company official "to what Standard Oil
|
|
would agree. After all, there had to be at least token punishment. .
|
|
. . Arnold, Stimson, and Knox soon realized they had no power to
|
|
compare with that of Standard." </p>
|
|
<p> The price Standard Oil "agreed" to pay for its crime? A modest fine
|
|
of a few thousand dollars divided up among ten defendants. "Farish
|
|
paid $1000, or a quarter of one week's salary, for having betrayed
|
|
America." </p>
|
|
<p> In New Jersey, charges of "criminal conspiracy with the enemy" were
|
|
filed against Standard, then "dropped in return for Standard
|
|
releasing its patents and paying the modest fine." But Arnold, and
|
|
his ally, Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, weren't finished
|
|
with Standard Oil just yet. They approached Senator Truman, chairman
|
|
of the Senate Special Committee Investigating the National Defense
|
|
Program. "With great enthusiasm Give 'em Hell Harry embarked on a
|
|
series of hearings in March 1942, in order to disclose the truth
|
|
about Standard." </p>
|
|
<p> Between the 26th and the 28th of March, 1942, Arnold "produced
|
|
documents showing that Standard and Farben in Germany had literally
|
|
carved up the world markets, with oil and chemical monopolies all
|
|
over the map," according to Higham. (12) </p>
|
|
<p> Mintz and Cohen describe the confrontation:</p>
|
|
<p> "Four months after the United States entered World War II, the
|
|
Justice Department obtained an indictment of Exxon and its principal
|
|
officers for having made arrangements, starting in the late 1920s
|
|
with I.G. Farben involving patent sharing and division of world
|
|
markets. Jersey Standard agreed not to develop processes for the
|
|
manufacture of synthetic rubber; in exchange, Farben agreed not to
|
|
compete in the American petroleum market. After war broke out in
|
|
Europe, but before the attack on Pearl Harbor, executives of
|
|
Standard Oil and Farben, at a meeting in Holland, established a
|
|
'modus vivendi' for continuing the arrangements in event of war
|
|
between the United States and Germany - although the arrangements
|
|
interfered with the ability of the United States to make synthetic
|
|
rubber desperately needed after it entered the war in December 1941.
|
|
Rather than face a criminal trial, Exxon and the indicted executives
|
|
entered no-contest pleas - the legal equivalent of guilty pleas -
|
|
and were fined the minor sums which were the maximum amounts
|
|
permitted by law. A few days later, on March 26, 1942, the Senate
|
|
Special Committee Investigating the National Defense Program held a
|
|
hearing at which Thurman Arnold, chief of the Antitrust Division,
|
|
put into the record documents on which the [criminal] indictment had
|
|
been based, including a memo from a Standard Oil official on the
|
|
'modus vivendi' agreed to in Holland. After the hearing, the
|
|
committee chairman, Harry S. Truman, characterized the arrangements
|
|
as treasonable." (13)</p>
|
|
<p> Another source book on this subject of US / Nazi corporate
|
|
activities is "The Secret War Against the Jews," by Mark Aarons and
|
|
John Loftus. Here is their version of the events:</p>
|
|
<p> "Before the war Standard of New Jersey had forged a synthetic oil
|
|
and rubber cartel with the Nazi-controlled I.G. Farben," which
|
|
"worked well until the United States joined the war in 1941. . . .
|
|
Next to the <span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span>s, I.G. Farben owned the largest share of
|
|
stock in Standard Oil of New Jersey. Among other things, Standard
|
|
had provided Farben with its synthetic rubber patents and technical
|
|
knowledge, while Farben had kept its patents to itself, under strict
|
|
instructions from the Nazi government."</p>
|
|
<p> Evidence which Thurman Arnold turned over to the Truman Committee,
|
|
which Truman would declare "treasonous," included "Standard's 1939
|
|
letter renewing its agreement, which made it clear that the
|
|
<span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span>s' company was prepared to work with the Nazis whether
|
|
their own government was at war with the Third Reich or not.
|
|
Truman's Senate Committee on the National Defense was outraged and
|
|
began to probe into the whole scandalous arrangement, much to the
|
|
discomfort of John D. <span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span>, Jr. Suddenly, however, the whole
|
|
matter was dropped. </p>
|
|
<p> "There was a reason for Rockefeller's escape: blackmail. According
|
|
to the former intelligence officers we interviewed on this point,
|
|
the blackmail was simple and powerful: The Dulles brothers [John
|
|
Foster, later Secretary of State, and Allen, later director of the
|
|
CIA] had one of their clients threaten to interrupt the U.S. oil
|
|
supply during wartime." </p>
|
|
<p> When confronted by Arnold on the Standard - Farben arrangement
|
|
"Standard executives made it clear that the entire U.S. war effort
|
|
was fueled by their oil and it could be stopped. . . . The American
|
|
government had no choice but to go along if it wanted to win the
|
|
war." (14) </p>
|
|
<p> July 13, 1944, Ralph W. Gallagher, attorney for Standard Oil, filed
|
|
a lawsuit against the U.S. government's seizure of the contested
|
|
patents. "On November 7, 1945, Judge Charles E. Wyzanski gave his
|
|
verdict," according to Higham. "He decided that the government had
|
|
been entitled to seize the patents. Gallagher appealed. On September
|
|
22, 1947, Judge Charles Clark delivered the final word on the
|
|
subject. He said, 'Standard Oil can be considered an enemy national
|
|
in view of its relationships with I.G. Farben after the United
|
|
States and Germany had become active enemies.' The appeal was
|
|
denied." (15) </p>
|
|
<p> One aspect of this Standard - I.G. Farben relationship, revealed in
|
|
testimony during the Patents Committee hearings, chaired by Senator
|
|
Homer T. Bone in May 1942, is of interest to those who seek direct
|
|
evidence of a conspiracy by big oil companies to suppress
|
|
development of synthetic substitutes to petrochemical products such
|
|
as industrial chemicals, aircraft lubricants and fuel, all of which
|
|
can be made from hemp: </p>
|
|
<p> "On May 6th, John R. Jacobs, Jr., of the Attorney General's
|
|
department, testified that Standard had interfered with the American
|
|
explosives industry by blocking the use of a method of producing
|
|
synthetic ammonia. As a result of its deals with Farben, the United
|
|
States had been unable to get the use of this vital process even
|
|
after Pearl Harbor. Also, the United States had been restricted in
|
|
techniques of producing hydrogen from natural gas and from obtaining
|
|
paraflow, a product used for airplane lubrication at high altitudes.
|
|
. . ." </p>
|
|
<p> On August 7th, "Texas oil operator C.R. Starnes appeared to testify
|
|
that Standard had blocked him at every turn in his efforts to
|
|
produce synthetic rubber after Pearl Harbor. . . ." </p>
|
|
<p> On August 12th, "John R. Jacobs reappeared in an Army private's
|
|
uniform (he had been inducted the day before) to bring up another
|
|
disagreeable matter: Standard had also, in league with Farben,
|
|
restricted production of methanol, a wood alcohol that was sometimes
|
|
used as motor fuel." (16) </p>
|
|
<p> The restriction against methanol production apparently did not
|
|
apply to the Nazis, however. "As late as April 1943," Higham
|
|
reveals, "General Motors in Stockholm [Sweden] was reported as
|
|
trading with the enemy. . . . Further documents show that, as with
|
|
Ford, repairs on German army trucks and conversion from gasoline to
|
|
wood-gasoline production were being handled by GM in Switzerland."
|
|
(17) </p>
|
|
<p> The use of hemp as a source of methanol was known to the Nazis,
|
|
revealed in the pamphlet "The Humorous Hemp Primer," published in
|
|
Berlin, also in 1943. This document, recently re-published in the
|
|
1995 edition of "Hemp and the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor
|
|
Wears No Clothes," by veteran hemp conspiracy researcher Jack Herer,
|
|
states that:</p>
|
|
<p> "Crops should not only provide food in large quantities, they can
|
|
provide raw materials for industry. . . . Among such raw materials
|
|
of especially high value is hemp . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The woody part of this large plant is not to be thrown out, since
|
|
it can easily be used for surface coatings for the finest floors. It
|
|
also provides paper and cardboard, building materials and wall
|
|
paneling. Further processing will even produce wood sugar and wood
|
|
gas. . . .</p>
|
|
<p> "Anyone who grows hemp today need not fear a lack of a market,
|
|
because hemp, as useful as it is, will be purchased in unlimited
|
|
amounts." (18) </p>
|
|
<p> The Nazis obviously considered hemp a vital war material that could
|
|
be used to produce methanol, or "wood gas," at the same time, in
|
|
1943, that Du Pont-controlled General Motors in Switzerland was
|
|
"converting from gasoline to wood-gasoline production." This, taken
|
|
into consideration along with the earlier statement that Standard
|
|
Oil-I.G. Farben had "restricted production of methanol" and the GM-Standard Oil-I.G. Farben joint venture, Ethyl, Inc., whose
|
|
profitability depended on the production of lead-tetraethyl for oil-based petrochemical gasoline - in direct competition with the
|
|
alternative methanol, or "wood gas," certainly opens new avenues of
|
|
investigation into the existence of a conspiracy against hemp as an
|
|
alternative, and competing, industrial raw material, by these very
|
|
same corporations which sold America out to the Nazis for profit and
|
|
control of world resources and markets. </p>
|
|
<p> "Just after Pearl Harbor," writes Seldes, "the Assistant Attorney
|
|
General, Mr. Thurman Arnold, issued a sensational report of the
|
|
sabotage of the national [war production] program, the first report
|
|
naming the practices which were later to be referred to as the
|
|
treason of big business in wartime. Said Mr. Arnold:</p>
|
|
<p> "Looking back over 10 months of defense effort we can now see how
|
|
much it has been hampered by the attitude of powerful basic
|
|
industries who have feared to expand their production because
|
|
expansion would endanger their future control of industry. </p>
|
|
<p> "Anti-trust investigations during the past year have shown that
|
|
there is not an organized basic industry in the United States which
|
|
has not been restricting production by some device or other in order
|
|
to avoid what they call 'ruinous overproduction after the war'."
|
|
(19)</p>
|
|
<p> By "ruinous overproduction," of course, they meant free-market
|
|
competition. So, to question the existence of an industrial
|
|
conspiracy against competition, during the 1930s and 1940s, is
|
|
pointless. It has long been totally documented by volumes of
|
|
evidence, available in the public record. And among this list of
|
|
convicted corporate conspirators are murderers, racists, pro-Nazi
|
|
collaborators, blackmailers and American Fascists who plotted at
|
|
least one armed take-over of the U.S. government. And the list is
|
|
not yet complete. </p>
|
|
<p> THE FORD MOTOR COMPANY </p>
|
|
<p> Henry Ford, writes Higham, "admired Hitler from the beginning, when
|
|
the future Fuhrer was a struggling and obscure fanatic. He shared
|
|
with Hitler a fanatical hatred of Jews." </p>
|
|
<p> "Ford's book 'The International Jew' was issued in 1927. A virulent
|
|
anti-Semitic tract, it was still being distributed in Latin America
|
|
and the Arab countries as late as 1945. Hitler admired the book and
|
|
it influenced him deeply. Visitors to Hitler's headquarters at the
|
|
Brown House in Munich noticed a large photograph of Henry Ford
|
|
hanging in his office. Stacked high on the table outside were copies
|
|
of Ford's book. As early as 1923," when Hitler heard that Ford was
|
|
planning to run for President, he "told an interviewer from the
|
|
'Chicago-Tribune,' 'I wish that I could send some of my shock troops
|
|
to Chicago and other big American cities to help'." </p>
|
|
<p> As late as 1940, Ford Motor Company "refused to build aircraft
|
|
engines for England and instead built supplies of the 5-ton military
|
|
trucks that were the backbone of German army transportation." (20) </p>
|
|
<p> The Ford Motor Company was also aware of the potential of hemp as
|
|
an alternative industrial resource, devoting many years research to
|
|
the subject. </p>
|
|
<p> In a 1989 <span class="ORG">ABC</span> Radio broadcast, Hugh Downs reported that in the
|
|
1930s, "the Ford Motor Company also saw a future in biomass fuels.
|
|
Ford operated a successful biomass conversion plant that included
|
|
hemp at their Iron Mountain facility in Michigan. Ford engineers
|
|
extracted methanol, charcoal fuel, tar, pitch, ethyl acetate, and
|
|
creosote - all fundamental ingredients for modern industry, and now
|
|
supplied by oil-related industries. . . . Henry Ford's experiments
|
|
with methanol promised cheap, readily-available fuel." (21) </p>
|
|
<p> As reported in "Popular Mechanics" in December, 1941, Ford's
|
|
research represented "an industrial revolution in progress . . . a
|
|
revolution in materials that will affect every home." (22) </p>
|
|
<p> So, it is possible, even likely, that Ford and General Motors
|
|
conversion "from gasoline to wood-gasoline production" for Nazi
|
|
Germany, as earlier reported by Higham, involved at least some
|
|
consideration of hemp as a resource, if not actual production of
|
|
"wood-gas" from hemp. After all, Ford had already committed several
|
|
years and significant research dollars to the subject. </p>
|
|
<p> The implication of methanol fuel patents, hemp industry research
|
|
and production facilities, all in the hands of this cabal of Nazi-allied American corporations, during a proven period of anti-competition conspiracies, and wartime blackmail against the U.S.
|
|
government, should provide additional support for the hemp
|
|
conspiracy theories. The fact is that Nazi Germany recognized hemp
|
|
as a vital war material - one which, just before America's entrance
|
|
into World War II, was positioned to compete in the free-market
|
|
against the products controlled by the Pro-Nazi American
|
|
corporations. Unrestricted expansion of United States industrial
|
|
hemp production threatened not only the profits of these treasonous
|
|
corporations, but the degree of their control over America's
|
|
production of vital war materials. </p>
|
|
<p> This view of hemp, not as a "dangerous drug" but as a vital war
|
|
material, was acknowledged by the Kentucky Legislature a little over
|
|
100 years before the <span class="NORP">Japanese</span> sneak attack on Pearl Harbor. In 1841,
|
|
according to Professor James F. Hopkins, author of "A History of the
|
|
Hemp Industry in Kentucky," published by the University of Kentucky
|
|
Press in 1951: </p>
|
|
<p> "When the farmers of Woodford County [KY] assembled in October,
|
|
1841, to consider a program of hemp production for the navy, they
|
|
only went as far as to express an opinion that the government should
|
|
employ a rope spinner in Kentucky for the purpose of converting the
|
|
fiber into yarns, which could be transported much more cheaply and
|
|
safely than the bulky raw material. The Committee on Agriculture of
|
|
the Kentucky House of Representatives inquired into the matter early
|
|
in 1842 . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "Both houses of the General Assembly sent to the Senators and
|
|
Congressmen from Kentucky a request that they use their 'best
|
|
exertions' to have established in the state one or more agencies for
|
|
the inspection and manufacture of hemp for the navy. A select
|
|
committee of Congress, appointed to consider the resolutions from
|
|
Kentucky, reported three resolutions of its own: that the navy be
|
|
directed to construct a factory at Louisville 'for the purpose of
|
|
depositing and manufacturing . . . such hempen fabrics of domestic
|
|
water-rotted hemp as the public service may require'; that
|
|
inspectors be appointed to test the fiber that might be offered for
|
|
sale; and that, after due notice to the public, purchase of the
|
|
necessary amount of fiber be made at the factory. The Committee
|
|
contended that its plan would build up during peacetime a source of
|
|
hemp which would be vitally important in case of war, encourage
|
|
American agriculture and manufactures, and decrease the unfavorable
|
|
balance of trade." (23) </p>
|
|
<p> [NOTE: For many years we Kentuckians have had a good deal of our
|
|
heritage and history buried beneath a thick layer of propaganda from
|
|
a source of power and control in this country which knows neither
|
|
honor nor justice. Now, we are learning the truth. Our history as a
|
|
state built upon the foundation of a long-and dishonestly-outlawed
|
|
industry endures.] </p>
|
|
<p> INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH </p>
|
|
<p> Even after Pearl Harbor, ITT was working for the Nazis, reports
|
|
Higham: ". . . the German army, navy, and air force contracted with
|
|
ITT for the manufacture of switchboards, telephones, alarm gongs,
|
|
buoys, air raid warning devices, radar equipment, and thirty
|
|
thousand fuses per month for artillery shells used to kill British
|
|
and American troops." </p>
|
|
<p> ITT also "supplied ingredients for the rocket bombs that fell on
|
|
London," and other devices as well, without which "it would have
|
|
been impossible for the German air force to kill American and
|
|
British troops, for the German army to fight the Allies in Africa,
|
|
Italy, France, and Germany, for England to have been bombed, or for
|
|
Allied ships to have been attacked at sea." (24) </p>
|
|
<p> In 1938, "following a series of meetings with Luftwaffe chief
|
|
Herman Goring, [ITT founder and chairman Sosthenes] Behn encouraged
|
|
ITT's Lorenz subsidiary to purchase 28 percent of the Focke-Wulf
|
|
firm, manufacturer of the bombers that were to sink so many Allied
|
|
ships during the war," according to researcher and author Jim
|
|
Hougan. (25) </p>
|
|
<p> Anthony Sampson, in "The Sovereign State of ITT," reports on what
|
|
is perhaps the most bizarre aspect of the US/Nazi corporate
|
|
partnership, war reparations:</p>
|
|
<p> ". . . ITT now presents itself as the innocent victim of the Second
|
|
World War, and has been handsomely recompensed for its injuries. In
|
|
1967, nearly thirty years after the events, ITT actually managed to
|
|
obtain $27 million in compensation from the American government, for
|
|
war damage to Focke-Wulf plants - on the basis that they were
|
|
American property bombed by Allied bombers." (26)</p>
|
|
<p> The Foreign Claims Settlement Commission was responsible for this
|
|
payment to ITT, and other U.S. corporations as well. </p>
|
|
<p> Bradford Snell reports that "After the cessation of hostilities, GM
|
|
and Ford demanded reparations from the U.S. Government for wartime
|
|
damages sustained by their Axis facilities as a result of Allied
|
|
bombing. By 1967 GM had collected more than $33 million in
|
|
reparations and Federal tax benefits for damages to its warplane and
|
|
motor vehicle properties in formerly Axis territories . . . Ford
|
|
received a little less than $1 million, primarily as a result of
|
|
damages sustained by its military truck complex at Cologne." (27) </p>
|
|
<p> ALLEN DULLES: ARCHITECT OF THE US-NAZI NETWORK </p>
|
|
<p> Contemporary history records Allen Dulles as one of America's top
|
|
spymasters, from his early days in the Office of Strategic Services
|
|
(OSS) in World War II, to his position as Director of the Central
|
|
Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the 1950s and early 1960s (until
|
|
President John F. Kennedy fired him over the Bay of Pigs disaster in
|
|
1961), and finally to his membership on the controversial Warren
|
|
Commission, which investigated President Kennedy's assassination.
|
|
Until recently, his pivotal role in promoting a U.S. corporate
|
|
relationship with the Nazis was little known. Loftus and Aarons
|
|
describe the post-World War I role of Allen, and his brother, John
|
|
Foster, in the following terms:</p>
|
|
<p> "We first turn to Dulles's creation of international finance
|
|
networks for the benefit of the Nazis. In the beginning, moving
|
|
money into the Third Reich was quite legal. Lawyers saw to that. And
|
|
Allen and his brother John Foster were not just any lawyers. They
|
|
were international finance specialists for the powerful Wall Street
|
|
law firm of Sullivan & Cromwell. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The Dulles brothers were the ones who convinced American
|
|
businessmen to avoid U.S. government regulation by investing in
|
|
Germany. It began with the Versailles Treaty, in which they played
|
|
no small role. After World War I the defeated German government
|
|
promised to pay war reparations to the Allies in gold, but Germany
|
|
had no gold. It had to borrow the gold from Sullivan & Cromwell's
|
|
clients in the United States. Nearly 70 percent of the money that
|
|
flowed into Germany during the 1930s came from investors in the
|
|
United States, many of them Sullivan & Cromwell clients. . . </p>
|
|
<p> "Foster Dulles, as a member of the board of I.G. Farben, seems to
|
|
have had little difficulty in getting along with whoever was in
|
|
charge. Some of our sources insist that both Dulles brothers made
|
|
substantial but indirect contributions to the Nazi party as the
|
|
price of continued influence inside the new German order. . . ."
|
|
(28)</p>
|
|
<p> NOTES: U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS</p>
|
|
<p> 1.Facts and Fascism, George Seldes, p. 122 Trading with the Enemy,
|
|
Charles Higham, p. 167 2.Even the Gods Can't Change History, Seldes,
|
|
pp. 140-144 3.Facts and Fascism, p. 68 4.Ibid., p. 262 5.Trading
|
|
with the Enemy, pp. 162-165 6.Ibid., p. 166 7.Power, Inc., Morton
|
|
and Mintz, pp. 497-499 8.Trading with the Enemy, pp. 163-165 9.The
|
|
Plot to Seize the White House, Jules Archer, Hawthorn Books, 1973
|
|
(Quoted from It's A Conspiracy, National Insecurity Council,
|
|
EarthWorks Press, 1992, pp. 179-184) 10.Trading with the Enemy, pp.
|
|
167-168 11.Facts and Fascism, pp. 68-70 12.Trading with the Enemy,
|
|
pp. 45-46 13.Power, Inc, pp. 499-500 14.The Secret War Against The
|
|
Jews, Aarons and Loftus, pp. 44-65 15.Trading with the Enemy, pp.
|
|
61-62 16.Ibid., pp. 49-52 17.Ibid., p. 176 18.The Emperor Wears No
|
|
Clothes, Jack Herer, pp. 127-130 19.One Thousand Americans, Seldes,
|
|
pp. 142-143 20.Trading with the Enemy, pp. 154-156 21.Ain't Nobody's
|
|
Business If You Do, p. 734 22.Popular Mechanics Magazine, Vol. 76,
|
|
No. 6, Dec. 1941 (The Emperor Wears No Clothes, 1995 edition, p.
|
|
199) 23.A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky, Professor James
|
|
F. Hopkins, University of Kentucky Press, 1951 24.Trading with the
|
|
Enemy, p. 99 25.Spooks, Jim Hougan, pp. 423-424 26.The Sovereign
|
|
State of ITT, Anthony Sampson, p. 47 (Power, Inc., pp. 500-501)
|
|
27.GM and the Nazis, by Bradford C. Snell, <span class="ORG">Ramparts</span> Magazine, June
|
|
1974, pp. 14-16 (Democracy for the Few, Michael Parenti, pp. 91-92)
|
|
28.The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 55-60</p>
|
|
<p> THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER </p>
|
|
<p> "The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if
|
|
the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it
|
|
becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in
|
|
essence, is fascism - ownership of government by an individual, by a
|
|
group, or by any other controlling power. </p>
|
|
<p> "Among us today a concentration of private power without equal in
|
|
history is growing." - President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1) </p>
|
|
<p> As mentioned earlier, the secret U.S./Nazi corporate alliance
|
|
during World War II was the result of substantial American
|
|
investment in post-World War I Germany. In order to protect these
|
|
investments, and the accumulating profits, the U.S. multinational
|
|
corporations remained an important part of the Nazi war machine
|
|
until the final defeat of Germany in 1945. What effect did the end
|
|
of World War II have on this faction of American Nazi collaborators? </p>
|
|
<p> In this section we will review the evidence, much of it from
|
|
recently de-classified documents, that this pro-Nazi faction, rather
|
|
than facing charges of high treason, became an integral part of the
|
|
United States national security apparatus, extending its fascist
|
|
influence in both foreign and domestic policies and, in effect,
|
|
creating what has been referred to as America's "Invisible
|
|
Government." The excuse, of course, was Communism. </p>
|
|
<p> THE BUGGING OF WALL STREET </p>
|
|
<p> Aarons and Loftus' research, which documents the Dulles brothers'
|
|
pro-Nazi activities, did not go unnoticed. "Before his death, former
|
|
Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg granted one of the authors an
|
|
interview. Justice Goldberg had served in U.S. intelligence during
|
|
World War II. Although he said little in public, he had collected
|
|
information on the Dulles boys' activities over the years. His
|
|
verdict was blunt. 'The Dulles brothers were traitors.' They had
|
|
betrayed their country, by giving aid and comfort to the enemy in
|
|
time of war." (2) </p>
|
|
<p> Much of what is now known about the activities of the Dulles
|
|
brothers and other American Nazi collaborators in banking and
|
|
industry came as a result of a top-secret joint U.S.-British
|
|
intelligence program known as the Ultra Project. "Prior to the
|
|
United States' entry into the war," write Loftus and Aarons,
|
|
"Roosevelt permitted British intelligence to wiretap American
|
|
targets.</p>
|
|
<p> "According to our sources in the intelligence community, the area
|
|
of coverage included a good bit of the New York financial district,
|
|
several floors of <span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span> Plaza, part of the RCA Building, two
|
|
prominent clubs, and various shipping firms. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The wiretap unit reported to Sir William Stephenson, a Canadian
|
|
electronics genius better known by his code name, 'Intrepid.' From
|
|
his headquarters in the <span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span> building, Stephenson's job was
|
|
to identify U.S. companies that were aiding the Nazis." (3) </p>
|
|
<p> "Several months before the United States declared war," continue
|
|
Loftus and Aarons, "Bill Donovan invited Allen Dulles to head up the
|
|
New York branch of the Office of the Coordinator of Information
|
|
(COI), President Roosevelt's new intelligence agency and the
|
|
precursor to the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). Its primary
|
|
mission was to collect information against the Nazis and their
|
|
collaborators. In other words, Dulles was asked to inform on his own
|
|
clients in New York. . . ." </p>
|
|
<p> "Roosevelt had approved his selection as head of the COI Manhattan
|
|
branch because he wanted Dulles where the British wiretappers could
|
|
keep an eye on him. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "One floor below Dulles was Stephenson's wiretap shop. Inside
|
|
Dulles's operation was one of Roosevelt's spies, Arthur Goldberg . .
|
|
." who, "confirmed . . . that Dulles's appointment was a setup. . .
|
|
. </p>
|
|
<p> "Roosevelt was giving Dulles enough rope to hang himself. From
|
|
Stephenson's Manhattan wiretaps, it is known that Dulles was
|
|
continuing to work with his German business clients, who wanted to
|
|
remove Hitler and install a puppet of their own who would make peace
|
|
with the West while forging an alliance against Stalin. It was to be
|
|
a kinder, gentler Third Reich, favorably disposed to American
|
|
financial interests. . . . (4) </p>
|
|
<p> "The wiretap evidence against Dulles originally was collected by a
|
|
special section of Operation Safehaven, the U.S. Treasury
|
|
Department's effort to trace the movement of stolen Nazi booty
|
|
towards the end of the war. Roosevelt and Treasury Secretary Henry
|
|
Morganthau had set up Dulles by giving him the one assignment -
|
|
intelligence chief in Switzerland - where he would be most tempted
|
|
to aid his German clients with their money laundering."</p>
|
|
<p> Roosevelt had one thing in mind: "The sudden release of the
|
|
Safehaven intercepts would force a public outcry to bring treason
|
|
charges against those British and American businessmen who aided the
|
|
enemy in time of war." Among the targets were Allen Dulles, Henry
|
|
Ford, and other U.S. industrialists. (5) </p>
|
|
<p> The plan failed, however, due to Dulles being "tipped off . . .
|
|
that he was under surveillance" in time to cover his tracks. One
|
|
possible source of the leak was Vice President Henry Wallace, "who
|
|
constantly shared information with his brother-in-law, the Swiss
|
|
minister in Washington during the war." </p>
|
|
<p> "Wallace," the authors reveal, "gave many details of his secret
|
|
meetings with Roosevelt to the Swiss diplomat." The problem was
|
|
that, at the time, the Nazis "had recruited the head of the Swiss
|
|
secret service." </p>
|
|
<p> It is, perhaps, no coincidence that Roosevelt dropped Wallace
|
|
during the 1944 election, choosing instead Senator Harry S. Truman
|
|
as his new running mate. (6) </p>
|
|
<p> THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY</p>
|
|
<p> "After the Nazis' 1943 defeat at Stalingrad," write Loftus and
|
|
Aarons, "various Nazi businessmen realized they were on the losing
|
|
side and made plans to evacuate their wealth. The Peron government
|
|
in Argentina was receiving the Nazi flight capital with open arms,
|
|
and Dulles helped it hide the money. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The Guinness Book of Records lists the missing Reichsbank treasure
|
|
[estimated at $2.5 billion dollars] as the greatest unsolved bank
|
|
robbery in history. Where did it go? . . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "According to our source, the bulk of the treasure was simply
|
|
shipped a very short distance across Austria and through the Brenner
|
|
Pass into Italy. Dulles's contacts were waiting at the Vatican. The
|
|
German-Vatican connection was how Allen Dulles and the Nazi
|
|
industrialists planned to get away with it. . . ." (7)</p>
|
|
<p> The effort was successful, according to the authors, who state that
|
|
the "vast bulk of the wealth of the Nazi empire" which "disappeared
|
|
before the end of World War II" reappeared "within a decade in the
|
|
hands of the same men who financed Hitler's war against the Jews.
|
|
Allen Dulles's clients were not defeated, only inconvenienced." The
|
|
authors identify two of Dulles's accomplices as James Jesus Angleton
|
|
and his father, Hugh Angleton. The Angletons were members of X-2,
|
|
the OSS counterintelligence branch in Italy, in 1943. </p>
|
|
<p> Like Dulles, Hugh Angleton was financially involved with Axis
|
|
powers. He was the European representative for National Cash
|
|
Register in Italy before the war and business associate of Dulles.
|
|
When World War II broke out, the authors write, </p>
|
|
<p> ". . . Angleton was crushed financially as all his investments were
|
|
in enemy hands. </p>
|
|
<p> "Like Dulles's clients, he wanted his money back. Like Dulles, Hugh
|
|
offered his services to the OSS." With high-placed contacts in
|
|
Mussolini's Interior Ministry, Hugh was accepted and "promoted
|
|
rapidly in U.S. intelligence. He became second in command to Colonel
|
|
Clifton Carter, the OSS commander in Italy at the end of World War
|
|
II." (8)</p>
|
|
<p> Perhaps the most controversial information which is now emerging
|
|
with the release of recently declassified documents concerning World
|
|
War II, is the role of the Vatican, both in its pre-war German
|
|
investments, and its role in helping Nazi war criminals escape
|
|
justice after the war. Concerning the Vatican-German investments,
|
|
Loftus and Aarons are quite clear:</p>
|
|
<p> "That the Vatican encouraged such investments and even donated
|
|
money to Hitler himself cannot be denied. A German nun, Sister
|
|
Pascalina, was present at its creation. In the early 1920s she was
|
|
the housekeeper for Archbishop of the Vatican-Nazi connection . . .
|
|
Eugenio Pacelli, then the papal nuncio in Munich. sister Pascalina
|
|
vividly recalls receiving Adolf Hitler late one night and watching
|
|
the archbishop give Hitler a large amount of Church money."</p>
|
|
<p> In addition, Eugenio Pacelli </p>
|
|
<p> "later convinced the Vatican to invest millions of dollars in the
|
|
rising German economy, money from the Vatican's land settlement that
|
|
ended the Pope's claim of sovereignty over territory outside the
|
|
walls of Vatican City. It was Pacelli who negotiated the Concordat
|
|
with Germany and then had to deal with the consequences of his own
|
|
mistakes when he became pope on the eve of World War II. </p>
|
|
<p> "The Vatican and the Dulles brothers had the same problem. Once
|
|
their money was in Hitler's hands, how would they get it back?"</p>
|
|
<p> The authors interviewed "a former colonel in U.S. Military
|
|
Intelligence who specialized in tracing enemy assets. He claimed
|
|
that only a tiny portion of the Reichbank's gold ingots actually
|
|
reached the Vatican Bank, while the rest was held in cooperative
|
|
banks in Belgium, Liechtenstein, and especially Switzerland." It was
|
|
only necessary to transfer the paperwork on the gold, not the gold
|
|
itself. Since, by that time, Dulles knew his telegraph
|
|
communications were being monitored by the British wiretap operation
|
|
in New York, he instead used couriers to "ensure absolute secrecy in
|
|
moving the foreign currency and the ownership documents out of
|
|
Switzerland . . . special agents of the Vatican who had diplomatic
|
|
immunity to move back and forth across both Nazi and Allied lines. .
|
|
. ." (9)</p>
|
|
<p> ". . . . The Vatican's eminence grise for Balkan intelligence, the
|
|
Bosnian-Croat priest Krunoslav Draganovic, was involved in
|
|
transporting large quantities of Nazi booty, especially gold
|
|
bullion, from Austria to the safety of the Holy See with the help of
|
|
the Dulles-Angleton clique in Rome. Some of the booty was
|
|
transported in truck convoys run by British troops. Other shipments
|
|
were carried in U.S. Army jeeps provided to Father Draganovic so
|
|
that he could conduct pastoral visits' on behalf of the Vatican. </p>
|
|
<p> "Another ardent Nazi propagandist and agent, Slovenian bishop
|
|
Gregory Rozman, was sent to Bern with the help of Dulles's friends
|
|
in U.S. intelligence. Declassified U.S. intelligence files confirm
|
|
that Bishop Rozman was suspected of trying to arrange the transfer
|
|
of huge quantities of Nazi-controlled gold and Western currency that
|
|
had been discreetly secreted in Swiss banks during the war. For a
|
|
few months the Allies prevented Rozman from gaining access to this
|
|
treasure, but then the way was mysteriously cleared. In fact, the
|
|
Dulles-Vatican connection had fixed it, and before too long the
|
|
bishop obtained the loot for his Nazi friends, who were hiding in
|
|
Argentina. </p>
|
|
<p> "Such instances turned out to be only the tip of the iceberg. It
|
|
has long been acknowledged that it was Allen Dulles who tipped off
|
|
General Patton about the buried German treasure that lay in the path
|
|
of the U.S. Third Army. Patton explicitly urged General Eisenhower
|
|
to conceal as much of the gold as possible, but his advice was
|
|
refused. </p>
|
|
<p> "Our sources claim that Dulles and his colleagues exerted a great
|
|
deal of influence to ensure that Western investments in Nazi Germany
|
|
were not seized by the Allies as reparations for the Jews. After
|
|
all, much of 'Hitler's Gold' had originally belonged to the bankers
|
|
in London and New York. The . . . captured Nazi loot went
|
|
underground. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "In the cause of anticommunism, and to retrieve its own investments
|
|
in Germany, the Vatican agreed to become part of Dulles's smuggling
|
|
window, through which the Nazis and their treasure could be moved to
|
|
safety." (10)</p>
|
|
<p> On April 12th, 1945, Roosevelt died, and Truman became President.
|
|
May 7th, Nazi Germany surrendered after the suicide of Adolf Hitler.
|
|
September 2nd, Japan surrendered. </p>
|
|
<p> World War II finally ended, but at the cost of more than 35000000
|
|
lives, over half that amount civilians. The death toll for the
|
|
United States was 294000. (11) </p>
|
|
<p> A PLEDGE BETRAYED</p>
|
|
<p> "Dulles and some of his friends volunteered for postwar service
|
|
with the government not out of patriotism but of necessity,"
|
|
according to Loftus and Aarons. "They had to be in positions of
|
|
power to suppress the evidence of their own dealings with the Nazis.
|
|
The Safehaven investigation was quickly stripped from Treasury . . .
|
|
and turned over to the State Department. There Dulles's friends
|
|
shredded the index to the interlocking corporations and blocked
|
|
further investigations. </p>
|
|
<p> "Dulles had this goal in mind: Not a single American businessman
|
|
was ever going to be convicted of treason for helping the Nazis.
|
|
None ever was, despite the evidence. According to one of our sources
|
|
in the intelligence community, the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence
|
|
Corps had two large 'Civilian Internment Centers' in Occupied
|
|
Germany, code named 'Ashcan' and 'Dustbin.' The <span class="ORG">CIC</span> had identified
|
|
and captured a large number of U.S. citizens who had stayed in
|
|
Germany and aided the Third Reich all through World War II. The
|
|
evidence of their treason was overwhelming. The captured German
|
|
records were horribly incriminating. </p>
|
|
<p> "Yet Victor Wohreheide, the young Justice Department attorney
|
|
responsible for preparing the treason trials, suddenly ordered the
|
|
prisoners' release. All of the Nazi collaborators were allowed to
|
|
return to the United States and reclaim their citizenship. At the
|
|
same time, another Justice Department attorney, O. John Rogge, who
|
|
dared to make a speech about Nazi collaborators in the United States
|
|
was quickly fired. However, the attorney who buried the treason
|
|
cases was later promoted to special assistant attorney general. </p>
|
|
<p> "Dulles and his clients had won. The proof is in the bottom line.
|
|
Forty years after World War II, Fortune magazine published a list of
|
|
the hundred richest men in the world. There were no Jews on the
|
|
list. The great fortunes of the Rothschilds and Warburgs had been
|
|
diminished to insignificance by the Depression, the Nazis, and World
|
|
War II. </p>
|
|
<p> "Near the top of the list were several multibillionaires who had
|
|
been prominent members of Hitler's inner circle. A few even had
|
|
served time in Allied prisons as Nazi war criminals, but they were
|
|
all released quickly. The bottom line is that the Nazi businessmen
|
|
survived the war with their fortunes intact and rebuilt their
|
|
industrial empires to become the richest men in the world. Dulles's
|
|
clients got away with it. President Roosevelt's dream of putting the
|
|
Nazis' moneymen on trial died with him."</p>
|
|
<p> England also failed to see justice done, according to the authors:
|
|
"The British authorities in Germany ordered the U.S. Army to release
|
|
all of the VIP British Nazis and hand over the evidence against
|
|
them. Even before Roosevelt's death, Churchill had already begun to
|
|
withdraw from his commitment to prosecute Nazis." The reason?" Too
|
|
many British industries might be seized as Nazi fronts. Too many
|
|
upper-class collaborators might have to be prosecuted. The Germans
|
|
were defeated, and the Soviets were now the enemy.</p>
|
|
<p> "Funding for British war crimes investigations suddenly dried up.
|
|
Nazi bankers such as Herman Abs were released from prison to work as
|
|
economic advisers in the British zone of Germany. The history of
|
|
British 'efforts' to punish Nazis after the war is aptly summarized
|
|
in Tom Bower's book, 'The Pledge betrayed'. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The pattern was repeated all over the remnants of the Third Reich.
|
|
Despite direct orders from President Truman and General Eisenhower,
|
|
I.G. Farben, the citadel of the Nazi industrialists, was never
|
|
dismantled. Dulles's clients demanded, and received, Allied
|
|
compensation for bomb damage to their factories in Germany. Only a
|
|
few of the top Nazis were executed. Most of the rest were released
|
|
from prison within a few years. Others, . . . would go virtually
|
|
unpunished. No one ever investigated the Nazi sympathizers in
|
|
Western intelligence who had made it all possible." (12)</p>
|
|
<p> As we have seen, the American industrialists who did business with
|
|
the Nazis were in no way inconvenienced by war crimes trials, and
|
|
even received compensation for damages to their Nazi war plants.
|
|
Some Nazi industrialists were charged and convicted by the Nuremberg
|
|
war crimes trials but, in their book, "The American Establishment,"
|
|
authors Leonard and Mark Silk observe that in the late 1940s "the
|
|
United States and its leaders faced an agonizing moral problem in
|
|
coming to terms with those German industrialists who had willingly
|
|
done business with the Nazis and who were now just as willing to do
|
|
business with the Americans in the reconstruction of Germany. The
|
|
problem was dramatized when those German industrialists who had been
|
|
convicted of war crimes at Nuremberg were all released from
|
|
Landsberg prison in early 1951, their sentences commuted by the
|
|
American High Commissioner [of German Occupation], John J. McCloy. </p>
|
|
<p> ". . . . Whatever the motivation," the authors continue, "the
|
|
blanket release of the convicted industrialists was taken within
|
|
Germany - and by them - as a sign that businessmen were not to be
|
|
seriously blamed for their involvement in matters for which others
|
|
were hanged or suffered long imprisonment." (13) </p>
|
|
<p> The motivation for the mass release of imprisoned Nazi war
|
|
criminals is described in the book, "The New Germany and the Old
|
|
Nazis," by T.H. Tetens, an expert in German affairs. </p>
|
|
<p> Tetens observes that in "1950, when Washington showed its eagerness
|
|
to create a new German army of 500000 men, the SS [at that time
|
|
reorganized into a neo-Nazi front group called HIAG, which stands
|
|
for 'mutual assistance,' a so-called veterans organization],
|
|
together with the old Wehrmacht officers, started an all-out
|
|
campaign for the immediate release of all war criminals. It was a
|
|
superbly organized blackmail action, enjoying wide support from the
|
|
public, from all parties, and carried toward success by Dr.
|
|
Adenauer's astute maneuverings. </p>
|
|
<p> "The Chancellor suggested an inconspicuous way to solve the problem
|
|
with 'parole,' 'sick leave,' and other roundabout methods. The more
|
|
the U.S. High Commission in Germany showed leniency, however, the
|
|
stronger the pressure became: either 'all so-called war criminals
|
|
are released or there will be no German army.' American diplomats
|
|
followed Dr. Adenauer's plan to feed the nationalistic monster
|
|
piecemeal. Every few days we quietly released one or two more from
|
|
prison - the Krupps, the I.G. Farben directors, and dozens of former
|
|
Wehrmacht Generals. On friendly advice from Washington, the British
|
|
and the French, extremely reluctant, had to follow suit. When the
|
|
supply dried up, there remained behind bars only the SS, the mass
|
|
murderers from <span class="LOC">Dachau</span>, Belsen, and Buchenwald, and the toughs from
|
|
the Waffen SS who had massacred American, British, and Canadian
|
|
prisoners of war. This put High Commissioner John McCloy in a most
|
|
embarrassing position. . . ." </p>
|
|
<p> Tetens explains how Chancellor Adenauer helped High Commissioner
|
|
McCloy and the U.S. State Department avoid this embarrassment:
|
|
Adenauer "suggested the formation of a review board, with three
|
|
German members sitting in and having equal voice in making
|
|
recommendations. The whole procedure was to be shrouded in secrecy,
|
|
and it was decided that the names of those released should not be
|
|
revealed to the public. In this way the last few hundred 'poor
|
|
devils,' those SS mass killers and sadists, were quietly set free
|
|
within two or three years." (14) </p>
|
|
<p> Christopher Simpson, in his extensively documented book on the
|
|
subject of U.S. recruitment of Nazis, "Blowback," goes into more
|
|
detail of the backgrounds of those released: </p>
|
|
<p> "The beneficiaries of this act included, for example, all of the
|
|
convicted concentration camp doctors; all of the top judges who had
|
|
administered the Nazis' 'special courts'" and dozens of similar
|
|
cases. In addition, "McCloy's clemency decisions for the Landsberg
|
|
inmates set in motion a much broader process that eventually freed
|
|
hundreds of other convicted Nazi war criminals over the next five
|
|
years. . . . By the winter of 1950-1951 the most senior levels of
|
|
the U.S. government had decided to abrogate their wartime pledge to
|
|
bring Nazi war criminals to justice. . . . in the interests of
|
|
preserving West German military support for American leadership in
|
|
the cold war. While nazism and Hitler's inner circle continued to be
|
|
publicly condemned throughout the West, the actual investigation and
|
|
prosecution of specific Nazi crimes came to a standstill." (15) </p>
|
|
<p> One case merits special attention: Sepp Dietrich, "the organizer of
|
|
the Fuehrer's bodyguard. Dietrich carried out Hitler's personal
|
|
murder assignments" and, Tetens continues, "was in charge of the
|
|
liquidation of the Jewish population in the city of Kharkov. During
|
|
the Battle of the Bulge his troops committed the Malmedy massacre,
|
|
killing more than 600 military and civilian prisoners, among them
|
|
115 American G.I.s. He was sentenced to death, and the sentence was
|
|
later commuted to life imprisonment. In 1955 he was one of the last
|
|
poor devils' quietly released from prison and greeted by the Bonn
|
|
government with the homecoming pay of 6000 marks." (16) </p>
|
|
<p> In a "New York Times" article published February 1, 1951, one
|
|
prominent American expressed support for the reduction of sentences
|
|
for those responsible for the mass murder of the 600 unarmed
|
|
prisoners of war at Malmedy, describing the decision as "extremely
|
|
wise." The American was Senator Joseph <span class="PERSON">McCarthy</span>, Republican from
|
|
Wisconsin. </p>
|
|
<p> Tetens observes that, despite the wide-spread fear by "the French,
|
|
the British, and the smaller European countries" of a re-militarized
|
|
Germany, "the outbreak of the Korean War (June 1950) brought a total
|
|
change. The provisions which banned all military and veterans'
|
|
organizations lost all their meaning and were no longer enforced.
|
|
Western Germany was allowed by the Allies to set up its own General
|
|
Staff, camouflaged under the name Blank Office. Supported by Bonn
|
|
and tolerated by the United States, a nation-wide network was
|
|
created to reactivate the experienced officers and the man power of
|
|
the old Wehrmacht. The short period of 1950-51 must be marked as the
|
|
time when Hitler's old officers, SS leaders, and [Nazi] party
|
|
functionaries returned to power and influence." (17) </p>
|
|
<p> Tetens' comment that the Nazi's return to power in Germany was
|
|
"tolerated by the United States" was a historical understatement. By
|
|
the time Tetens' book was published in 1961, hundreds of convicted
|
|
Nazi war criminals had already been smuggled out of Germany to avoid
|
|
prosecution at the war crimes trials at Nuremberg, recruited by, and
|
|
on the payroll of several U.S. government agencies, including the
|
|
Army <span class="ORG">CIC</span>, the OSS, and the Office of Policy Coordination within the
|
|
State Department. </p>
|
|
<p> Over the past fifty years, it is now documented, these Americanized
|
|
fugitive Nazi war criminals have been involved in, and in many cases
|
|
in charge of, many U.S. government covert operations --
|
|
international weapons smuggling, drug cartels, Central American
|
|
death squads, right wing anti-communist dictatorships, LSD mind
|
|
control experiments -- the Republican National Committee's Ethnic
|
|
Heritage Councils, and the Presidential campaigns of Richard Nixon,
|
|
Ronald Reagan, and George Bush. </p>
|
|
<p> THE GEHLEN ORGANIZATION </p>
|
|
<p> Probably the most influential Nazi to come to work for the United
|
|
States intelligence agencies during the Cold War was named Gehlen. </p>
|
|
<p> "Reinhard Gehlen," writes author Christopher Simpson, "Hitler's
|
|
most senior military intelligence officer on the eastern front, had
|
|
begun planning his surrender to the United States at least as early
|
|
as the fall of 1944." Of "several hundred" high-ranking Nazi
|
|
officers who switched sides at the end of World War II, Gehlen
|
|
"proved to be the most important of them all. </p>
|
|
<p> "In early March 1945 Gehlen and a small group of his most senior
|
|
officers carefully microfilmed the vast holdings on the USSR in the
|
|
. . . military intelligence section of the German army's general
|
|
staff. They packed the film in watertight steel drums and secretly
|
|
buried it in remote mountain meadows scattered through the Austrian
|
|
Alps. Then, on May 22, 1945, Gehlen and his top aides surrendered to
|
|
an American Counter-intelligence Corps [<span class="ORG">CIC</span>] team." (18) </p>
|
|
<p> According to Tetens: ". . . [Gehlen] immediately asked for an
|
|
interview with the commanding officer . . ." and offered the United
|
|
States "his intelligence staff, spy apparatus, and the priceless
|
|
files for future service." </p>
|
|
<p> Gehlen was sent to Washington and his offer was taken. "The
|
|
Pentagon-Gehlen agreement," states Tetens, "in practice guaranteed
|
|
the continuation of the all-important Abwehr division of the German
|
|
General Staff. Hundreds of German army and SS officers were quietly
|
|
released from internment camps and joined Gehlen's headquarters in
|
|
the Spessart Mountains in central Germany. When the staff had grown
|
|
to three thousand men, the Bureau Gehlen opened a closely guarded
|
|
twenty-five-acre compound near Pullach, south of Munich, operating
|
|
under the innocent name of the South German Industrial Development
|
|
Organization. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "Within a few years the Gehlen apparatus had grown by leaps and
|
|
bounds. In the early fifties it was estimated that the organization
|
|
employed up to 4000 intelligence specialists in Germany, mainly
|
|
former army and SS officers, and that more than 4000 V-men
|
|
(undercover agents) were active throughout the Soviet-bloc
|
|
countries. Gehlen's spy network stretches from Korea to Cairo, from
|
|
Siberia to Santiago de Chile. . . . When the Federal Republic [of
|
|
West Germany] became a sovereign state in 1955, the Bureau Gehlen
|
|
was openly recognized as the official intelligence arm of the Bonn
|
|
government." (19) </p>
|
|
<p> How important was the Gehlen Org, as it became known, to the
|
|
history of the Cold War? Simpson's research documents that it was
|
|
perhaps the most significant element of all:</p>
|
|
<p> ". . . . The Org became the most important eyes and ears for U.S.
|
|
intelligence inside the closed societies of the Soviet bloc. 'In
|
|
1946 [U.S.] intelligence files on the Soviet Union were virtually
|
|
empty,' says Harry Rositzke, the CIA's former chief of espionage
|
|
inside the Soviet Union. '. . . . Rositzke worked closely with
|
|
Gehlen during the formative years of the CIA and credits Gehlen's
|
|
organization with playing a "primary role" in filling the empty file
|
|
folders during that period. . . .' </p>
|
|
<p> "'Gehlen had to make his money by creating a threat that we were
|
|
afraid of,' says Victor Marchetti, formerly the CIA's chief analyst
|
|
of Soviet strategic war plans and capabilities, 'so we would give
|
|
him more money to tell us about it.' He continues: 'In my opinion,
|
|
the Gehlen Organization provided nothing worthwhile for the
|
|
understanding or estimating Soviet military or political
|
|
capabilities in Eastern Europe or anywhere else.' Employing Gehlen
|
|
was 'a waste of time, money, and effort, except that maybe he had
|
|
some CI [counter-intelligence] value, because practically everybody
|
|
in his organization was sucking off both tits.'" (20) </p>
|
|
<p> By 'sucking off both tits' Marchetti is referring to the fact that
|
|
Gehlen's elaborate operation was penetrated by Soviet spies at the
|
|
very time it was our most important source of intelligence upon
|
|
which the Cold War was based. In fact, the Communists had
|
|
infiltrated Nazi intelligence long before Gehlen switched sides. </p>
|
|
<p> TRIPLE CROSS </p>
|
|
<p> "In each generation," write Aarons and Loftus,"Soviet intelligence
|
|
created 'anti-Communist' emigre front groups, ostensibly to foment
|
|
revolution and topple Bolshevism. The front groups attracted support
|
|
from the West. Considerable financial assistance was supplied and
|
|
close ties forged with various Western intelligence services. This
|
|
enabled the Communist double agents running the front groups to co-opt the legitimate emigre opposition, splinter their leadership and
|
|
provoke them into premature and poorly organized rebellions which
|
|
were easily defeated. More importantly, the false front groups were
|
|
a vehicle for long-term Soviet penetration of Western society. . .
|
|
." </p>
|
|
<p> The authors identify one of these groups as the Narodny Trudovoi
|
|
Soyuz (NTS), or the People's Labour Alliance. The NTS represented
|
|
itself as a group of anti-communist "moles" inside the Kremlin and,
|
|
in the 1920s, recruited a Communist agent named Prince Anton
|
|
Vasilevich Turkel. Turkel, who actually worked for Soviet Military
|
|
intelligence (GRU), went on to penetrate French, <span class="NORP">Japanese</span>, Italian,
|
|
British, German, and even the Vatican intelligence services before
|
|
the end of World War II. </p>
|
|
<p> "After World War II, Turkel worked for West German intelligence
|
|
(the Gehlen Org), collaborated with many of the spy services of
|
|
NATO, including the American Military Intelligence Service (MIS -
|
|
for offensive intelligence), the US Army Counter Intelligence Corps
|
|
(<span class="ORG">CIC</span> - for defensive purposes), the ultra-secret State Department
|
|
Office of Policy Co-ordination and the Central Intelligence Agency.
|
|
. ." (21) </p>
|
|
<p> "Just before World War II began," according to the authors, "an
|
|
Austrian Jew named Richard Kauder created a secret intelligence
|
|
network, code named MAX." Kauder, using the name of [Max] Klatt -
|
|
Turkel's intelligence chief ["Unholy Trinity," Aarons and Loftus, p.
|
|
166] - "worked exclusively for Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the German
|
|
spy chief who collaborated with the Vatican and the British to
|
|
topple Hitler during the war [the group known as the Black
|
|
Orchestra]." </p>
|
|
<p> The Nazis thought the Max network was made up of "so-called Fascist
|
|
Jews" who "were willing to spy against the Soviet Union, not for the
|
|
glory of the Third Reich but to save themselves and their families
|
|
from the concentration camps." The Max network was supposed to have
|
|
had "the only communication link to a secret network of 'White'
|
|
<span class="NORP">Russian</span> Fascists inside the Kremlin [Turkel's NTS], who had
|
|
supposedly infiltrated Stalin's military headquarters prior to World
|
|
War II." But, the authors continue, "the Max network was not made up
|
|
of Fascist Jews. They were, in fact, Communist Jews who risked their
|
|
lives inside the heart of the Third Reich's intelligence service." </p>
|
|
<p> The Max network actually misled the Nazis, feeding them false
|
|
intelligence on the capabilities and intentions of the Soviet Union,
|
|
leading "the Nazi divisions into a series of death traps on the
|
|
Eastern front." The Max double-agents were responsible for the Nazis
|
|
defeats at Stalingrad, "the giant battle of Kursk where Hitler's
|
|
tank divisions were slaughtered. The final sting," continue the
|
|
authors, "was to mislead Germany into believing that the Red army
|
|
was on the verge of collapse in 1944, when in fact the Soviets were
|
|
preparing for the most massive onslaught of the war. </p>
|
|
<p> "It would not be an exaggeration to say that the 'Fascist Jews' of
|
|
the Max network did more to defeat the German army than all the
|
|
Western intelligence services combined. Seventy percent of all
|
|
Hitler's divisions were destroyed on the Eastern front, largely as a
|
|
result of the misleading intelligence supplied by Max." (22) </p>
|
|
<p> When Gehlen was recruited by the United States, Allen Dulles
|
|
ordered the ex-Nazi spymaster to "revive the Max network." Gehlen
|
|
already had plans to do just that, intending "to make Turkel's Max
|
|
network the centerpiece of his new West German intelligence agency.
|
|
As soon as a Republican president was elected in the United States,
|
|
Dulles intended to take over the CIA and make Gehlen and Turkel the
|
|
heart of his anti-Soviet network. The Soviets, of course, were
|
|
delighted as they watched Dulles and Gehlen attempt to plant a
|
|
Communist spy ring in the heart of Western intelligence. . . .</p>
|
|
<p> ". . . [E]ventually, in 1956, the Allies decided that the whole
|
|
thing had been a giant Soviet-controlled operation. Dozens of
|
|
operations, hundreds of agents, thousands of innocent civilians had
|
|
been betrayed. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> ". . . [T]hree years after Dulles became head of CIA in 1953, his
|
|
pet 'Fascist,' Turkel, broadcast the CIA codes to start the
|
|
Hungarian uprising prematurely. Thousands of innocent Hungarians
|
|
rushed on to the streets of Budapest to start the revolution.
|
|
Instead of American paratroopers dropping supplies, they found
|
|
Soviet tanks waiting in the suburbs."</p>
|
|
<p> By 1959, the collapse of Dulles's spy network was almost total:
|
|
"U.S. Military Intelligence admitted to the National Security
|
|
Council that it did not have a single network of couriers or safe
|
|
houses left in Communist territory, apart from East Germany.
|
|
Dulles's Nazi 'freedom fighters' had sold him out." (23) </p>
|
|
<p> COLD WARRIORS </p>
|
|
<p> It was Harry Rositze who best described the attitude of the United
|
|
States military-intelligence establishment after the end of World
|
|
War II: "Any bastard as long as he was anti-Communist." Rositze, the
|
|
"former head of secret operations inside the USSR" for the CIA, was
|
|
correct. (24) </p>
|
|
<p> We have seen that many Nazis - including those who committed
|
|
atrocities - returned to positions of power and influence inside
|
|
Germany after the war. Unknown until fairly recently was the extent
|
|
of Nazi recruitment by U.S. intelligence agencies and political
|
|
organizations, in the 1940s and 1950s. </p>
|
|
<p> Perhaps the most publicized program of Nazi recruitment is that of
|
|
Project Paperclip, which involved the collection of Nazi rocket
|
|
scientists and facilities, all of which were later incorporated into
|
|
the U.S. Space Program. Klaus Barbie's employment by the U.S. State
|
|
Department in the 1940s is another well-known incident. Barbie, head
|
|
of the Gestapo in Lyons, France, was known as the "Butcher of Lyons"
|
|
and was sought by the French Government for atrocities committed
|
|
against French Resistance fighters captured by the Nazis. Barbie was
|
|
recruited as a U.S. intelligence "asset" in 1947 by one branch of
|
|
the State Department's Counter-intelligence Corps (<span class="ORG">CIC</span>), while
|
|
another branch, the Operation Selection Board, a joint U.S./British
|
|
project, was trying to put him in prison for war crimes. </p>
|
|
<p> Eventually, according to Aarons and Loftus, "Barbie's employment
|
|
(and protection) by the Americans began to reach French newspapers
|
|
and politicians at least as early as 1948. They, in turn brought
|
|
increasing pressure on the U.S. government through publicity and
|
|
eventually through official notes requesting Barbie's extradition
|
|
from Germany. That, in the final analysis, is why the <span class="ORG">CIC</span> chose to
|
|
provide Barbie with a new identity and safe passage to Argentina in
|
|
1951, while thousands of other ex-Nazis who had been 'of interest'
|
|
to the <span class="ORG">CIC</span> at one time or another have simply lived out their lives
|
|
in Germany. If the <span class="ORG">CIC</span> had dumped Barbie when the French government
|
|
began requesting his extradition, he would have had plenty of
|
|
compromising things to say about the <span class="ORG">CIC</span>. . ." (25) </p>
|
|
<p> But when Barbie was eventually captured by Bolivian authorities in
|
|
the early 1980s, and returned to France to face charges of war
|
|
crimes, the U.S. government was forced to conduct an investigation
|
|
into the Barbie affair. The official position? ". . . [T]his
|
|
investigation concluded that the United States had indeed protected
|
|
Barbie in Europe and engineered his escape but that Barbie was the
|
|
only such Nazi who had been assisted in this fashion." (26) </p>
|
|
<p> As documented previously, this statement was false. Hundreds,
|
|
perhaps thousands, of Nazis were employed by the several U.S.
|
|
agencies, from the <span class="ORG">CIC</span> to the CIA, and used in covert operations
|
|
overseas, as our first line of defense against Communism. Others,
|
|
equally as guilty of wartime atrocities, were brought into the
|
|
United States for domestic political purposes. This aspect of the
|
|
U.S.-Nazi connection is well-documented, and deserves closer
|
|
attention by the mainstream press. </p>
|
|
<p> One of the first researchers to reveal the connections between the
|
|
U.S. government and the Nazis, was a lady named Mae Brussell of
|
|
Carmel, California. Her career as a conspiracy researcher and host
|
|
of the weekly radio program "World Watchers International" began
|
|
with the Kennedy assassination. "In ferreting out every morsel from
|
|
the Warren Report," writes Jonathan Vankin, author of the book
|
|
"Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes," "supplementing her research
|
|
with untold amounts of reading from the 'New York Times' to 'Soldier
|
|
of Fortune,' Brussell discovered not merely a conspiracy of a few
|
|
renegade CIA agents, Mafiosi, and Castro haters behind Kennedy's
|
|
death, but a vast, invisible institutional structure layered into
|
|
the very fabric of the U.S. political system.</p>
|
|
<p> "Comprising the government within a government were not just spies,
|
|
gangsters, and <span class="NORP">Cubans</span>, but Nazis. Mae found that many of the
|
|
commission witnesses -- whose testimony established Oswald as a lone
|
|
nut' -- had never even spoken to Oswald, or knew him only slightly.
|
|
The bulk of them were White <span class="NORP">Russian</span> emigres living in Dallas.
|
|
Extreme in their anti-Communism, they were often affiliated with
|
|
groups set up by the SS in World War II -- Eastern European ethnic
|
|
armies used by the Nazis to carry out their dirtiest work. </p>
|
|
<p> "Brussell also discovered an episode from history rarely reported
|
|
in the media, and not often taught in universities. Those same
|
|
collaborationist groups were absorbed by United States intelligence
|
|
agencies. They hooked up with the spy net of German General Reinhard
|
|
Gehlen, Hitler's Eastern Front espionage chief."</p>
|
|
<p> "'This is a story of how key Nazis . . . anticipated military
|
|
disaster and laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but disguised,
|
|
in havens in the West,' wrote Mae Brussell in 1983. She didn't
|
|
author too many articles, but this one, 'The Nazi Connection to the
|
|
John F. Kennedy Assassination' (in 'The Rebel,' a short-lived
|
|
political magazine published by 'Hustler' impresario Larry Flynt),
|
|
was definitive, albeit convoluted. </p>
|
|
<p> "'It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963, when
|
|
John Kennedy was struck down,' Brussell's article continued. 'And it
|
|
is a story with an aftermath -- America's slide to the brink of
|
|
Fascism.'" </p>
|
|
<p> Mae Brussell quit broadcasting her radio show in Spring of 1988,
|
|
after receiving a death threat from a "man who is said to have
|
|
identified himself as 'a fascist and proud of it.'" </p>
|
|
<p> The last project she worked on, before her death from cancer on
|
|
October 3, 1988, writes the author, "was a study of Satanic cults --
|
|
within the U.S. military. The hidden fascist oligarchy had
|
|
progressed far beyond the need for patsies like Oswald. They were
|
|
now able, Brussell asserted, to hypnotically program assassins. </p>
|
|
<p> "Satanic cults are the state of the art in brainwashing. With
|
|
drugs, sex, and violence, they strip any semblance of moral thought.
|
|
They are perfect for use in creating killers. The United States
|
|
military, Brussell found, was using them." (27) </p>
|
|
<p> NOTES: THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER</p>
|
|
<p> 1.One Thousand Americans, George Seldes, p. 5-6 2.The Secret War
|
|
Against the Jews, Loftus and Aarons, p. 71 3.Ibid., pp. 73-74
|
|
4.Ibid., pp. 75-76 5.Ibid., p. 77 6.Ibid., p. 78 7.Ibid., pp. 79-80
|
|
8.Ibid., pp. 82-83 9.Ibid., pp. 84-85 10.Ibid., pp. 85-86 11.Tragedy
|
|
and Hope, Prof. Carrol Quigley, p. 827 12.Secret War Against the
|
|
Jews, pp. 100-102 13.The American Establishment, Leonard and Mark
|
|
Silk, p. 249 14.The New Germany and the Old Nazis, T.H. Tetens, pp.
|
|
99-102 15.Blowback: America's recruitment of Nazis and its effects
|
|
on the Cold War, Christopher Simpson, pp. 191-192 16.The New Germany
|
|
and the Old Nazis, p. 103 17.Ibid., pp. 112-113 18.Blowback, pp. 40-41 19.The New Germany and the Old Nazis, pp. 42-43 20.Blowback, pp.
|
|
54-55 21.Unholy Trinity, Mark Aarons and John Loftus, pp. 151-152
|
|
22.The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 135-136 23.Ibid., pp. 151-152 24.Blowback, p. 159 25.Ibid., pp. 187-189 26.Ibid., pp. 192-193
|
|
27.Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes, Jonathan Vankin, pp. 101-104</p>
|
|
<p> RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON </p>
|
|
<p> In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard
|
|
Nixon. To do so we must return to the years just after the end of
|
|
World War II and, of course, a man named Dulles. </p>
|
|
<p> The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can
|
|
only be appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career
|
|
also began with one. Loftus and Aarons state that: </p>
|
|
<p> "According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard
|
|
Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer
|
|
temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The
|
|
documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing,
|
|
"former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel,
|
|
Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with Dulles's
|
|
principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable
|
|
records regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust.
|
|
After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records,
|
|
but he helped peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible 'New
|
|
York Times.'" </p>
|
|
<p> The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up
|
|
his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an
|
|
anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil
|
|
interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to
|
|
Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian-American
|
|
Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of
|
|
people with him, including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except
|
|
that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti
|
|
records." </p>
|
|
<p> According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the
|
|
young navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard
|
|
Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return,
|
|
Allen Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional
|
|
campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1) </p>
|
|
<p> Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman
|
|
congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles
|
|
considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that
|
|
confidential government files showed that one of Foster's foundation
|
|
employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles
|
|
brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of
|
|
Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany, apparently in
|
|
anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey
|
|
became president." [He would be useful anyway, despite the fact that
|
|
incumbent President Truman won reelection in 1948, defeating Dewey.]
|
|
(2) </p>
|
|
<p> After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen
|
|
Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph <span class="PERSON">McCarthy</span>
|
|
received volumes of classified information to support the charge
|
|
that the Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When
|
|
<span class="PERSON">McCarthy</span> went too far in his Communist investigations, it was Nixon
|
|
who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith,
|
|
to steer the investigations away from the intelligence community.</p>
|
|
<p> "The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the
|
|
reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of
|
|
the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief,
|
|
Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European
|
|
emigre networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British,
|
|
and finally Dulles. </p>
|
|
<p> "The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the
|
|
United States less for intelligence purposes than for political
|
|
advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the
|
|
Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles
|
|
used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the
|
|
Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of
|
|
the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected Western
|
|
intelligence with Nazi recruits. </p>
|
|
<p> "In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the
|
|
Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly,
|
|
recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States
|
|
after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several
|
|
Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant
|
|
number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited
|
|
by the SS as political and police leaders during the Holocaust.
|
|
These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation'
|
|
policy as the quickest means of getting back into power in their
|
|
former homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its first
|
|
operation (1951/1952).'"</p>
|
|
<p> The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had
|
|
acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov,
|
|
a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in
|
|
New Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's
|
|
political organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the
|
|
very beginning, the word had been put around among Eastern European
|
|
Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you
|
|
were a rich Fascist . . ." (3) </p>
|
|
<p> This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed
|
|
because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin
|
|
loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote.
|
|
When [Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was
|
|
determined to build his own ethnic base.</p>
|
|
<p> "Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis against Jews
|
|
in American politics was never investigated at the time. The foreign
|
|
language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a
|
|
ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern
|
|
European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA
|
|
domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s
|
|
and the leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups.
|
|
The motive for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis
|
|
to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats. </p>
|
|
<p> "In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican
|
|
National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to
|
|
power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the
|
|
committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration
|
|
laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They
|
|
flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration
|
|
program. As vice president, he even received Eastern European
|
|
Fascists in the White House. After a long, long journey, the
|
|
Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where they
|
|
reestablished their networks. </p>
|
|
<p> "In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election,
|
|
he would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican
|
|
party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only
|
|
during presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after
|
|
the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the
|
|
Republican National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an
|
|
integral part of the campaign structure of Republican politics,
|
|
along with several other Fascist organizations." (4)</p>
|
|
<p> The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain
|
|
terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968
|
|
presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the
|
|
point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert operations and
|
|
personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in
|
|
1956 and 1957." (5) </p>
|
|
<p> One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor,
|
|
described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's
|
|
Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . .
|
|
was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of
|
|
Nazi Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish
|
|
population.</p>
|
|
<p> "[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved
|
|
Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council. Not
|
|
surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the
|
|
council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist
|
|
organizations.' The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in
|
|
droves. </p>
|
|
<p> "The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre
|
|
Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff,
|
|
head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American
|
|
Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an
|
|
organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive Fascists. Yet
|
|
Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even had Docheff to breakfast
|
|
for a prayer meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6) </p>
|
|
<p> "During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo
|
|
Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No
|
|
longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position
|
|
as the Republican National Committee's nationalities director. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense.
|
|
[Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's
|
|
Nazis appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the
|
|
November 1971 convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor,
|
|
'the industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was never
|
|
asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by the four GOP
|
|
officials who interviewed him for his job.' It was too embarrassing
|
|
for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had been a ranking member of a
|
|
Fascist government at war with the United States. </p>
|
|
<p> ". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European
|
|
Fascist movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to
|
|
let the German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the
|
|
Republican administration changed the rules, and even members of the
|
|
Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as they
|
|
claimed only to have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front."
|
|
(7)</p>
|
|
<p> The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by
|
|
Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the
|
|
book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden
|
|
and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known
|
|
as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with Germanic
|
|
names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was
|
|
also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the
|
|
<span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span>s' emissary) and many others. </p>
|
|
<p> "The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the
|
|
brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University
|
|
of Southern California, and the University of California at Los
|
|
Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of
|
|
a new Reich. America has for a long time harbored this dark side of
|
|
its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and
|
|
Hitler. </p>
|
|
<p> "But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will'
|
|
was the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi
|
|
propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours
|
|
of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with
|
|
blind ambition, as one of them wrote." (8) </p>
|
|
<p> "According to several of our sources in the intelligence community
|
|
who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the
|
|
secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read
|
|
like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi
|
|
connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The
|
|
rosters will never be disclosed to the public. As will be seen in
|
|
Chapter 16 dealing with George Bush, the Fascist connection is too
|
|
widespread for damage control. </p>
|
|
<p> "According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research
|
|
Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War
|
|
II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon
|
|
administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be
|
|
gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass
|
|
murderer from what is today called the independent nation of
|
|
Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all American
|
|
ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section;
|
|
there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no
|
|
one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of the
|
|
top emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored
|
|
their friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally
|
|
fled to Argentina were moving to the United States. . . ." (9)</p>
|
|
<p> It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party
|
|
Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of
|
|
having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a
|
|
matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the
|
|
Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds, money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the political
|
|
sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, the involvement
|
|
of ITT and the Nixon Administration into the assassination of
|
|
Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, and
|
|
many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about
|
|
to open. Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth
|
|
by the American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning
|
|
by his hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford. </p>
|
|
<p> NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON</p>
|
|
<p> 1.The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221 2.Ibid., pp. 221-222
|
|
3.Ibid., pp. 222-223 4.Ibid., pp. 122-123 5.Ibid., pp. 224-225
|
|
6.Ibid., pp. 297-298 7.Ibid., pp. 298-299 8.High Treason, Robert J.
|
|
Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, pp. 417-418 9.The Secret War
|
|
Against the Jews, pp. 300-301</p>
|
|
<p> GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH </p>
|
|
<p> Like Richard Nixon, George Bush was a strong anti-marijuana/hemp
|
|
president, escalating the so-called "war on drugs" begun by Nixon.
|
|
And, like Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting the
|
|
Nazis in the Republican's closet. In fact, support for the Nazis was
|
|
a Bush family tradition which goes back more than six decades and,
|
|
once again, to Allen Dulles. </p>
|
|
<p> Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts well
|
|
before he launched his own career. It goes back to the 1920s, when
|
|
the Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall Street were making
|
|
their deals with the Nazis. . . ." </p>
|
|
<p> THE BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION</p>
|
|
<p> "George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake and
|
|
maternal grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker, a native of St.
|
|
Louis, who founded the banking and investment firm of G. H. Walker
|
|
and Company in 1900. Later the company shifted from St. Louis to the
|
|
prestigious address of 1 Wall Street. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial supporters in
|
|
the United States. The relationship went all the way back to 1924,
|
|
when Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing Hitler's
|
|
infant Nazi party. As mentioned in earlier chapters, there were
|
|
American contributors as well. </p>
|
|
<p> "Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections to
|
|
Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell because
|
|
they supported Fascism. The Dulles brothers, who were in it for
|
|
profit more than ideology, arranged American investments in Nazi
|
|
Germany in the 1930s to ensure that their clients did well out of
|
|
the German economic recovery. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "Sullivan & Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in funding
|
|
Germany. According to 'The Splendid Blond Beast,' Christopher
|
|
Simpson's seminal history of the politics of genocide and profit,
|
|
Brown Brothers, <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span> was another bank that specialized in
|
|
investments in Germany. The key figure was Averill <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span>, a
|
|
dominating figure in the American establishment. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The firm originally was known as W. A. <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span> & Company. The
|
|
link between <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span> & Company's American investors and Thyssen
|
|
started in the 1920s, through the Union Banking Corporation, which
|
|
began trading in 1924. In just one three-year period, the <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span>
|
|
firm sold more than $50 million of German bonds to American
|
|
investors. 'Bert' Walker was Union Banking's president, and the firm
|
|
was located in the offices of Averill Harriman's company at 39
|
|
<span class="LOC">Broadway</span> in New York. </p>
|
|
<p> "In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law, Prescott
|
|
Bush. It was the sort of favor families do to help their children
|
|
make a start in life, but Prescott came to regret it bitterly.
|
|
Walker made Prescott vice president of W. A. <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span>. The problem
|
|
was that Walker's specialty was companies that traded with Germany.
|
|
As Thyssen and the other German industrialists consolidated Hitler's
|
|
political power in the 1930s, an American financial connection was
|
|
needed. According to our sources, Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi money-laundering machine. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "In [1931], <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span> & Company merged with a British-American
|
|
investment company to become Brown Brothers, <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span>. Prescott Bush
|
|
became one of the senior partners of the new company, which
|
|
relocated to 59 <span class="LOC">Broadway</span>, while Union Banking remained at 39
|
|
<span class="LOC">Broadway</span>. But in 1934 Walker arranged to put his son-in-law on the
|
|
board of directors of Union Banking. </p>
|
|
<p> "Walker also set up a deal to take over the <span class="PERSON">North</span> American
|
|
operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G. Farben's
|
|
Nazi espionage unit in the United States. The shipping line smuggled
|
|
in German agents, propaganda, and money for bribing American
|
|
politicians to see things Hitler's way. The holding company was
|
|
Walker's American Shipping & Commerce, which shared the offices at
|
|
39 <span class="LOC">Broadway</span> with Union Banking. In an elaborate corporate paper
|
|
trail, Harriman's stock in American Shipping & Commerce was
|
|
controlled by yet another holding company, the <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span> Fifteen
|
|
Corporation, run out of Walker's office. The directors of this
|
|
company were Averill <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span>, Bert Walker, and Prescott Bush. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> ". . . In a November 1935 article in Common Sense, retired marine
|
|
general Smedley D. Butler blamed Brown Brothers, <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span> for having
|
|
the U.S. marines act like 'racketeers' and 'gangsters' in order to
|
|
exploit financially the peasants of Nicaragua. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> ". . . A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker's
|
|
'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi propaganda
|
|
efforts both in Germany and the United States.' Walker did not know
|
|
it, but one of his American employees, Dan Harkins, had blown the
|
|
whistle on the spy apparatus to Congress. Harkins, one of our best
|
|
sources, became Roosevelt's first double agent . . . [and] kept up
|
|
the pretense of being an ardent Nazi sympathizer, while reporting to
|
|
Naval Intelligence on the shipping company's deals with Nazi
|
|
intelligence.</p>
|
|
<p> "Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the authors, "Bush
|
|
hired a lawyer to hide the assets. The lawyer he hired had
|
|
considerable expertise in such underhanded schemes. It was Allen
|
|
Dulles. According to Dulles's client list at Sullivan & Cromwell,
|
|
his first relationship with Brown Brothers, <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span> was on June 18,
|
|
1936. In January 1937 Dulles listed his work for the firm as
|
|
'Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil] Investing stock.' </p>
|
|
<p> "As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey had
|
|
completed a major stock transaction with Dulles's Nazi client, I.G.
|
|
Farben. By the end of January 1937 Dulles had merged all his
|
|
cloaking activities into one client account: 'Brown Brothers
|
|
<span class="PERSON">Harriman</span>-Schroeder Rock.' Schroeder, of course, was the Nazi bank on
|
|
whose board Dulles sat. The 'Rock' were the <span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span>s of Standard
|
|
Oil, who were already coming under scrutiny for their Nazi deals. By
|
|
May 1939 Dulles handled another problem for Brown Brothers,
|
|
<span class="PERSON">Harriman</span>, their 'Securities Custodian Accounts.' </p>
|
|
<p> "If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding companies
|
|
Brown Brothers, <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span> was connected with, he did not do a very
|
|
good job. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, word leaked from Washington
|
|
that affiliates of Prescott Bush's company were under investigation
|
|
for aiding the Nazis in time of war. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> ". . . The government investigation against Prescott Bush
|
|
continued. Just before the storm broke, his son, George, abandoned
|
|
his plans to enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Army. It was, say
|
|
our sources among the former intelligence officers, a valiant
|
|
attempt by an eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's honor. </p>
|
|
<p> "Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when the U.S.
|
|
government charged his father with running Nazi front groups in the
|
|
United States. Under the Trading with the Enemy Act, all the shares
|
|
of the Union Banking Corporation were seized, including those held
|
|
by Prescott Bush as being in effect held for enemy nationals. Union
|
|
Banking, of course, was an affiliate of Brown Brothers, <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span>,
|
|
and Bush handled the <span class="PERSON">Harriman</span>s' investments as well. </p>
|
|
<p> "Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the whole story
|
|
of the intricate web of Nazi front corporations began to unravel. A
|
|
few days later two of Union Banking's subsidiaries -- the Holland
|
|
American Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment
|
|
Corporation -- also were seized. Then the government went after the
|
|
<span class="PERSON">Harriman</span> Fifteen Holding Company, which Bush shared with his father-in-law, Bert Walker, the Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian-American Corporation. The U.S. government found that huge sections
|
|
of Prescott Bush's empire had been operated on behalf of Nazi
|
|
Germany and had greatly assisted the German war effort." (1)</p>
|
|
<p> EDWIN PAULEY</p>
|
|
<p> "Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush could not get
|
|
away from Dulles's crooked corporate network, which his grandfather
|
|
and father had joined in the 1920s. Wherever he turned, George found
|
|
that the influence of the Dulles brothers was already there. Even
|
|
when he fled to Texas to become a successful businessman on his own,
|
|
he ran into the pirates of Wall Street. </p>
|
|
<p> "One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the Democratic party
|
|
later became George Bush's partner in the Mexican oil business.
|
|
Edwin Pauley, a California oil man, was . . . one of Dulles's covert
|
|
agents in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations . . . a 'big
|
|
business' Democrat. . . ."</p>
|
|
<p> Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the
|
|
Democratic National Committee, director of the Democratic convention
|
|
in 1944 and, after Truman's election, Truman appointed him the
|
|
"Petroleum Coordinator of Lend-Lease Supplies for the Soviet Union
|
|
and Britain." </p>
|
|
<p> Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman appointed
|
|
Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied Reparations
|
|
Committee, with the rank of ambassador," as well as "industrial and
|
|
commercial advisor to the Potsdam Conference, 'where his chief task
|
|
was to renegotiate the reparations agreements formulated at Yalta.'
|
|
As one historian noted, the 'oil industry has always watched
|
|
reparations activities carefully.' There was a lot of money
|
|
involved, and much of it belonged to the Dulles brothers' clients." </p>
|
|
<p> At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons,</p>
|
|
<p> "the Dulles brothers were still shifting Nazi assets out of Europe
|
|
for their clients as well as for their own profit. They didn't want
|
|
the Soviets to get their hands on these assets or even know that
|
|
they existed. Pauley played a significant role in solving this
|
|
problem for the Dulles brothers. The major part of Nazi Germany's
|
|
industrial assets was located in the zones occupied by the West's
|
|
forces. As Washington's man on the ground, Pauley managed to deceive
|
|
the Soviets for long enough to allow Allen Dulles to spirit much of
|
|
the remaining Nazi assets out to safety. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles brothers' Nazi
|
|
assets, then moved into another post where he could help them
|
|
further. After successfully keeping German assets in Fascist hands,
|
|
Pauley was given the job of 'surveying Japan's assets and
|
|
determining the amount of its war debt.' Again, it was another job
|
|
that was crucial to the Dulles clique's secret financial and
|
|
intelligence operations." (2)</p>
|
|
<p> After Pauley retired from government work he went back to being an
|
|
independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In 1958 he
|
|
founded Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with Howard Hughes
|
|
to expand oil production in the Gulf of Mexico.</p>
|
|
<p> "Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive offshore petroleum
|
|
reserve and in 1959 became involved in a dispute with the Mexican
|
|
Government, which considered the royalties from the wells to be too
|
|
low. </p>
|
|
<p> "According to our sources in the intelligence community, the oil
|
|
dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by Mexican politicians.
|
|
Hughes and Pauley were working for the CIA from time to time, while
|
|
advancing their own financial interests in the lucrative Mexican oil
|
|
fields. Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who invented
|
|
an intelligence money-laundering system in Mexico, which was later
|
|
refined in the 1970s as part of Nixon's Watergate scandal. At one
|
|
point CIA agents used Pemex, the Mexican government's oil monopoly,
|
|
as a business cover at the same time Pemex was being used as a money
|
|
laundry for Pauley's campaign contributions. As we shall see, the
|
|
Mexican-CIA connection played an important part in the development
|
|
of George Bush's political and intelligence career. . . .</p>
|
|
<p> "Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought all the
|
|
threads of the Mexican connection together. He was Bush's business
|
|
associate, a front man for Dulles's CIA [Allen Dulles was CIA
|
|
director then], and originator of the use of Mexican oil fronts to
|
|
create a slush fund for Richard Nixon's various campaigns. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had been a
|
|
committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since 1960. It should be
|
|
recalled that Nixon tried to conceal his Mexican slush fund during
|
|
the Watergate affair by pressuring the CIA into a 'national
|
|
security' cover-up. The CIA, to its credit, declined to participate.
|
|
Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's work for Nixon
|
|
that they could never extricate themselves. According to a number of
|
|
our intelligence sources, the deals Bush cut with Pauley in Mexico
|
|
catapulted him into political life. In 1960 Bush became a protege of
|
|
Richard Nixon, who was then running for president of the United
|
|
States. . . . </p>
|
|
<p> "The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to Richard
|
|
Nixon, who as vice president had supervised Allen Dulles's covert
|
|
planning for the Bay of Pigs [invasion]. For years it has been
|
|
rumored that Dulles's client, George Bush's father, was one of the
|
|
Republican leaders who recruited Nixon to run for Congress and later
|
|
convinced Eisenhower to take him on as vice president. There is no
|
|
doubt that the two families were close. George Bush described Nixon
|
|
as his 'mentor.' Nixon was a Bush supporter in his very first tilt
|
|
at politics, during his unsuccessful run for the Senate in 1964, and
|
|
turned out again when he entered the House two years later. </p>
|
|
<p> "After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a general
|
|
house cleaning on the basis of loyalty. 'Eliminate everyone,' he
|
|
told John Ehrlichman about reappointments, 'except George Bush. Bush
|
|
will do anything for our cause.' . . . According to Bush's account,
|
|
the president told him that 'the place I really need you is over at
|
|
the National Committee running things.' So, in 1972, Nixon appointed
|
|
George Bush as head of the Republican National Committee. </p>
|
|
<p> "It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the 'ethnic'
|
|
emigres a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972 Nixon's
|
|
State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart
|
|
that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in
|
|
several key states. Bush's tenure as head of the Republican National
|
|
Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor's 1972 drive to
|
|
transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party's official
|
|
ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as Bush's campaign allies were
|
|
the emigre Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States. .
|
|
. . </p>
|
|
<p> ". . . Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in several
|
|
respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the same
|
|
ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic outreach
|
|
program when he first ran for president. </p>
|
|
<p> "According to our sources in the intelligence community," state the
|
|
authors, "it was Bush who told Nixon that the Watergate
|
|
investigations might start uncovering the Fascist skeletons in the
|
|
Republican party's closet. Bush himself acknowledges that he wrote
|
|
Nixon a letter asking him to step down. The day after Bush did so,
|
|
Nixon resigned. </p>
|
|
<p> "Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president upon Nixon's
|
|
resignation, but he was appointed U.S. ambassador to the UN. Nelson
|
|
<span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span> became vice president and chief damage controller. He
|
|
formed a special commission in an attempt to preempt the Senate's
|
|
investigation of the intelligence community. The <span class="PERSON">Rockefeller</span>
|
|
Commission into CIA abuses was filled with old OPC [Dulles's Office
|
|
of Policy Coordination] hands like Ronald Reagan, who had been the
|
|
front man back in the 1950s for the money-laundering organization,
|
|
the Crusade for Freedom, which was part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom
|
|
fighters' program." (3)</p>
|
|
<p> In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research
|
|
organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the
|
|
subject of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major mass
|
|
media ignored, overlooked or undercovered at least ten critical
|
|
stories reported in America's alternative press that raised serious
|
|
questions about the Republican candidate, George Bush, dating from
|
|
his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his Presidential
|
|
campaign's connection with a network of anti-Semites with Nazi and
|
|
fascist affiliations in 1988." (4) </p>
|
|
<p> NOTES: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH</p>
|
|
<p> 1.The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 357-361 2.Ibid., pp. 362-364
|
|
3.Ibid., pp. 365-371 4.The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News
|
|
That Didn't Make The News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl
|
|
Jensen, Director., pp. 230.</p>
|
|
<p> CONCLUSION </p>
|
|
<p> If, before you finished reading this publication, you ever wondered
|
|
why the U.S. federal government refuses to consider the medicinal
|
|
and industrial value of cannabis hemp, despite widespread and
|
|
growing support from the public, medical experts, industry leaders,
|
|
and a growing number of state legislators across this nation . . .
|
|
you now have the answer. </p>
|
|
<p> For the past several generations, Americans have been
|
|
systematically deceived about the true nature of cannabis hemp. Many
|
|
Americans have died - victims of political murders. Millions have
|
|
been imprisoned, their children and their property taken away, their
|
|
futures destroyed. The history of my own state - Kentucky - and
|
|
others as well, have been "sanitized," rewritten, our heritage
|
|
deleted, our citizens defrauded and impoverished to bury the truth. </p>
|
|
<p> And if, before you finished reading this publication, you ever
|
|
wondered why the U.S. federal government would train and finance
|
|
Central American death squads; or why, while waging the so-called
|
|
"war on drugs," the U.S. federal government would operate cocaine
|
|
and heroin smuggling operations around the world, bringing in tons
|
|
of drugs to places like Mena, Arkansas; or why the U.S. federal
|
|
government would "spread democracy" throughout the world by
|
|
assassinating democratically elected politicians - both at home and
|
|
abroad - replacing them with right-wing dictators and training their
|
|
secret police in the latest techniques of torture, terrorism, and
|
|
mind control; or why the U.S. federal government would conduct
|
|
deadly medical and radiation experiments on unsuspecting citizens -
|
|
including pregnant women, the mentally impaired, and children . . .
|
|
you now have the answer. </p>
|
|
<p> The last question is "what are we going to do about it?" </p>
|
|
<p> BIBLIOGRAPHY (By section)</p>
|
|
<p> INTRODUCTION</p>
|
|
<p> The Irony of Democracy: An Uncommon Introduction to American
|
|
Politics - Second Edition, By Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler -
|
|
Duxbury Press, CA. 1972 </p>
|
|
<p> The Arms Bazaar: From Lebanon to Lockheed - By Anthony Sampson -
|
|
The Viking Press, NY. 1977</p>
|
|
<p> U. S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS</p>
|
|
<p> Facts and Fascism - By George Seldes (Assisted by Helen Seldes) -
|
|
Sixth Edition - In Fact, Inc., NY. 1943 </p>
|
|
<p> Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American Money Plot
|
|
1933-1949 - By Charles Higham - Delecorte Press, NY. 1983 </p>
|
|
<p> Even the Gods Can't Change History: The Facts Speak for Themselves
|
|
- By George Seldes - Lyle Stuart, Inc., NJ. 1976 </p>
|
|
<p> Power, Inc.: Public and Private Rulers and How to Make Them
|
|
Accountable - By Morton Mintz & Jerry S. Cohen - Viking Press, NY.
|
|
1976 </p>
|
|
<p> The Plot to Seize the White House - By Jules Archer - Hawthorn
|
|
Books, 1973 </p>
|
|
<p> It's A Conspiracy!: The Shocking Truth About America's Favorite
|
|
Conspiracy Theories - By Michael Litchfield/The National Insecurity
|
|
Council - EarthWorks Press, CA. 1992 </p>
|
|
<p> The Secret War Against The Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed The
|
|
Jewish People - By John Loftus and Mark Aarons - St. Martin's Press,
|
|
NY. 1994 </p>
|
|
<p> HEMP & the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor Wears No Clothes - By
|
|
Jack Herer (Editors: C. Conrad, L. & J. Osburn, E. Komp , and J.
|
|
Stout) </p>
|
|
<p> H.E.M.P. (Help Eliminate Marijuana Prohibition), CA. 1995 </p>
|
|
<p> One Thousand Americans - By George Seldes - BONI & GAER, NY. 1947 </p>
|
|
<p> Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do: The Absurdity of Consentual
|
|
Crimes in a Free Society - By Peter McWilliams - Prelude Press, CA.
|
|
1993 </p>
|
|
<p> A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky - By Professor James F.
|
|
Hopkins - University of Kentucky Press, Lexington, KY. 1951 </p>
|
|
<p> Spooks: The Haunting of America - The Private Use of Secret Agents
|
|
- By Jim Hougan - First Bantam Edition - William Morrow and Co., NY.
|
|
1979 </p>
|
|
<p> The Sovereign State of ITT - By Anthony Sampson - Stein and Day,
|
|
NY. 1973 </p>
|
|
<p> Democracy for the Few - By Michael Parenti - Fourth Edition - St.
|
|
Martin's Press, NY. 1983</p>
|
|
<p> THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER</p>
|
|
<p> Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time - By Carroll
|
|
Quigley, Second Printing - Wm. Morrison, NY. 1974 </p>
|
|
<p> The American Establishment - By Leonard Silk & Mark Silk, First
|
|
Discus Printing - Avon Books (by arrangement with Basic Books), NY.
|
|
1981 </p>
|
|
<p> The New Germany and the Old Nazis - By T.H. Tetens - Random House,
|
|
NY. 1961 </p>
|
|
<p> Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazi's and Its Effect on the
|
|
Cold War - By Christopher Simpson - Weidenfeld & Nicolson, NY. 1988 </p>
|
|
<p> Unholy Trinity: The Vatican, the Nazis, and Soviet Intelligence -
|
|
By Mark Aarons & John Loftus, First U.S. Edition - St. Martin's
|
|
Press, NY. 1992 </p>
|
|
<p> Conspiracies, Cover-Ups and Crimes: From JFK to the CIA Terrorist
|
|
Connection - By Jonathan Vankin - Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing
|
|
Group, Inc., NY. 1992</p>
|
|
<p> RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON</p>
|
|
<p> High Treason: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy and
|
|
the New Evidence of Conspiracy - By Robert J. Groden and Harrison
|
|
Edward Livingstone, Berkley Edition - Berkley Books, NY. 1990</p>
|
|
<p> GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH</p>
|
|
<p> Censored: The News That Didn't Make the News - And Why - By Carl
|
|
Jensen - Shelburne Press, Inc., NY. 1993</p>
|
|
<p> Dedicated to the principals of an open discussion of the issues.
|
|
Copy and distribute freely. Please credit direct quotations where
|
|
appropriate. R. William Davis - Founder and Director, The Elkhorn
|
|
Project "Restoring Kentucky's Proud Heritage and Bright Future" All
|
|
email responses should be directed to: randy@ka.net Hemp for
|
|
Victory! Thank you r </p>
|
|
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