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9845 lines
701 KiB
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<xml><p><ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent>h: ns-mx!hobbes.physics.uiowa.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!mips!spool.mu.edu!olivea!sgigate!odin!ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com!dave
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From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
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Newsgroups: alt.activism,alt.conspiracy.<ent type='PERSON'>jfk</ent>,alt.conspiracy
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Subject: Book Intro: "The Taking Of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3"
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Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
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Keywords: our electoral system was taken away from us starting in 1963
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<info type="Message-ID"> 1992Jun4.223739.17980@odin.corp.sgi.com</info>
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Date: 4 Jun 92 22:37:39 GMT
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Sender: news@odin.corp.sgi.com (Net News)
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Organization: Silicon Graphics, Inc.
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Lines: 244
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Xref: ns-mx alt.activism:27137 alt.conspiracy.<ent type='PERSON'>jfk</ent>:1493 alt.conspiracy:15372
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Nntp-<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>ing-Host: ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</p>
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<p> This is an introduction to the book "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3,"
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by <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, self-published by the author first in 1976,
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revised in 1979, and updated in 1985. There will be eleven posts
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following this one that will comprise the complete 1985 updated
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third edition which I will be sending out with the permission of
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the author. From the book's own introduction,</p>
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<p> This book is not about assassinations, at least not
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solely about assassinations. It is not just another book
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about who murdered President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> or how or why. It is a
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book about power, about who really controls <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent>
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States policies, especially foreign policies. It is a book
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about the process of control through the manipulation of the
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<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n presidency and the presidential election process.
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The objective of the book is to expose the clandestine,
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secret, tricky methods and weapons used for this
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manipulation, and to reveal the degree to which these have
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been hidden from the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public.
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<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> are only one of many techniques used in
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this control process. They have been important only in the
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sense that they are the ultimate method used in the control
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of the election process. Viewed in this way, an
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understanding of what happened to <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
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becomes more important because it leads to a total
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understanding of what has happened to our country, and to
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us, since 1960. But the important thing to understand is
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the control and the power and all of the clandestine methods
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put together.</p>
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<p> Two men named <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> have been involved in examining the
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assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and its ensuing cover-up through the
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years. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, the former district attorney from
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<ent type='GPE'>Philadelphia</ent>, and the fearless prosecutor of the <ent type='PERSON'>Yablonski</ent> murderers,
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was named on October 4, 1976, by <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>person <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent>, to be
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chief counsel of the just-then forming <ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> on
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<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was a pioneer in the field of
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computers starting in the 1940s. His involvement studying the
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photographic evidence in the assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> goes
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back to 1966:</p>
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<p> From the day it happened I was skeptical about what was
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being said on the TV and radio with regard to how the
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president was killed. But when the "<ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent>" was
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issued I became non-skeptical and accepted it pretty much as
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it was. However, when the 26 volumes became available in
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late 1964 and I started reading through them, I became
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skeptical again because I could not find confirmation of
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most of the so-called facts presented by the "<ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent>"
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and purported to be backed up by the evidence in the 26
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volumes, or any other evidence.
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So I started work again, which caused me to need an index
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to the 26 volumes. This in turn lead to my contacting
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<ent type='PERSON'>Sylvia Meagher</ent> and asking where I could get her index having
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discovered that she had created and published one that the
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<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> hadn't seen fit to provide. She told me
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where I could get it and suggested we have lunch. This was
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in early November, 1966. She asked, "Why don't you do some
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real research?" and I said, "like what?" and she responded
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"how about the photographic evidence? A couple of people
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have started work on it but haven't finished." I asked her
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who and she said "<ent type='PERSON'>Harold Weisberg</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Ray Marcus</ent>." I
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contacted both men and that's more or less how I stuck my
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foot in the quicksand.
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At the time the 26 volumes became available there were
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only 8000 copies printed for the whole country. The time I
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managed to get hold of one of these sets of all 26 volumes
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was when I had moved to <ent type='ORG'>the University Club</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>New York City</ent>
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and they had a complete set donated to <ent type='ORG'>the University Club</ent>
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by non other than <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> J. McCloy. So I was using <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> J.
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McCloy's personal copies for the beginnings of my research.
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Now, the most important thing initially that happened in
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finding the photos was discovering a number of photographs-
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-films and still photos--that showed the sixth floor window
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empty with nobody in it. This is what originally convinced
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me that we had a different sort of conspiracy going than one
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involving <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, because if he wasn't in the
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window--and nobody was in the window--then what happened?
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Who fired the shots? And where from?
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Confirming that the films and photographs I was looking
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at were taken at the critical time the shots were fired, or
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immediately before or after that, involved a lot of work:
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work with plat maps, other photos, and other materials. I
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got hold of a map made by the surveyor for Dealey Plaza (I
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believe his name was <ent type='PERSON'>Clarence West</ent>) which was drawn to
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scale, and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent></ent> helped me draw onto it all of the
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various things that happened including all the vehicles that
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were moving through. And I managed to lay a set of films
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end-to-end starting with one rounding the turn onto <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent>
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Street all the way through Dealey Plaza so I could track any
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vehicle that was in view eighteenth-of-a-second by
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eighteenth-of-a-second (<ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film speed) all the way
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through Dealey Plaza. This enabled me to determine where
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<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was at all times and where anybody else was that
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showed up in any of the photos--particularly moving
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pictures--at times <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was at spot so-and-so or spot
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such-and-such.
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By doing this, with some triangulation, I was able to pin
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down the exact timing of two particular sets of photos: a
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film--the <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> film--the last frame of which shows the
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sixth floor window empty and ends 5.7 seconds ahead of the
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first shot--the first shot being fired/tied down at frame
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189 of the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film; and two photos taken after the
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shots were fired by <ent type='PERSON'>Dillard</ent> and, believe it or not, an
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intelligence man from <ent type='ORG'>Navy</ent> intelligence named <ent type='PERSON'>Powell</ent>.
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Powell's and Dillard's photos were taken almost at the same
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time, 3.5 seconds after the fatal and last shot (Z-313).
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So that total time span is less than 17 seconds--if you
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add up the 5.7 seconds after the end of the <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> film,
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plus the 6-plus seconds while the shots were being fired,
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plus the 3.5 seconds before <ent type='PERSON'>Dillard</ent> and Powell's photos were
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taken--of blank, non-coverage of that window and there's no
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way <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> could have gotten into the window, aimed, fired
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three shots, and gotten out of the window so you that
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couldn't see him in 17 seconds.
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But anyway there was another film taken by <ent type='PERSON'>Beverly Oliver</ent>
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otherwise known as the Babushka lady that was confiscated by
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News <ent type='GPE'>Orleans</ent> <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> agent Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, and a still photograph
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taken by <ent type='PERSON'>Norman Similas</ent>, confiscated by <ent type='ORG'>the Royal</ent> Canadian
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Mounted Police from "<ent type='ORG'>Liberty</ent>" magazine (which was going to
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publish the photo), who then turned the photo and its
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negative over to the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>. I interviewed <ent type='GPE'>Similas</ent> and the
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"<ent type='ORG'>Liberty</ent>" magazine editor both of whom told me they had
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carefully examined the photograph and had seen no one in the
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photograph appearing in the eastern-most sixth floor window,
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which I calculated had been taken about half-way into the
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17-second interval.
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I made two attempts soon after the Freedom of Information
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Act "viewing room" in the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> office in <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. was
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created, to request to see the <ent type='GPE'>Similas</ent> photograph and
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<ent type='PERSON'>Beverly Oliver</ent> film, but each time the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> person assigned
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to me was not able to find these photograhs. But the
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testimony of the people involved was good enough for me to
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conclude that there was nobody in that window ever.
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Once I got to that point I started looking for other
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evidence that would show where the shots did come from and I
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started finding all kinds of evidence of shots from the
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grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>, and from the <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> building, and from the
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roof or the seventh floor of the western end of the
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depository building--both photographs as well as witness
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testimony--and that lead me to decide that this was a
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powerful conspiracy which had involved at least four gunmen
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firing shots. This then lead me to decide that I should
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pursue the whole pattern of conspiracy including,
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eventually, the <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> assassination, the <ent type='PERSON'>Bobby</ent>
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<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination and the <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent> attempt. And
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that led to the book.
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Through all of this, I just know I never would have
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concluded that it was a powerful and well-planned conspiracy
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if I had not determined that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> wasn't in that window--
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nobody was in that window. That was the first key.
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There's one other thing I'd like to point out. The title
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of the book has more than just simple significance and it
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shows up in all the chapters that link all these
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assassinations and their cover-ups. Namely, our country has
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been taken from us. Us being the citizens of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent>
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States as of 1963, and any time after that, by robbing us of
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our capability of electing a president we wanted for at
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least three, and more likely four, elections. One way of
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taking the country away, is to control the elections and
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that's really, at least part of the essence of the book.
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It's close to what <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> proposed in his original
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bill. He wanted the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> to look into all four of the
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major assassinations--the fourth being the attempted
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assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>--and find the links between
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and among them, and the cover-ups, and particularly the
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links between the intelligence agencies and the cover-ups
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that he was sure were involved in all of them. And if we
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had had a committee which had done that, well then, we'd
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have been a lot further along than we are 13 years later.</p>
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<p> -- phone interview with the author, June 3, 1992</p>
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<p> The assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was the most
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photographed murder in history. Approximately 75 photographers took
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a total of approximately 510 photographs, either before or during or
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within an hour after the events in Dealey Plaza, and either there or
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nearby or related to those events. The word "photograph" in this
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context includes both still photos and movie sequences. The number
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of frames in a movie sequence ranges from about 10 to about 500; and
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in the count of 510 photographs, given above, the 10 to 500 frames of
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a single movie sequence are counted just as *one* photograph. The
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total number of frames is over 25000.
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<ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> examined 26 photographs, about 5 percent of
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the 510. The <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> examined about 50 photographs, or about 10 percent.
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The most famous of all the photographs is the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film, which
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had over 480 frames.
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Many of the photographs were taken by professional photographers.
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About 30 of the photographers were professionals who worked for
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newspapers, television networks, and photographic agencies.
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<ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> did not interview a single one of the
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professional photographers, nor did <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> see any
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complete, uncropped copies of their photographs.
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Fifteen of these professionals were actually in the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
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motorcade, no further than 6 car lengths behind the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> car.
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Five of these photographers were television network cameramen. The
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<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> looked at none of their photographs.
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[.....]
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Because the professionals used movie cameras of professional
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quality, their films are exceedingly revealing and valuable as
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primary evidence. <ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> looked at none of these
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films.
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During the past several years, I have collected copies of over 200
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of these photographs, and I have looked at and taken notes of another
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200 of these photographs, without obtaining copies of them. Some of
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the remaining 100 have either not been found or have been locked up
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or destroyed by the owners, who are fearful of the information they
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show. Or they have been locked up by the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, who have either placed
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them in files inaccessible to the public or possibly have destroyed
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them.</p>
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<p> from, "The Assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>:
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<ent type='ORG'>The Application</ent> of Computers to the Photographic
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Evidence" <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, "Computers and
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Automation," May, 1970, p. 34.</p>
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<p> for those interested, i have created a raw <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>Script version of this
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complete book which can simply be lp'd to a <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>Script laser printer
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for "prettified" hardcopy output. the combined size of the two
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<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>Script files comprising the book is 1055954 bytes (1007753 and
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48201 bytes for the main portion and appendix respectively).</p>
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<p>--
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daveus rattus </p>
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<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
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<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
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<p> ko.yaa.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
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in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
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5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.
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<ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent>h: ns-mx!uunet!olivea!sgigate!odin!ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com!dave
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From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
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Newsgroups: alt.activism,alt.conspiracy,alt.conspiracy.<ent type='PERSON'>jfk</ent>
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Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (1/11)
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Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
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Keywords: part 1 of 11: beginning thru chapter 3
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<info type="Message-ID"> 1992Jun5.142954.8850@odin.corp.sgi.com</info>
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Date: 5 Jun 92 14:29:54 GMT
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Sender: news@odin.corp.sgi.com (Net News)
|
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Organization: Silicon Graphics, Inc.
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Lines: 1113
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Xref: ns-mx alt.activism:27177 alt.conspiracy:15386 alt.conspiracy.<ent type='PERSON'>jfk</ent>:1506
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Nntp-<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>ing-Host: ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</p>
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<p> THE TAKING OF AMERICA, 1-2-3</p>
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<p> by <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
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Reprinted here with permission of the author. Permission to distribute
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this book is freely given so long as no modification of the text is done.</p>
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<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> 1976
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Limited First Edition 1976
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Revised Second Edition 1979
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Updated Third Edition 1985</p>
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<p> About the Author</p>
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<p> Publisher's Word</p>
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<p> Introduction</p>
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<p> 1. The Overview and the 1976 <ent type='ORG'>Elect</ent>ion</p>
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<p> 2. <ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent></p>
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<p> 3. You Can Fool <ent type='ORG'>the People</ent></p>
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<p> 4. How It All Began--The U-2 and <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs</p>
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<p> 5. The Assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent></p>
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<p> 6. The <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> of <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and
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Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and
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<ent type='PERSON'>Lyndon</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son's Withdrawal in 1968</p>
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<p> 7. <ent type='ORG'>The Control</ent> of the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s--Threats & Chappaquiddick</p>
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<p> 8. 1972--Muskie, <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent></p>
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<p> 9. <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> of the Media--1967 to 1976</p>
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<p> 10. <ent type='ORG'>Techniques and Weapons</ent> and 100 Dead Conspirators
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and Witnesses</p>
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<p> 11. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> - The Pardon and the Tapes</p>
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<p> 12. <ent type='ORG'>The Second Line</ent> of Defense and Cover-Ups in 1975-1976</p>
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<p> 13. The 1976 <ent type='ORG'>Elect</ent>ion and Conspiracy Fever</p>
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<p> 14. <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>the People</ent></p>
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<p> 15. The Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>, The <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>
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Community and The News Media</p>
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<p> 16. 1984 Here We Come--</p>
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<p> 17. The Final Cover-Up: How The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent>led
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The <ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent></p>
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<p> Appendix</p>
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<div> * * * * * * *</div>
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<p> About the Author</p>
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<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> is a pioneer in the field of electronic
|
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computers and a leading <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n authority on <ent type='ORG'>Elect</ent>ronic Funds
|
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Transfer Systems (<ent type='ORG'>EFTS</ent>). Receiving his <ent type='ORG'>BSEE degreee</ent> from Purdue
|
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University in 1942, his computing career began when he was
|
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employed as an engineer for the computer group at <ent type='PERSON'>Northrup</ent>
|
|
Aircraft. He co-founded <ent type='ORG'>the Computer Research Corporation</ent> of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Hawthorne</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> in 1950, and by 1953, serving as Vice
|
|
President of Sales, the company had sold more computers than any
|
|
competitor. In 1960, he became <ent type='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Computer Systems
|
|
Consulting for Touche, <ent type='PERSON'>Ross</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Bailey</ent>, and Smart. He became a
|
|
partner in that company in 1963, and started its Advanced Business
|
|
Systems <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> in 1964 where he stayed until 1968. In 1968 he
|
|
established <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> Research and Consulting for Computer
|
|
Information Systems Consultation. He is currently also Consultant
|
|
to <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>EFTS</ent> and full time consultant to
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Battelle Memorial Institute</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>Frankfurt</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Germany</ent>.
|
|
In 1966, Mr. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> commenced an intensive program of research
|
|
into the photographic evidence associated with the assassination of
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. He served a year as photographic expert advisor in
|
|
the investigations conducted by <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans District</ent> Attorney Jim
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> and had amassed and analyzed a majority of the known
|
|
evidence on film by 1968 when he co-founded <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
|
|
Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. He served with <ent type='ORG'>CTIA</ent> as an active
|
|
researcher, board member and Secretary from 1968 to 1974.
|
|
Following numerous radio and television appearances and
|
|
extensive lecture tours of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States and <ent type='GPE'>Canada</ent> (where
|
|
slides and films were used to demonstrate the basic evidence of
|
|
conspiracy), he began, in 1974, working toward a <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional
|
|
investigation of all four major political assassinations and the
|
|
cover-ups and links among these interrelated events. He was an
|
|
advisor to Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> B. Gonzales (D-<ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>) on <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
|
|
Resolution 203 which proposed the appointment of a committee to
|
|
investigate the circumstances surrounding the deaths of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and the attempt upon the life of Presidential
|
|
Candidate <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>. He served as a consultant to <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent>
|
|
A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and G. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>, the first and second General
|
|
Counsels of the <ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>, and
|
|
served through the end of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>'s existence.
|
|
He is author of "<ent type='ORG'>Electronic Business Systems</ent>" (<ent type='ORG'>Ronald Press</ent>)
|
|
1962, "<ent type='ORG'>Information Utilities</ent>" (<ent type='ORG'>Prentice Hall</ent>) 1969, and a
|
|
celebrated series of articles which appeared in "Computers &
|
|
Automation" Magazine beginning in 1970. He is also co-author with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent> of "In Search of the Assassins" which is scheduled for
|
|
publication by <ent type='ORG'>the Dial Press</ent> in 1977.
|
|
The materials presented in this book are drawn from an analysis
|
|
of the photographic evidence, personal knowledge and records of the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation, research files of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
|
|
Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>s.</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Introduction</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> This book is not about assassinations, at least not solely about
|
|
assassinations. It is not just another book about who murdered
|
|
President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> or how or why. It is a book about power, about
|
|
who really controls <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States policies, especially foreign
|
|
policies. It is a book about the process of control through the
|
|
manipulation of the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n presidency and the presidential
|
|
election process. The objective of the book is to expose the
|
|
clandestine, secret, tricky methods and weapons used for this
|
|
manipulation, and to reveal the degree to which these have been
|
|
hidden from the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> are only one of many techniques used in this
|
|
control process. They have been important only in the sense that
|
|
they are the ultimate method used in the control of the election
|
|
process. Viewed in this way, an understanding of what happened to
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> becomes more important because it leads to a
|
|
total understanding of what has happened to our country, and to us,
|
|
since 1960. But the important thing to understand is the control
|
|
and the power and all of the clandestine methods put together.
|
|
Much of the information in the book has been published before in
|
|
the magazines "<ent type='ORG'>Computer and Automation</ent>" and "<ent type='ORG'>People and the Pursuit</ent>
|
|
of <ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent>," both edited and published by Edmund C. <ent type='GPE'>Berkeley</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Newton</ent>ville, Mass. The material on assassination and other events
|
|
covered is based on evidence collected by the author individually
|
|
or through <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. References
|
|
to documentation of this evidence are given throughout the book.
|
|
I am indebted to the following people for assistance in the
|
|
research work involved and the preparation of the book itself:
|
|
Special thanks go to <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Ferrell</ent> who typed the original of the
|
|
book.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Policoff</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>, Ed <ent type='GPE'>Berkeley</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent></ent>, Jim
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Turner</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wayne</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Chastain</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Richter</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Shaw</ent>,
|
|
Fletcher Prouty, <ent type='ORG'>Rush Harp</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jones Harris</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Saltzman</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Penn Jones</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Larry Harris</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Sylvia Meagher</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ray Marcus</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Harold Weisberg</ent>, Hal
|
|
Dorland, <ent type='PERSON'>Paris Flammonde</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Tink Thompson</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Katz</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Joachim Joesten</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Peter Downay</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Harry Irwin</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Billings</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Lesar</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Fred Newcomb</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lillian Castellano</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Tris Coffin</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mae Brussell</ent>, Bill
|
|
Barry, <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Roberts</ent> and most of all to my wife <ent type='PERSON'>Gloria</ent> whose hard
|
|
work and infinite patience made it all possible.
|
|
The book is dedicated to Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> for
|
|
his singular courage in standing against the forces of evil.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
July 4, 1976</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Publisher's Word</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> We published "The Taking Of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> 1 2 3" during the winter of
|
|
1976-77. It was typed under the guns in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>, and offset
|
|
printed in <ent type='GPE'>Woodstock</ent>, N.Y. A few weeks later--five hundred copies
|
|
in all, 24 of which were fired off to the two <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>s
|
|
involved in the investigation of the assassinations. Our elation
|
|
with this 'coup-de-truth' evaporated as we saw the committee
|
|
destroyed at the starting line.
|
|
The following summer, while motoring across our sadly taken
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, I experienced a tremendous synchroneity of events which
|
|
lead to my discovering <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>'s secret team of
|
|
murderer's and their patsies. This knowledge caused me to come out
|
|
in the open even further and place a sign on route 28 enroute to
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Woodstock</ent>. "Who Killed J.F.K., R.F.K., M.L.K., M.J.K.?" in
|
|
reflecting letters on a blood-red field. The <ent type='ORG'>Modjeska Sign</ent> Studios
|
|
estimated 1.2 million sightings per month. And we then watched the
|
|
committee suppress and muddle the evidence while chanting the
|
|
Katydid like cry, of the tremendous big lie--<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> did it, <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>
|
|
did it, <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> did it, did it, did it.
|
|
So we are bringing our knowledge up to date with the closing of
|
|
the new "<ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent>" which now, due to The Witness They Could
|
|
Not Kill (the sound tape that proved conclusively that more than
|
|
one gun was involved in the president's assassination), at last
|
|
admits conspiracy. Where do we go from here? We reach out now for
|
|
a courageous commercial publisher to spread these truths that we
|
|
hold self-evident out to our duped, betrayed, and steadily lied-to
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Rush Harp</ent>
|
|
Barbara Black</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> THE TAKING OF AMERICA, 1-2-3</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 1
|
|
The Overview and the the 1976 <ent type='ORG'>Elect</ent>ion</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> has been both a simple and a very complex
|
|
process. It has not been the result of a coup d'etat, although
|
|
some aspects of the process resemble a coup. It has not been a
|
|
process similar to the dictatorship takeovers in <ent type='GPE'>Germany</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Italy</ent> and
|
|
other fascist regimes. It has not been a process like the
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> "uprisings" in <ent type='GPE'>Russia</ent>, Hungary and other <ent type='NORP'>Eastern</ent> European
|
|
countries.
|
|
The taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> has been a process unique in the history
|
|
of the world. The one feature that makes it unique is that what
|
|
was once the greatest democracy in the world has been taken over by
|
|
a power control group without the knowledge of most of the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n
|
|
people, their <ent type='ORG'>congress</ent>ional representatives, or the rest of the
|
|
world.
|
|
The group has taken <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> in this fashion because manipulation
|
|
of the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n presidency and the presidential electoral procedure
|
|
is enough to control <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>. Two fiendishly clever stratagems
|
|
were used to keep the fact that control had been seized from being
|
|
obvious to the people. The first of these was control of the
|
|
established media in the dissemination of both true (blocking) and
|
|
false (flooding) information. The second was the use of
|
|
clandestine and secret weapons and techniques developed during
|
|
<ent type='EVENT'>World War Two</ent> and perfected during the <ent type='NORP'>Korean</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Viet Nam</ent> wars.
|
|
These techniques are so new and unusual as to be unbelievable to
|
|
most citizens. Thus, the incredibility of such weapons as
|
|
hypnosis, brainwashing and "programming" of patsies as assassins
|
|
became a psychological tool in the bag of techniques of the power
|
|
control group. The average <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n has shrugged off the
|
|
possibility of the takeover with the belief that, "That's not
|
|
possible here."
|
|
The use of such weapons, coupled with a tremendous campaign
|
|
through the controlled media that both whitewashes any signs of
|
|
conspiracies and spreads disinformation throughout the country, has
|
|
successfully blocked any serious or official attempts to get at the
|
|
truth. Unofficial investigators, private researchers, and even
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional representatives have been ridiculed and completely
|
|
blocked by both <ent type='ORG'>the power control group</ent> and their media allies.
|
|
To take over a real democracy without letting the people know it
|
|
has been taken over is a fantastic achievement. A list of the
|
|
accomplishments of <ent type='ORG'>the power control group</ent> illustrates the point.
|
|
Since 1963, they have:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. Assassinated <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 2. <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent>led <ent type='PERSON'>Lyndon</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son as president;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 3. Forced <ent type='ORG'>LBJ</ent> out of the presidency;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 4. <ent type='PERSON'>Assassinated Robert</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, assuring Nixon's
|
|
election in 1968;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 5. Assassinated Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 6. <ent type='ORG'>Eliminate</ent>d <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> as a contender in the 1972
|
|
elections by framing him at Chappaquiddick and
|
|
threatening his children;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 7. Stopped <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>'s campaign, assuring Nixon's
|
|
election in 1972;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 8. Knocked <ent type='PERSON'>Edmund Muskie</ent> out of the 1972 election campaign
|
|
by using dirty tricks;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 9. Covered up all of the above;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 10. <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent>led the 15 major news media organizations;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 11. Made Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> vice president and then president;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 12. Insured continuity of the cover-ups by forcing <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> to
|
|
pardon <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 13. Murdered about 100 witnesses and participants in the
|
|
three assassinations and one attempted assassination;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 14. Blocked efforts by private citizens and organizations
|
|
to reveal the take-over; discredited, ruined or
|
|
infiltrated these individuals or groups; murdered or
|
|
were accomplices to the murders of the operating
|
|
assassins;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 15. Blocked efforts by members of the Senate and <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> to
|
|
initiate investigations of the assassinations and
|
|
attempted to whitewash, ridicule or eliminate these
|
|
efforts (their influence and infiltration has been
|
|
particularly effective in the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> and in
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>);</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 16. <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent>led the presidential election procedure since
|
|
1964 by eliminating the candidates who might expose the
|
|
truth and insuring the election or appointment of
|
|
candidates already committed to covering up the truth
|
|
about the take-over.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The question for 1976 was: Could <ent type='ORG'>the power control group</ent>
|
|
continue the take-over during that year's elections? Would they be
|
|
successful in blocking efforts to expose the take-over by <ent type='ORG'>congress</ent>?
|
|
Would they be able to fool the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public again, control the
|
|
media, and eliminate the contenders for the presidency in 1976 who
|
|
might have threatened their secure position? The answer to these
|
|
questions was "Yes."
|
|
The candidates on the scene during the 1976 primaries fell into
|
|
three categories according to the control group's point of view.
|
|
Category 1 included candidates that would continue the cover-up of
|
|
the take-over. Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> led this group with Ronald Reagan not
|
|
far behind him. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son</ent> was a probable ally because of his
|
|
backing of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, an important organization in the cover-ups and
|
|
the takeover. Category 2 included those candidates who would
|
|
probably try to expose the take-over and <ent type='ORG'>the power control group</ent> if
|
|
elected. <ent type='PERSON'>Morris Udall</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Fred Harris</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent> fell into
|
|
this category. The third category included candidates whose
|
|
intentions were not clear, or unknown at the time. <ent type='PERSON'>Jimmy Carter</ent>,
|
|
Franck <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Hubert Humphrey</ent> remained in this group, and
|
|
Sergeant Shriver and <ent type='ORG'>Birch Bayh</ent> were also in this category before
|
|
they dropped out of the race.
|
|
Efforts would have been made to eliminate Udall, Harris or
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> if any one of them was nominated at the <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent>
|
|
convention. <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent> must certainly have been put to some kind of
|
|
loyalty test before being permitted to continue as the <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent>
|
|
nominee. Reagan and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> were, no doubt, already "safe" candidates
|
|
for the control group because of their demonstrated cover-up
|
|
performances.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> had cooperated fully in at least four ways. He was on the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> and played a leading role in the cover-up. He
|
|
wrote the cover-up book "Portrait of the Assassin." He pardoned
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and protected the <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> tapes. And he formed the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>, appointing <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent> as head of the staff to continue
|
|
the cover-up of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> conspiracy.
|
|
Reagan had cooperated in at least three ways. He protected
|
|
important witnesses from extradition from <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> between 1967
|
|
and 1969 for testimony before the grand jury in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and at
|
|
the trial of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>. He assisted <ent type='PERSON'>Evelle Younger</ent>, then district
|
|
attorney in <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> and later <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> state attorney
|
|
general, in covering up the assassination conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> case. And he has consistently supported the foreign and
|
|
domestic clandestine activities of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and other
|
|
intelligence agencies both nationally and in <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>.
|
|
A later chapter will describe just how the <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent> candidate
|
|
may be eliminated and when. <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>man <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> from San
|
|
Antonio, <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>, who introduced <ent type='ORG'>House Resolution</ent> 204 to reopen the
|
|
two <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination cases, the Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case and the George
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> shooting, took a public position on the possibility that
|
|
the 1976 election was controlled. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> said "If we find the
|
|
answers--the truth--to the questions I have raised (about the
|
|
assassinations of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> and the <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> attempt), as well
|
|
as those many others have raised, will the truth make us free?
|
|
Yes, it will, for the truth will make us free to pursue democracy-
|
|
-our system of government--through the ballot box, and we will not
|
|
be subject to government by bullets. The truth will enable us to
|
|
prevent such a series of events from happening again. Some of the
|
|
supporters of the investigation have written to me recently of
|
|
their hope that the investigation will get underway right away
|
|
(March 1976) because they are concerned that there is great danger
|
|
in store for the <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent> nominee for <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>, whoever he
|
|
turns out to be. I hope very much that these fears do not turn out
|
|
to have a basis in fact."</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 2
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Just who and what is <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>? Some have said
|
|
it's the military industrial complex. Some prefer to put the blame
|
|
on the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent>s and <ent type='ORG'>the Council</ent> on Foreign Relation. Others
|
|
have talked about control shifting from the "<ent type='ORG'>Yankees</ent>" to the
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Cowboys</ent>" and back again. The term "The <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent>," first used in an
|
|
obscure paper by an unknown author in 1968,[1] described a high
|
|
level conspiracy group that planned, financed and carried out the
|
|
assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. The word <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent> has been used
|
|
since then by some authors and researchers and applied to all of
|
|
the major domestic assassinations.
|
|
The idea of a <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent> raises more questions than it answers. Who
|
|
is in the <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent>? Was the same <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent> behind the planning and
|
|
financing of all five (Chappaquiddick being the fifth) major
|
|
eliminations? Or are there several interlocking <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent>s? What
|
|
about the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>s? Were they part of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent>? Which <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent> controls and infiltrated the media and
|
|
organized the disinformation that poured forth in 1975 and 1976?
|
|
Was <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> a <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent> member? Was <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>? How about <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent>? Has one <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent> commanded the executions of the 100
|
|
witnesses and lower level participants?
|
|
The mistake made by researchers in postulating higher level
|
|
groups is that they simplify a very complex situation. To draw a
|
|
distinct line between those involved in an overt conspiracy to
|
|
assassinate a leader and those involved afterward in covering up
|
|
the first group's actions is a mistake. The cover-ups are far more
|
|
important than the original assassinations. Each assassination or
|
|
attempted assassination, or other form of elimination of a leader,
|
|
is only part of a greater whole. The 16 accomplishments of the
|
|
power control group listed in Chapter 1, plus those now taking
|
|
place and those scheduled for the future, should be considered as a
|
|
continuum. The control group membership may contain individuals in
|
|
various categories, some of whom planned assassinations, some of
|
|
whom knew about the assassinations, and some of whom did not know
|
|
about assassinations in advance. Some may have been on the firing
|
|
line but have had nothing to do with the cover-ups. Some of them
|
|
are victims of later eliminations. Somewhere in the power control
|
|
group's hierarchy is a sub-group or perhaps several sub-groups that
|
|
have been responsible for the attempted assassinations of
|
|
presidential candidates, earlier assassins, witnesses, and earlier
|
|
middle-to-higher level members in <ent type='ORG'>the power control group</ent>. These
|
|
sub-groups might be thought of as intelligence-style task forces or
|
|
mini-<ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent>s. There is little question that many of the individuals
|
|
in these task forces are from organized crime and from the
|
|
intelligence community, or both. They have had access to
|
|
intelligence techniques and weapons that have frequently been used
|
|
in the the elimination process.
|
|
A second mistake made by some researchers is to assume that the
|
|
Cabal's shape remains static through time. Evidence shows that the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> has been a living organism that both shrinks
|
|
and grows as a function of time. The shrinkages take place through
|
|
eliminations and a few natural deaths. The growth takes place for
|
|
several reasons. It is necessary to use new techniques and new
|
|
people for the group's activities as time passes in order to
|
|
continue effective control of the media and to continue to fool the
|
|
people and <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>. It's also necessary to bring new high level
|
|
people into the group from time to time. Candidates for president
|
|
acceptable to the group must be sworn in and must agree to continue
|
|
the cover-ups. New media lackeys or new special committees or
|
|
commissions are also needed. Once in a while an individual
|
|
blackmails his way in. Some come in on a de facto basis.
|
|
(Protectors of the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s and their children fall into this
|
|
category.)
|
|
The very nature of the cover-up procedure has made it necessary
|
|
to expose at least some of the truth to vice presidents and vice
|
|
presidential candidates, in addition to presidents <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>,
|
|
and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>. Each vice president elected or appointed since 1963 has
|
|
had to know the truth about the cover-ups in the event he became
|
|
president (<ent type='PERSON'>Humphrey</ent> under <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son, <ent type='PERSON'>Agnew</ent> under <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, and then <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent>). <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> was the most important of these since he
|
|
had to agree to pardon <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and to protect the tapes.
|
|
The heads of the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, selected trusted second-level men,
|
|
and the deputy director of plans (<ent type='ORG'>DDP</ent>) in the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> have all had to
|
|
know some of the truth. The members of the 40 group and their
|
|
successors who presumably know all intelligence secrets of the
|
|
country are, no doubt, brought into this "inner circle" of
|
|
knowledgeable people.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>ers were split. <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent> McCloy and
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> all knew the truth; <ent type='PERSON'>Cooper</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bogg</ent>s and <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent> did not. The
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> was also split. <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> certainly knows
|
|
and so does Ford's man on that <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent>
|
|
must have known the truth; so must have the officers in the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> of Defense. Then there are the <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> members,
|
|
planted in the various media organizations, who know the truth. A
|
|
later chapter will describe who they are and how they lead the
|
|
media cover-up and disinformation mill.
|
|
This living organism view of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> can best be
|
|
constructed and proven by starting with the cover-up efforts and
|
|
the control of the media, as opposed to examining the conspiracies
|
|
to assassinate each leader. It is much easier to show how Gerald
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, for example, led the cover-up in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> conspiracy than it
|
|
is to determine who the members of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> were who
|
|
planned and financed the assassination.
|
|
It is difficult to show evidence of higher level participation
|
|
in the assassinations of <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and in the
|
|
attempted assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>. It is not difficult to
|
|
prove that many high level individuals conspired to cover-up the
|
|
conspiracies in each of the three cases. It is not difficult to
|
|
prove that they helped frame at least one of the patsies (<ent type='PERSON'>James</ent>
|
|
Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>).
|
|
Much of the content of this book will show evidence of the
|
|
cover-ups and discuss the actions that are still taking place that
|
|
protect <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>. Only summary information is
|
|
included on the original conspiracies, except where there is a lack
|
|
of published data.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [1] "Nomenclature of an Assassination <ent type='ORG'>Cabal</ent>", Torbett, 1968 (Copeland
|
|
Document)</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 3
|
|
You Can Fool <ent type='ORG'>the People</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> One of the questions always asked by the beginning student of
|
|
America's political assassinations is, "How is it possible that all
|
|
of this could be happening in our country without our knowing about
|
|
it?" The "It couldn't happen here" belief has been extended to,
|
|
"It couldn't happen here without our knowing about it." This is
|
|
usually buttressed by such arguments as, "The <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s would have
|
|
done something about it, if it were true", or "Such a giant
|
|
conspiracy would have been exposed by someone within the
|
|
conspiratorial group", or "The news media would have found out
|
|
about it and told all of us by now."
|
|
The fact that it is possible to fool a majority of the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n
|
|
people for a long period of time and to cover-up a high level
|
|
conspiracy involving many, many individuals, can easily be
|
|
demonstrated by using <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> as an example. In fact, some
|
|
published articles[1] show that the entire truth about <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>
|
|
has yet to be revealed.
|
|
We do know now about the cover-up of the original crimes in
|
|
<ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> and the cover-up of the cover-up. We tend to forget the
|
|
attitude of the majority of the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people, the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and
|
|
the media, toward <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> administration during
|
|
the period between the June 1972 <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> break-in and the
|
|
November 1972 election and beyond into 1973. Long before <ent type='PERSON'>Woodward</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> and others began the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> expose, a few
|
|
researchers were calling the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> conspiracies to the
|
|
attention of a small portion of the public.[2] It was not until
|
|
late 1973 that the research done by these researchers and their
|
|
hypotheses about high-level conspiracies were proven correct and
|
|
were generally accepted. How did it happen that for more than a
|
|
year a majority of the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people were not only fooled by Mr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and his friends, but also re-elected him? Some of the same
|
|
ingredients present in that situation were like those used in the
|
|
taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>. We can all learn a lot by observing what they
|
|
were.
|
|
What follows is a reproduction of an article by the author.
|
|
(Because the article was written in l972, some of the material in
|
|
it is now obsolete. However, it is reproduced here without changes
|
|
to illustrate the situation and attitudes of the pre-<ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>
|
|
revelation era.) It was originally written during the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>
|
|
cover-up era (late 1972), after <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was re-elected and before
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Woodward</ent> were noticed by anyone. It should be noted
|
|
that even in 1976, Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> still had his vehement supporters who
|
|
were blind to the ingredients required to fool the people.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> You Can Fool <ent type='ORG'>the People</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> You can fool all of the people some of the time
|
|
You can fool some of the people all of the time
|
|
But you can't fool all of the people all of the time.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Abraham</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Lincoln</ent></ent>, 1864</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The decade of 1963 to 1973 in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> State of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>
|
|
will go down in history for many things. In the long run
|
|
it will be known through the world as the period which
|
|
demonstrated that it is possible to fool most of the
|
|
people all of the time.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Adolph Hitler</ent> didn't fool very many people. He cowed
|
|
them, frightened them, and killed them. But most <ent type='NORP'>Germans</ent>
|
|
knew what was happening even though they chose to do
|
|
nothing about it until it was too late.
|
|
The exercise of power to control what happens and to
|
|
restrict liberties is much more difficult in a <ent type='NORP'>Democracy</ent>
|
|
or a Republic. <ent type='GPE'>The United</ent> States is always held up as the
|
|
model case in which the guaranteed election of the
|
|
president every four years and the two-party system, will
|
|
prevent the country from being run by dictators. The
|
|
people are represented by the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and also elect the
|
|
President.
|
|
A person or a group planning a coup d'etat in the U.S.
|
|
would have a completely different job on their hands than
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Germany</ent> in the 1930's, <ent type='LOC'>South</ent> <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n or <ent type='NORP'>African</ent> countries
|
|
in the twentieth century, or <ent type='GPE'>France</ent> in the 1890's or
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Russia</ent> in 1918.
|
|
It would be necessary to fool a majority of the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people into believing that they were well
|
|
represented, and that a democracy still existed, while at
|
|
the same time the coup group were in reality changing the
|
|
country to suit their own tastes.
|
|
It is the contention of the writer that this is exactly
|
|
what has happened over a period of time following World
|
|
War II. The methods used to fool the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people,
|
|
certainly since 1963 and to some extent also since the end
|
|
of <ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> I, have varied slightly as administrations
|
|
changed. The main thrust however has been a constant
|
|
erosion of civil rights, and a swing of government away
|
|
from the best interests of the people and toward big
|
|
companies, banks, the military and rich individuals and
|
|
families. The trend was slowed down only briefly between
|
|
1960 and 1963 when <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> attempted to alter the
|
|
situation. He was assassinated because he did so.
|
|
To fool the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people is not easy. It requires
|
|
immense capabilities, tricky, secret methods, hidden
|
|
resources, great wealth and the equivalent of brainwashing
|
|
or mind control on a grand scale. Yet that type of
|
|
resource is precisely what has accomplished the deed. It
|
|
is probable that, like <ent type='GPE'>Germany</ent>, the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people will
|
|
awaken to what has been happening to them and to who has
|
|
been doing it. It is also very likely, now that the <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
administration has been restored for four more years, that
|
|
by 1976 it will be too late, in spite of <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>.
|
|
George McGovern's speech on <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Television</ent>, the evening
|
|
of October 25, 1972, was a warning for those citizens who
|
|
were awake, that "it can happen here." It's happening
|
|
here, was his basic message. Yet, unlike <ent type='GPE'>Germany</ent>, the
|
|
people were silent, and fooled. They didn't believe him
|
|
when he said, "Your liberties are being removed, one by
|
|
one." <ent type='ORG'>The Supreme Court</ent> by 1976 will be so packed with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> appointees that we will never get our liberties
|
|
back. <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent> covered most of the areas in which the
|
|
people have been fooled. The major area he didn't cover
|
|
was that of assassination. This tool represents only the
|
|
end of the spectrum of techniques used by those in control
|
|
to remain in control. It has been used four times very
|
|
effectively, on both <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s, on <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>, and
|
|
in the attempt on <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>. In the case of <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>,
|
|
crippling was sufficient to change the political outcome
|
|
in 1972.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> More important than the use of assassinations has been the
|
|
ability to fool the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people into believing there were four
|
|
lone madmen involved--and no conspiracies. The techniques involved
|
|
in fooling people are more complex and subtle than those involved
|
|
in the crime itself. In the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> case, the original crime was
|
|
the use of every trick and technique necessary to re-elect <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.
|
|
The people had to be fooled into believing that <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
had nothing to do with <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> and the broader plan of which it
|
|
was part.
|
|
That the fooling part turned out to be so easy is due to a long
|
|
series of conditioning steps taken with the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n news media and
|
|
the people over the preceding years. The <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent> case
|
|
reveals how the people were fooled by several (successive <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>)
|
|
administrations over a long period of time. Efforts against
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ellsberg</ent> and the press continued in order to prevent further decay
|
|
of the fooling process.
|
|
How is it possible in the 20th century <ent type='GPE'>USA</ent>--with TV and high
|
|
levels of communication, with freedom of the press, freedom of
|
|
speech--to fool most of the people all of the time? Here is how it
|
|
is done. Five ingredients are required.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> INGREDIENT 1. A <ent type='GPE'>PATRIOTIC</ent> ISSUE. A fundamental issue
|
|
permeating nearly all conditions of life in the U.S. is needed,
|
|
around which the rest of the fooling can be constructed. The
|
|
perfect issue since 1947 has been "The <ent type='ORG'>Red Menace</ent>," or "Communism"
|
|
or "The Radical <ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> Left Conspiracy." No one is more adept
|
|
at using this issue than <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.
|
|
The people, to be fooled, have to really believe in the issue,
|
|
from the heart, from the gut. In a democracy this is the most
|
|
essential ingredient. In the U.S. many, many people believe it.
|
|
Some believe it because they have never heard or read anything
|
|
other than "The <ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent>s are going to take over." Others believe
|
|
it because they or their parents or relatives came from Europe and
|
|
"know what it's like to live under Naziism or Communism." (They
|
|
don't distinguish.)
|
|
Some believe because they are religious, and somehow religion is
|
|
always linked to anti-communism. Others aren't sure, but they
|
|
think "radical" groups might be <ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> controlled. The flag
|
|
waving, the national anthem, the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Legion, our prisoners of
|
|
war, the draft of the past--all of these symbols are linked to the
|
|
one big issue of "Communism."
|
|
There can be several sub-issues of lesser significance than the
|
|
fundamental issue. Some of these might be related to the main
|
|
issue. Others may be unrelated. Some are used to appeal to
|
|
certain segments of the population. They can be carefully
|
|
exploited and added together with the main issue in a way which
|
|
enhances it. Some are useful with low-intelligence-level people.
|
|
Others appeal to bigots. Some are fearful issues which people
|
|
would rather avoid. Others hit the individual right in his
|
|
pocketbook or his security.
|
|
If played one against the other, very carefully, many of these
|
|
sub-issues can be blamed on Communism. <ent type='PERSON'>Archie Bunker</ent>, of the TV
|
|
series, "All In The Family", was not exaggerating when he blamed
|
|
his white niece's dancing with a black neighbor boy on "a <ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent>
|
|
plot."
|
|
Examples of sub-issues used by those controlling <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
administration to fool the people include:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The black-white issue
|
|
The busing issue
|
|
The young radical issue
|
|
The law and order issue
|
|
The national security issue
|
|
The old-fashioned <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n work ethic versus
|
|
poverty and welfare issue</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> INGREDIENT 2. REACHING THE M<ent type='GPE'>IND</ent>S OF THE <ent type='GPE'>PEOPLE</ent>. To fool a
|
|
majority of the people all of the time it is necessary to reach
|
|
into their minds over a relatively long period of time. Make an
|
|
analysis of what you, the reader, believe today or disbelieve,
|
|
along with the mental condition you are in when you enter a polling
|
|
booth, or write a letter to your <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>man. After some thought
|
|
list all of the ways in which information might reach you today.
|
|
You will list all of the environmental factors, self images,
|
|
motivations, ego factors and acquired beliefs that make you do what
|
|
you do, and make you think what you think.
|
|
You will realize that your heritage, your schooling, your life's
|
|
experience, and the present bombardment of information have an
|
|
impact on how you vote. If your father and grandfather before you
|
|
were strong <ent type='NORP'>Republicans</ent> or <ent type='NORP'>Democrats</ent>, you may well vote the same
|
|
"pull one lever" way. You might close your mind to any messages of
|
|
imminent disaster, and think, "I'm better off not knowing and just
|
|
voting straight <ent type='NORP'>Republican</ent>." (In 1972)
|
|
You might have strong faith in the "<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n way of life" and
|
|
pay no attention to the people who go around claiming that <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> were all murdered by
|
|
elements of an invisible government to keep the U.S. on the
|
|
military, wealthy, conservative track.
|
|
You might ignore solid evidence regarding <ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey Osward</ent>'s,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>'s or <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent>'s actions and instead rely on a
|
|
long-term, well engineered faith that something like that "couldn't
|
|
happen here."
|
|
Go back in time to 1935, if you are over 50, or go back to 1945,
|
|
if you are over 40, or back to 1955, if you are over 30. Examine
|
|
your general overall attitudes, beliefs and prejudices as developed
|
|
over that period of time between then and now. You will discover
|
|
that your political beliefs about the U.S., the Presidency, foreign
|
|
policy, wage and price controls, and your own economic conditions,
|
|
etc., have been strongly influenced by the various news media.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> INGREDIENT 3. CONTROLLING THE NEWS MEDIA. In Chapter 9, the
|
|
author proves that it has been possible for a very small group of
|
|
people in power to control or fool nearly all of the major news
|
|
media in the U.S. about the assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and
|
|
subsequent investigations conducted by groups other than the
|
|
sources of power (<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Secret Service</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>,
|
|
Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>).
|
|
According to polls taken between 1963 and 1970, 50% to 80% of
|
|
the public at one time or another during this period believed there
|
|
was a conspiracy. Nevertheless, the major news media took the
|
|
opposite position. A poll conducted today would, no doubt, show
|
|
about one-half of the people believing there was no conspiracy.
|
|
How did this happen? Is it conceivable that the power sources of
|
|
two succeeding administrations (<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son and <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>) fooled or
|
|
controlled the news media to that extent?
|
|
The problem is not so difficult as it seems. Only sixteen media
|
|
organizations are involved. These sixteen provide each of us with
|
|
nearly all of the news we either read, see or hear. It is only
|
|
necessary to control the sixteen men at the very top and that is
|
|
exactly what happened. The proof contained in Chapter 9 contains
|
|
specific facts about what happened inside of eleven of the sixteen
|
|
organizations.
|
|
Some of them maintained an editorial position oriented toward
|
|
the possibility of conspiracy for several years. The last ones to
|
|
convert because of high level command decisions (at the *owner*
|
|
level--not the editorial level) did not do so until 1969, 5 1/2
|
|
years after the assassination. Several of the eleven conducted
|
|
their own independent investigations and discovered conspiracy
|
|
evidence sufficient to take that stand. Among these were <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Life Magazine</ent>, and "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The sixteen media organizations are:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>-TV and Radio
|
|
2. <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>-TV and Radio
|
|
3. <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>-TV and Radio
|
|
4. Associated <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>
|
|
5. <ent type='ORG'>United Press</ent> International
|
|
6. Time-Life
|
|
7. McGraw Hill - Business Week
|
|
8. Newsweek
|
|
9. U.S. News and World Report
|
|
10. <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times and their news service
|
|
11. <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent> and their news service
|
|
12. Metromedia News Network TV and Radio
|
|
13. <ent type='ORG'>Westinghouse</ent> Radio News Network
|
|
14. Capital City Broadcasting Radio Network
|
|
15. <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Newspaper <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent>
|
|
16. Gannett News Service</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent>ling the news media to that extent in order to fool the
|
|
people is an extreme act. It is a last resort in an extremely
|
|
serious situation. Such a situation arose when it became obvious
|
|
to those in power that <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> was going to expose the truth
|
|
about the assassination in court. He had to be destroyed, and he
|
|
was, by fooling the news media as well as the people.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> of the press by the power group slipped a little with
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>Mylai</ent> episode, the <ent type='ORG'>Green Berets</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
|
|
use of spying, and the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> caper. But effective control over
|
|
the fooling of the people nevertheless remains. With <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>,
|
|
people fooling shifted from controlling the news media, which
|
|
suddenly awakened a little too late, to the control of the the
|
|
legal system.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> INGREDIENT 4. CONTROLLING THE LEGAL SYSTEM. Perhaps the most
|
|
important long-range ingredient in fooling the people of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> is
|
|
the control and influence over the legal system. The U.S. in the
|
|
post-war era has reached the stage where, in case of doubt on a
|
|
major issue, the people will wait to see how it is resolved by the
|
|
courts. The <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people in general have always had tremendous
|
|
faith in their own legal system.
|
|
With the exception of the <ent type='LOC'>South</ent> taking issue with the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
court over black rights, the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people tend to believe that
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>the Supreme Court</ent> will eventually right any wrongs. The faith goes
|
|
much further than adjudication of crimes or disputes. People have
|
|
come to rely on the legal system to tell them where the truth lies
|
|
on a major issue when two sides differ completely on the facts.
|
|
They believe that the adversary procedure and the perjury penalty
|
|
system will ferret out the truth.
|
|
Thus, to fool the people, and make them believe lies, it is
|
|
essential to control the legal system. The <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son
|
|
administrations and <ent type='ORG'>the Invisible Government</ent> lying underneath or
|
|
off to one side of both administrations became very adept at
|
|
controlling the legal system. It can be done, and has been done in
|
|
several ways. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, of course, loaded <ent type='ORG'>the Supreme Court</ent>. That is
|
|
important. The complete control of the Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> and the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> is also obvious. Not so obvious is the need to control Federal
|
|
judges throughout the land. <ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent> might leak out in a trial at a
|
|
local level, so U.S. courts in each area must be controlled.
|
|
The Federal grand jury scheme worked out by <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Mardian is a beautiful way to guide, direct and control the
|
|
legal system. It more than proved its worth in fooling the people
|
|
in cases involving classified documents, <ent type='ORG'>the Black Panthers</ent> and
|
|
other situations where the truth had to be obscured.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> over the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Bar Association and individual lawyers
|
|
and district attorneys is another method used. And finally, it is
|
|
often useful to control local and state police, either individually
|
|
or in groups.
|
|
The exercise of control is important. It may be desirable to
|
|
suppress truth in a court situation during a trial or hearings.
|
|
The judge can do this very effectively. It may also be desirable
|
|
to delay a trial or a hearing in which the truth might be exposed.
|
|
Judges and lawyers can do this quite easily. It may be desirable
|
|
to entirely shut off a trial or an appeal where truth could be
|
|
exposed. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was able to do this to perfection.
|
|
Lies and fake cases may be presented as truth in court while
|
|
truth is attacked as being falsehood. This technique has been very
|
|
successful.
|
|
All of this takes both money and power. Judges and lawyers,
|
|
must either be paid a lot of money, or frightened about their
|
|
career and health. The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> conduits used for espionage financing
|
|
have been used extensively in controlling the legal system. <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent>
|
|
has been used to control lower courts and local police or district
|
|
attorneys from the highest source of power in <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, the
|
|
invisible government.
|
|
A few examples will suffice to demonstrate how the legal system
|
|
is used to fool the people.
|
|
The 1972 election demonstrated that two-thirds of the people
|
|
either did not associate Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> with the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> affair and
|
|
the Chapin-<ent type='PERSON'>Segretti</ent> sabotage project, or else they didn't know
|
|
about it or didn't care.
|
|
Surely, you say, a traditional <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n patriot would not vote
|
|
for a man who did all of the things the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> 7 and Chapin-<ent type='PERSON'>Segretti</ent> and company did. But wait! The situation as of January
|
|
1973 had not yet reached the courts. Except for <ent type='PERSON'>Bernard Barker</ent>'s
|
|
conviction for falsely using his notary public seal to stamp a
|
|
check from <ent type='PERSON'>Kenneth Dahlberg</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>, no court actions had taken
|
|
place.
|
|
Wasn't that lucky for the <ent type='NORP'>Republicans</ent>, you say. It wasn't luck.
|
|
The <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> arrests took place in June 1972. By successfully
|
|
delaying a whole series of trials and court actions, Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>,
|
|
through control of the courts, kept the truth away from the people
|
|
until after the election on November 7. Perhaps some of the people
|
|
who voted for him had doubts, but if court cases had been conducted
|
|
before November 7, and conducted fairly by uncontrolled judges, the
|
|
truth would have been exposed in all of its glory.
|
|
Now that he had a powerful mandate from the people, it was
|
|
likely that other forms of control would be used to continue
|
|
fooling the people about <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>. Some of these were covered in
|
|
the prior chapters. Executive privilege has been used to a major
|
|
extent.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> was actually defended and <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>, in effect, was put
|
|
on trial, through <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> money and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> lawyers. Garrison's attempts
|
|
to bring <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> to trial for perjury were successfully blocked by
|
|
Federal courts and judges.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent>'s trial for the murder of <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was
|
|
controlled by the <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> administration in order to hide the truth
|
|
from the people. The case involved controlling the judge at the
|
|
trial, the district attorney, the lawyers for <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>, the Los
|
|
Angeles police, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, and some of the officials of the state of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>California</ent>. The control exercised has continued to prevent <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>
|
|
from receiving a new trial based on new evidence of what happened
|
|
in the assassination.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> THE FIVE BIG <ent type='EVENT'>EVENTS</ent>. The five events since <ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> II about
|
|
which <ent type='ORG'>the power control group</ent> must continue to fool the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n
|
|
people about are the assassinations of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>; the attempted assassination of George
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>; and the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> episode. (In 1973, the truth about
|
|
Chappaquiddick and its importance, together with the threats
|
|
against <ent type='PERSON'>Jackie</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, Ethel <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and all of the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> children, had not been exposed. Chappaquiddick is the
|
|
sixth big event.)
|
|
All other things this group has done since 1947 fade into
|
|
insignificance compared to these five. The reason is that the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people may accept such things as the <ent type='GPE'>Pueblo</ent> incident, the
|
|
Gulf of Tonkin fake, the <ent type='ORG'>Mylai</ent> incident, the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>, the
|
|
Kent State killings, the frame-ups of <ent type='ORG'>the Black Panthers</ent> and their
|
|
murders, and even the whole <ent type='GPE'>Viet Nam</ent> war, but they would rise up in
|
|
wrath if the truth about any one or all of those five events were
|
|
exposed.
|
|
Thus, Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Hanson</ent> for <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>, Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Fensterwald</ent> for <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>,
|
|
Mr. Lawrence O'Brien and the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> suit--anyone opposing the
|
|
findings of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> with national prominence and
|
|
success--and anyone who begins to pry too much into George
|
|
Wallace's brush with death will be opposed with all the power those
|
|
in control can muster. Each will be dealt with if he comes too
|
|
close, just as <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> was dealt with by both the <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> administrations. <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> managed to beat out the <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>-controlled Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> in his own trial in September 1973.
|
|
The jury in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> found him innocent in spite of the fact
|
|
that the prosecuting attorney, the judge, the key witness, Pershing
|
|
Gervais, and the news media were all controlled by <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>. By late 1973 it was becoming a little more difficult to
|
|
fool the people.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> INGREDIENT 5. PAID COLUMNISTS OR LACKEYS. <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> of the news
|
|
media includes controlling or hiring selected columnists, newsmen,
|
|
commentators, and lackeys. Sometimes these people are called
|
|
"spokesmen for the administration." Many of them are supposedly
|
|
independent. Their importance in the process of fooling the people
|
|
has increased as the number of independent news media organizations
|
|
has decreased and the number of organizations relying on
|
|
syndicated, national columnists or commentators has increased.
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> administration managed to corral a great many more of
|
|
these types than did the administrations of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son, <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, or
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent>. In the newspaper field, there were four to five times
|
|
as many columnists writing "fool the people" type news for <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> as
|
|
against <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Alsop</ent> was at one extreme. More subtle were writers
|
|
like C.L. Sulzberger in the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" and <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Wills</ent> in
|
|
various conservative papers. On radio, the <ent type='ORG'>Westinghouse</ent> network
|
|
used four commentators who appeared to be liberal at first glance,
|
|
but who adhered to the party line when the time came to get at the
|
|
truth about the five key events mentioned earlier. These four were
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Peter Lisagor</ent>, Rod McCleish, <ent type='PERSON'>Simeon Booker</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Irwin Cannon</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>William Safire</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Evans</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Novak</ent>, Mary <ent type='PERSON'>McCarthy</ent>, and occasionally
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent> also fall into the "fool the people" column. The
|
|
impact of these columnists on the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people has not really
|
|
been measured. Alsop's and <ent type='PERSON'>Evans</ent> and Novak's columns appear in
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Republican</ent> and right-wing newspapers all across the U.S. The
|
|
election poll that indicated over 700 newspapers supported <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
while fewer than 50 supported <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent> provides some estimate of
|
|
how influential these papers and columnists can be. With the
|
|
exception of two or three stories by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent> about <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and plots to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>, none of the evidence about
|
|
the truth pertaining to the assassinations has ever appeared in any
|
|
of these columns. Yet the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people read these columns more
|
|
faithfully than they read the front page.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> HOW THE <ent type='GPE'>PEOPLE</ent> HAVE BEEN FOOLED. Now that the ingredients for
|
|
fooling the people have been discussed, let's examine the net
|
|
results over the past twenty-five years. Between 1957 and 1972,
|
|
there was a culmination in the use of these ingredients, many of
|
|
which were developed with the end of <ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> II.
|
|
Through a succession of presidencies and political party
|
|
administrations from <ent type='PERSON'>Truman</ent> to <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> a mixture of wealthy, military
|
|
and espionage individuals developed a power base and used the five
|
|
ingredients to fool the people. Except for <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, none of
|
|
the presidents tried very hard to resist this power. The book
|
|
"Farewell <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>" (by <ent type='PERSON'>James Hepburn</ent>--a pseudonym--<ent type='ORG'>Front</ent>iers
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>), which has been reprinted in sections in "Computers and
|
|
Automation" (1973) shows clearly what kind of power <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> tried to
|
|
resist and how it resulted in his death.
|
|
The <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people aren't familiar with this book any more than
|
|
they are familiar with a movie made from the book, with the same
|
|
title. And as long as the group remains in power, the book and
|
|
movie will be banned from <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States, just as "Z" was banned
|
|
in <ent type='GPE'>Greece</ent>.
|
|
The people of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> were fooled into believing each of the
|
|
following untruths:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Kent State:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>The National Guard</ent> fired under intense pressure and attack
|
|
by a bunch of hoodlums at Kent State University. The
|
|
various grand juries have vindicated the <ent type='ORG'>Guard</ent>. There was
|
|
no White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> influence involved in the killings, or in
|
|
the aftermath.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Mylai</ent>:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Calley was justified in shooting the civilians at <ent type='ORG'>Mylai</ent>
|
|
because those were his orders. You can't tell a "gook"
|
|
from a <ent type='GPE'>Viet Cong</ent> and, after all, war is war.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Communism:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The greatest threat to <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n freedom is still a world-wide <ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> take-over. The domino theory may or may not
|
|
be correct, but we must never give up a fight. "Peace
|
|
with honor" was essential in <ent type='GPE'>Viet Nam</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Few people have taken the time to read the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>
|
|
and have understood their significance. The two-thirds
|
|
majority who elected <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> in 1972 may have been puzzled
|
|
by the papers or they may not have cared. No doubt, most
|
|
of them believed <ent type='PERSON'>Ellsberg</ent> a traitor and worthy of jail.
|
|
It is very unlikely they will ever believe they were duped
|
|
by <ent type='PERSON'>Truman</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son and <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and most
|
|
particularly by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and allies in matters pertaining
|
|
to <ent type='EVENT'>the cold war and Communism</ent>. The fundamental, gut issue
|
|
of the <ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> conspiracy overrides any other revelation
|
|
in this field.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> In spite of polls and uneasy feelings, at least half and
|
|
perhaps a majority of the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people still believe
|
|
that <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>
|
|
were assassinated by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>, respectively, and that the assassination
|
|
attempt on <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent> was solely <ent type='PERSON'>Arthur Bremer</ent>'s
|
|
doing. They believe these men acted alone and that they
|
|
were madmen. (This statement pertains to the period of
|
|
1972-73.)</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Prior to the election in November 1972, a majority of the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people believed that <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Maurice Stans</ent> and everyone else of importance in
|
|
the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> had nothing to do with the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>
|
|
affair or the activities of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <ent type='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent> and others
|
|
prior to the election. Almost no one believed that the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> was involved in setting up <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> so as to capture and
|
|
control the executive to an even greater degree.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='NORP'>Democracy</ent> and Freedom:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> By the end of 1973 a relatively large percentage of the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people still did not relate any of the foregoing
|
|
incidents or situations to their own individual liberties.
|
|
They believed patriotically in <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>; they believed we
|
|
still had a democracy; they believed that President
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, with his wise ways and business experience would
|
|
pull us out of whatever problems we had. From the time he
|
|
nailed <ent type='PERSON'>Alger Hiss</ent> and the day he won the great kitchen
|
|
debate with <ent type='NORP'>Kruschev</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was believed to be the leader
|
|
who would secure our eventual victory over Communism. The
|
|
people refuse to consider the possibility that unknown
|
|
forces have seized control over the U.S. for the last
|
|
fifteen years and that our liberties and democracy are
|
|
fading away.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [1] "<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent>" -- <ent type='PERSON'>Jeff Gerth</ent>, "<ent type='LOC'>Sundance</ent> Magazine," December
|
|
1972. <ent type='PERSON'>Charles Colson</ent> interview, by <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent> - "<ent type='ORG'>Argosy Magazine</ent>,"
|
|
March 1976</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [2] "Why Was <ent type='PERSON'>Martha</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> Kidnapped?" -- <ent type='PERSON'>Mae Brussell</ent>, "The Realist,"
|
|
August 1972</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "The June 1972 Raid on <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent> Party Headquarters -- Part 1" --
|
|
R.E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, "Computers & Automation," August 1972</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "<ent type='ORG'>The Raid</ent> on <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent> Party Headquarters -- The <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>
|
|
Incident -- Part 2", Ibid.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>--
|
|
daveus rattus </p>
|
|
|
|
<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> ko.yaa.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
|
|
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
|
|
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent>h: ns-mx!hobbes.physics.uiowa.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!uwm.edu!spool.mu.edu!olivea!sgigate!odin!ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com!dave
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
Newsgroups: alt.activism,alt.conspiracy,alt.conspiracy.<ent type='PERSON'>jfk</ent>
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (2/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 2 of 11: chapter 4 thru chapter 5
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 1992Jun8.134947.25406@odin.corp.sgi.com</info>
|
|
Date: 8 Jun 92 13:49:47 GMT
|
|
Sender: news@odin.corp.sgi.com (Net News)
|
|
Organization: Silicon Graphics, Inc.
|
|
Lines: 969
|
|
Xref: ns-mx alt.activism:27281 alt.conspiracy:15429 alt.conspiracy.<ent type='PERSON'>jfk</ent>:1550
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Nntp-<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>ing-Host: ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</p>
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<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 4
|
|
How It All Began - The U-2 and <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> To understand the origins of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>, it is
|
|
necessary to return to the last years of the <ent type='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent>
|
|
administration and examine what was going on in <ent type='EVENT'>the Cold War</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent> had suffered several strokes and a heart attack. He
|
|
was partially immobilized, and entrusted a major share of the
|
|
coordination of clandestine activities being conducted by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
against the "<ent type='ORG'>Red Menace</ent>" to <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, his vice president.
|
|
While <ent type='PERSON'>Ike</ent> was warning against the military-industrial-complex's
|
|
domestic influence, and attempting to move toward detente with the
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Soviets</ent> through a summit meeting, he was being sabotaged by the
|
|
plans section of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and by <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.
|
|
A part of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> arranged for a U-2 with Gary <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent>s as pilot
|
|
to go down over <ent type='GPE'>Russia</ent>, thus giving <ent type='PERSON'>Khrushchev</ent> a chance to expose
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n spying and to cancel the summit meeting. This was one of
|
|
the earliest moves of the nucleus of what later evolved into the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent>. In the spring of 1960, with <ent type='PERSON'>Ike</ent> nearly senile
|
|
and pressured by <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, he approved the plan for the invasion of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent> and the assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was the chief White
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>House</ent> action officer for what later became <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs
|
|
invasion.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> was beginning to organize itself with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> as part of it. The cold warriors and strong anti-<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent>
|
|
"patriots" in the Plans or Operations part of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> formed the
|
|
original nucleus.
|
|
Their plan was to make <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> president in 1961 and to launch a
|
|
successful takeover of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> came along to upset the
|
|
plan. Not only did he make the takeover impossible but he soon
|
|
discovered the evils lurking in the hearts and minds of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
clandestine operators and laid his own plans to destroy them. The
|
|
assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> essentially became an act of survival
|
|
for some of these individuals.
|
|
Many citizens of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> have forgotten that <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was
|
|
Vice President of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States in 1959 and 1960. As an old
|
|
anti-<ent type='NORP'>communist</ent> from the <ent type='PERSON'>Alger Hiss</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Khrushchev</ent> debating days,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was in the forefront of pressure for <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs invasion
|
|
of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. What is also forgotten is that <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was largely
|
|
responsible for the covert training of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n exiles by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in
|
|
preparation for <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs. (He stated this in his book, "Six
|
|
Crises".)
|
|
NIXON'S LIES--OCTOBER 1960. Mr. Nixon's capacity for truth is
|
|
nowhere more clearly demonstrated than by the deliberate lies he
|
|
told during the election campaign on national TV on October 21,
|
|
1960. He said in his book that the lies were told for a patriotic
|
|
reason--to protect the covert operations planned for <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of
|
|
Pigs at all costs. The significance of this is that Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
considers patriotism to be, in part, the protection of plans and
|
|
actions of individuals that he considered to be working for the
|
|
United States' best interests.
|
|
The similarities between the actions of <ent type='ORG'>Everette</ent> Howard Hunt,
|
|
Jr., <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> McCord, <ent type='PERSON'>Bernard Barker</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Frank Sturgis</ent>, and others in the
|
|
1960 planning for <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs invasion and in the 1972 planning
|
|
for the re-election of <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> M. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> are very striking. In both
|
|
cases, what the plotters themselves considered to be patriotic,
|
|
anti-<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> actions were involved. In 1960 the actions were
|
|
directed against Fidel <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>, a man they hated as a <ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent>. In
|
|
1972 the actions were directed against Edward <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, Edmund
|
|
Muskie and George <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Bernard Barker</ent> stated the group's
|
|
collective belief when he said after his arrest that, "We believe
|
|
that an election of <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent> would be the beginning of a trend that
|
|
would lead to socialism and communism, or whatever you want to call
|
|
it."
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> admitted lying to the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people to protect Hunt,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Barker</ent>, Sturgis, and McCord in 1960. The likelihood that he lied
|
|
to protect them again in 1972 seems to be quite good. There is
|
|
some likelihood that he actually hired the same old crew he trusted
|
|
from <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs days for the 1972 <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> and other
|
|
espionage activities.
|
|
Here are the facts:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Nixon's Statements in "Six Crises"</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> stated in "Six Crises": "The covert training of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n exiles by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> was due in substantial part, at least, to
|
|
my efforts. This had been adopted as a policy as a result of my
|
|
direct support."[1] "President <ent type='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent> had ordered the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> to
|
|
arm and train the exiles in May of 1960. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and his advisors
|
|
wanted the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> invasion to take place before the voters went to the
|
|
polls on November 8, 1960."[2]
|
|
While <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs operation was under the overall <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
direction of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> M. <ent type='PERSON'>Bissell</ent>, Jr. was the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> man
|
|
in charge, according to <ent type='PERSON'>Ross</ent> & <ent type='PERSON'>Wise</ent>.[3] <ent type='PERSON'>Charles Cabell</ent>,[4] the
|
|
deputy director of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, and a man with the code name Frank
|
|
Bender, were also near the top of the operational planning.[5]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> E. Howard Hunt</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Everette</ent> Howard Hunt, Jr. was in charge of the actual invasion.
|
|
He used the code name, "<ent type='PERSON'>Eduardo</ent>." Bernard L. <ent type='PERSON'>Barker</ent>, using the code
|
|
name "<ent type='ORG'>Macho</ent>," worked for Hunt in the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Bay of Pigs planning.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> McCord was an organizer for the invasion and was one of the
|
|
highest ranking officials in the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Frank Sturgis</ent>, alias Frank
|
|
Fiorini, was also involved in <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs operations. Virgilio
|
|
Gonzales was a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent active in <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs. So was Eugenio
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Martinez</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Charles Colson</ent> was a former <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> official who knew McCord
|
|
and Hunt during <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs period.[6]
|
|
Hunt, <ent type='PERSON'>Barker</ent>, McCord, Sturgis, Gonzales, and <ent type='PERSON'>Martinez</ent> were under
|
|
indictment for the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> affair. <ent type='PERSON'>Colson</ent> was Nixon's special
|
|
counsel who handled "touchy" political assignments. According to
|
|
"Time" magazine, <ent type='PERSON'>Colson</ent> brought all of the others into the re-election committee espionage project at the request of <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.[7]
|
|
In other words, it was basically the same group who worked for
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bissell</ent> and Co. in 1960 and who worked for <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Colson</ent> and
|
|
Co. in 1972. They were all loyal, patriotic, anti-<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent>, and
|
|
anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents with covert (black) espionage training.
|
|
They needed Nixon's protection in 1960 and 1972, and they received
|
|
it both times.
|
|
Here is how <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> protected them in 1960.[8]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> Debates, 1960</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> engaged in a series of national
|
|
TV debates during the 1960 campaign. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was briefed by <ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent>
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent>, head of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> at Eisenhower's request, on secret <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
activities and international problems on July 23, 1960. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was
|
|
not aware of the briefing contents and was not sure whether <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent>
|
|
told <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> about <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs plans. As it turned out <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent>
|
|
had not mentioned the plans but had kept his remarks about <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>
|
|
rather general.
|
|
On October 6, 1960, <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> gave his major speech on <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. He
|
|
said that events might create an opportunity for the U.S. to bring
|
|
influence on behalf of the cause of freedom in <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. He called for
|
|
encouraging those liberty-loving <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>ns who were leading the
|
|
resistance against <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> became very disturbed about this because he felt <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
was trying to pre-empt a policy which he claimed as his own. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
ordered <ent type='PERSON'>Fred Seaton</ent>, Secretary of the <ent type='ORG'>Interior</ent>, to call the White
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and find out whether <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent> had briefed <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> on the <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n
|
|
invasion plans. <ent type='PERSON'>Seaton</ent> talked to General <ent type='PERSON'>Andrew Goodpaster</ent>,
|
|
Eisenhower's link to the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, who told <ent type='PERSON'>Seaton</ent> that <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> did know
|
|
about <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs plans.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Attack on <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> by Lying</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> became incensed. He said, "There was only one thing I
|
|
could do. The covert operation had to be protected at all costs.
|
|
I must not even suggest by implication that the U.S. was rendering
|
|
aid to rebel forces in and out of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. In fact, I must go to the
|
|
other extreme: I must attack the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> proposal to provide such
|
|
aid as wrong and irresponsible because it would violate our treaty
|
|
commitments."[9]
|
|
So <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> M. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> actually went on national TV (<ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>) on
|
|
October 21, 1960, knowing we were going to invade <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>, and lied.
|
|
During the fourth TV debate, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> attacked Kennedy's proposal as
|
|
dangerously irresponsible and in violation of five treaties between
|
|
the U.S. and Latin <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, as well as <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> Nations'
|
|
Charter.[10]
|
|
On October 22 at <ent type='ORG'>Muhlenberg College</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> really turned on the
|
|
fabrication steam. He said, "<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> called for--and get this--the
|
|
U.S. Government to support a revolution in <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>, and I say that
|
|
this is the most shockingly reckless proposal ever made in our
|
|
history by a presidential candidate during a campaign--and I'll
|
|
tell you why . . ."
|
|
The reason we should have taken with a grain of salt whatever
|
|
words <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> uttered about <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <ent type='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent>'s espionage
|
|
is clearly demonstrated in that October 22, 1960 speech. He
|
|
fiercely attacked <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> for advocating a plan that he,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, secretly advocated and claimed as his own creation.
|
|
He later had the sheer gall to brag about it in his own book as a
|
|
very patriotic act.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Protection of Hunt and Co.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> How was <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> protecting Hunt and company in 1972? He was using
|
|
the Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> and the <ent type='NORP'>Republican</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men, among
|
|
others, to delay and dilute the prosecution of the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> seven.
|
|
He had slowed down, suppressed, and all but stopped six separate
|
|
investigations, suits, and trials of the affair. Included were
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wright Patman</ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Banking <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> investigation, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>-Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> investigation, a White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> investigation by
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Dean</ent>, a <ent type='ORG'>General Accounting Office</ent> investigation, a suit by the
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent> Party, and a trial in criminal court of the seven
|
|
invaders. Only two trials or investigations had a chance of
|
|
exposing the truth at that time. One of these, a trial of Bernard
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Barker</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> was not much help. The other was an
|
|
investigation promised by Senator Edward <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and his Senate
|
|
subcommittee. It never occurred. The action for impeachment came
|
|
much later.
|
|
Thus, the stage was set in 1961 for the group of powerful
|
|
individuals who had planned <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs to gain revenge on <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> who tried to change the overall direction of the U.S.
|
|
battle against Communism. After <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> refused to approve overt U.S.
|
|
backing of <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs invasion, various individuals in the
|
|
clandestine <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> forces vowed their revenge.
|
|
In the spring of 1961, evidence had appeared indicating that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>, Hunt, Sturgis and <ent type='PERSON'>Barker</ent> tried to have <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassinated in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Paris</ent>.[11] When the attempt failed, a number of other plots and
|
|
sub-plots developed through the next two years. After JFK's
|
|
blockade strategy against <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> during the missile crisis in 1962
|
|
was implemented, some of the high-level <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and armed forces people
|
|
wanted even more to get him out of the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>. They had
|
|
favored a direct invasion or bombing of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>.
|
|
And finally, when <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> found out about the CIA's plans for
|
|
another invasion of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent> in the spring and summer of 1963 and
|
|
stopped them, they began in earnest to plan his death.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [1] "Six Crises," <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> M. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <ent type='EVENT'>Doubleday</ent>, 1962.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [2] "The Invisible Government," <ent type='PERSON'>Wise</ent> & <ent type='PERSON'>Ross</ent>, Random <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, 1964.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [3] Ibid.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [4] Brother of <ent type='PERSON'>Earl Cabell</ent>, mayor of <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> when <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was assassinated.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [5] Ibid.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [6] "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" articles on <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>, June 18 to July 2, 1972.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [7] "Time" magazine, September 8, 1972.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [8] This episode is related in detail in "The Invisible Government."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [9] "Six Crises".</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[10] "The Invisible Government."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[11] "400000 Dollars Pour Abattre <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> a <ent type='GPE'>Paris</ent>," <ent type='PERSON'>Camille Giles</ent>, Julliard
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Paris</ent> 1973.</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 5
|
|
The Assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> can be considered one of
|
|
a series of acts by <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> to regain the control
|
|
they had lost when <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was defeated in 1960 and <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
threatened their existence. The evidence pointing toward
|
|
intelligence involvement and the use of a variety of intelligence
|
|
techniques in the assassination is substantial. Until and unless
|
|
an investigation is conducted by a group with power and money
|
|
equivalent to that of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>, with the power to
|
|
issue subpoenas and to protect witnesses, it will be very difficult
|
|
to draw a completely accurate picture of the conspiracy to
|
|
assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>.
|
|
As a substitute, this chapter is a "probable reconstruction"--a
|
|
scenario--about who killed <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. Unlike the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> Report (another scenario), this report does not contain
|
|
any physically impossible events, such as those connected with
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> Exhibit 399, the so-called "magic bullet."
|
|
This scenario is based on (1) evidence gathered between 1968 and
|
|
1975 by <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>,
|
|
D.C. and (2) evidence gathered between 1962 and 1975 by the author.
|
|
The purpose of this scenario is as a starting point for study
|
|
and verification by researchers, by <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>s, and
|
|
by their members and staffs. This should be considered as a
|
|
beginning hypothesis and scenario in contrast to the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> scenarios.
|
|
The best evidence available indicates the following events
|
|
occurred in the summer and fall of 1963 and culminated in the
|
|
assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. The basic evidence has
|
|
been summarized in various articles published in "Computers and
|
|
People" (formerly "<ent type='ORG'>Computers and Automation</ent>") since May 1970.[1]
|
|
This can be considered as a guideline scenario which adheres to and
|
|
explains all of the known factual evidence.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> How It Began</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The conspiracy to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> began in a series of
|
|
discussions held in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> in the summer of 1963. The men in
|
|
the discussions were extremely angry that <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> had stopped plans
|
|
and preparations for another invasion of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent> (scheduled for the
|
|
latter part of 1963.) One of the instigators was <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>, a
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract agent who had been training pilots in <ent type='GPE'>Guatemala</ent> for
|
|
the invasion. Meetings held in Ferrie's apartment in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>
|
|
were attended by <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> and several <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>ns.
|
|
Plans for assassinating President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> developed out of those
|
|
early meetings. Others whose support was sought by the group
|
|
included <ent type='PERSON'>Guy Banister</ent>, Major L. M. <ent type='GPE'>Bloomfield</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Loran Hall</ent>,
|
|
Lawrence Howard, <ent type='PERSON'>Sergio Arcacha Smith</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Carlos Prio Socarras</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Oswald's Role</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> During this period in the summer of 1963 <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> was
|
|
working for <ent type='PERSON'>Guy Banister</ent> on some anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> projects and used the
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> cover of the Fair Play for <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>
|
|
attended some of the meetings where JFK's assassination was
|
|
discussed.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> either approached the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> or they approached him in the
|
|
later summer of 1963, and he began to tell the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> about the plans
|
|
of the group to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> had been a secret
|
|
informant for the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> since mid-1962.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> In September, the group moved the scene of their planning to
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City. There they solicited the assistance of Guy Gabaldin,
|
|
a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent. Meetings were held in the apartment of Gabaldin,
|
|
attended by <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent>, Gabaldin and <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> on at least
|
|
three occasions. Others were brought into the conspiracy at this
|
|
point. These included <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Howard Bowen (alias <ent type='PERSON'>Albert Osborne</ent>),
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Hope</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, and "<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>" (an adventurer who had been
|
|
working with <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Santana</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>, Howard and others on the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n invasion projects in the <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> Keys). <ent type='PERSON'>Fred <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent> (alias <ent type='PERSON'>Eugene Hale</ent> Brading) were also
|
|
recruited at this point.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, the <ent type='PERSON'>Patsy</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> continued to inform on the group to the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>.
|
|
In mid-to late September the assassination group decided to make
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> the patsy in the murder. They had discussed the need for a
|
|
patsy in the earliest meetings in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. Billy <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent>, who
|
|
resembled <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, was selected to use Oswald's name and to plant
|
|
evidence in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent>, which could later be
|
|
used to frame him. In addition, another man under <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> surveillance
|
|
in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City also used Oswald's name in a probable attempt to
|
|
make it appear that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was headed for <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. His name may have
|
|
been <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>ny <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> Deveraux. His picture appears in the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> Volumes as CE 237.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Financial Support</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The team needed financial support for the assassination. They
|
|
received it from <ent type='PERSON'>Carlos Prio Socarras</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent>, who brought more
|
|
than 50 million dollars out of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. They also received money from
|
|
Banister, and from three <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> millionaires who hated <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>:
|
|
Sid <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent>son, <ent type='PERSON'>Clint Murchison</ent>, and Jean DeMenil (of the
|
|
Schlumberger Co.). The Murchison-<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent>son contribution also
|
|
included soliciting the assistance of high-level men in the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>
|
|
police force. They were powerful members of the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Citizens
|
|
Council that controlled the city at that time.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Plans for Three Cities</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The group in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City planned to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent> or <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, using different gunmen in each case. The <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent>
|
|
plan failed because <ent type='ORG'>the Secret Service</ent> found out about it in
|
|
advance and kept <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> out of the open. The <ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent> plan backfired
|
|
when <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> cancelled his plans to attend the <ent type='ORG'>Army</ent>-<ent type='ORG'>Navy</ent> game at
|
|
Soldiers Field in early November. The group set up two
|
|
assassination teams for <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>. One was in Dealey Plaza; the
|
|
second was near <ent type='ORG'>the International</ent> Trade Mart where JFK's luncheon
|
|
speech was to be delivered.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Support</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The best evidence of <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> (Deputy-Director of Plans) involvement
|
|
is the fact that the majority of the known participants were
|
|
contract agents or direct agents of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. In <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City, the
|
|
meetings were held in the apartment of Guy Gabaldin, a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>DDP</ent>)
|
|
agent, working for the <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City station chief. Others attending
|
|
the meetings who were <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>DDP</ent>) contract or direct agents included
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Albert Osborne</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Fred <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent>. It is likely (but not yet provable by direct
|
|
evidence) that the group sought and obtained from the acting or
|
|
permanent <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> station chief in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent>, assistance or approval to go
|
|
ahead with assassination plans. <ent type='PERSON'>Tad Szulc</ent> claims that a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> source
|
|
can prove that E. Howard Hunt was acting station chief in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent>
|
|
City at the time of the Gabaldin apartment meetings (August and
|
|
September 1963). Hunt has denied under oath before the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> that he was in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent>.
|
|
In 1967 <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> told a group of <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> officials, including
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>, that both <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent> were <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
(<ent type='ORG'>DDP</ent>) contract agents and that <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> had to be given <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> protection
|
|
and assistance in his <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> trial. This is a strong
|
|
indication that Hunt and <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> gave "turn of the head" approval to
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent> assassination plan as a minimum form of support.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The assassination group, having failed in <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent>,
|
|
moved an operational team into <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> during the second week in
|
|
November of 1963. <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>, Gabaldin and other high-level
|
|
plotters travelled in other directions, establishing alibis as
|
|
planned. On November 22, Gabaldin was in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City, <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> was in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>San Francisco</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent> was in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. The team moving into
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> included <ent type='PERSON'>Albert Osborne</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Fred Crisman</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, and a new recruit
|
|
from <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence. There was also a back-up rifle
|
|
team of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>ns to be used at a location near <ent type='ORG'>the International</ent>
|
|
Trade Mart in the event something went wrong at Dealey Plaza.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Where the Teams Stayed</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The teams stayed at two locations in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> for two weeks. One
|
|
was a rooming house run by a woman named <ent type='PERSON'>Tammie True</ent>. During this
|
|
period final preparations for the assassination in Dealey Plaza
|
|
were made. These included the collecting of and planting of
|
|
evidence used to frame <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, the recruiting of the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police
|
|
participants, and the plans for the escape of the team members by
|
|
car and by train. The riflemen selected were <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> in
|
|
the Depository Building, <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence and <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> on the grassy
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent> in the <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> building. <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent> was
|
|
set up as radio coordinator and a man with each of the riflemen had
|
|
a two-way radio. They were <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent>; <ent type='PERSON'>Fred Crisman</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>; unidentified <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n (tall tramp), <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>; and a man in the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> Building. Osborne was in overall charge of the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> teams,
|
|
but he did not go to Dealey Plaza. A fifth gunman, known to
|
|
researchers as the umbrella man, was stationed on the street with
|
|
an umbrella weapon furnished by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. He was accompanied by
|
|
another <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n acting as a radio man.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Framing <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The people involved in framing <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> included <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> (who used
|
|
his identity), someone who posed for two pictures holding a rifle,
|
|
a photographer who took the pictures and someone who superimposed
|
|
Oswald's head on the two negatives. Also, someone who took
|
|
Oswald's rifle from his garage and his pistol from his room, taking
|
|
several bullets and shells with the pistol, fired three shells and
|
|
one bullet through the rifle, and planted the rifle and rifle
|
|
shells on the sixth floor of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> and a rifle bullet at
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Parkland Hospital</ent>. The pistol shells were given to <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>
|
|
for planting later on. The photographers also planted photos of
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>General Walker</ent>'s house and driveway to implicate <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in the
|
|
<ent type='LOC'>Walker</ent> shooting.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Policemen Involved</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The policemen involved were J. D. <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>, who was to drive two
|
|
of the assassins, <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> and his radio man, away in his police
|
|
car; <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Alexander</ent>; <ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Hill</ent>; Sergeant <ent type='PERSON'>McDonald</ent>; Lieutenant
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Montgomery</ent>; Lieutenant <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son; and Lieutenant <ent type='ORG'>Batchelor</ent>, who
|
|
escorted <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent> into the jail to murder <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>McDonald</ent> was assigned to kill <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> upon his arrest in the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> Theatre. <ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Hill</ent> was involved in that event as well as in
|
|
the planting of evidence against <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> Building.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Montgomery</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son were involved in planting the paper bag as
|
|
evidence against <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Alexander</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Batchelor</ent> were primarily
|
|
responsible for making sure that <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent> assassinated <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and
|
|
that he didn't talk about it afterward. <ent type='PERSON'>Alexander</ent> was present on
|
|
every occasion when <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> was questioned or interviewed in the jail,
|
|
in spite of Ruby's efforts to have him removed.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Other Persons Involved in Framing <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Also involved in framing <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> were <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>; her lawyer,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>James Martin</ent>; and someone in the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police force. She was
|
|
talked into three points of false testimony: she said she took the
|
|
two fake photos of <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> with a camera she claimed was his. She
|
|
fabricated, or was handed, the false story about Oswald's attempt
|
|
to shoot <ent type='ORG'>General Walker</ent> and taking two pictures of Walker's house
|
|
with the same camera. (<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> did neither.) She told a false
|
|
story about a falling out she and <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> supposedly had and
|
|
exaggerated his mean treatment of their children. There are good
|
|
indications that these moves were made by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> operatives in the
|
|
group who threatened to send <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> back to <ent type='GPE'>Russia</ent>. (Marina's
|
|
uncle was a high-level officer in the <ent type='ORG'>KGB</ent>.)</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Dealey Plaza</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> On the day of the assassination four men with rifles,
|
|
accompanied by their radio men and several other team members,
|
|
moved into Dealey Plaza. <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> and a radio man entered the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>
|
|
Building through the freight entrance and worked their way to the
|
|
roof. <ent type='ORG'>Santana</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Braden</ent> went into the <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> building through
|
|
the freight entrance on <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent> St. and up a back staircase to the
|
|
second floor. Lawrence, <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent> and the tall tramp took
|
|
up two positions on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. Lawrence was inside the
|
|
westernmost cupola after parking his car in the parking lot behind
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent> and the tall tramp were near the
|
|
fence. <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent> was in the Adolphus Hotel a few blocks away,
|
|
testing the two-way radio communication with the four radio men,
|
|
until he proceeded to the Plaza and mingled with a large crowd
|
|
(near the corner of <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent> and Elm Streets). The umbrella man
|
|
stood near the Stemmons Freeway sign on Elm Street accompanied by
|
|
his radio man.
|
|
The other team members stationed themselves in the crowd (along
|
|
Elm Street). After the shots were fired, they circulated through
|
|
the crowd in front of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> on Elm Street, on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>,
|
|
and behind the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> Building, identifying themselves as Secret
|
|
Service agents and asking witnesses and officials questions to find
|
|
out whether the assassins had been detected. There are clear
|
|
photos of one of these men. One other man was at the corner of the
|
|
wall on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Shots</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Upon a visual and oral signal from the man at the wall and upon
|
|
a radio command from <ent type='PERSON'>Hicks</ent>, the team fired its first round of
|
|
shots. <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent> received the command from <ent type='PERSON'>Hicks</ent> and caused <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>
|
|
to fire a shot from a position behind the fence on the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>, about
|
|
twenty feet west of the corner of the fence. This shot missed.
|
|
The umbrella man fired a shot using his small-bore umbrella gun.
|
|
When this shot struck <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> in the throat, the dart paralyzed <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and
|
|
later presented by Commander <ent type='PERSON'>Humes</ent> to the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>.[2] The shot was
|
|
fired at <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> frame 189: <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> was behind a large oak tree,
|
|
hidden from the sixth floor window of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> Building. On
|
|
command from <ent type='PERSON'>Braden</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent> fired his first shot two
|
|
seconds later from the second floor window of the <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> building
|
|
at Z 225 after <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> came out from behind the sign in Zapruder's
|
|
film. The shot struck <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> in the back about 5 3/4" down from the
|
|
collar line, penetrated to a depth of about two inches and stopped.
|
|
The bullet fell out of JFK's back somewhere in or at the Parkland
|
|
Hospital, or perhaps travelled down inside the body of the
|
|
President, and was never recovered.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> fired his shot from the west end of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>
|
|
Building upon command from his radio man between Z 230 and Z 237,
|
|
after Santana's shot. He used a <ent type='ORG'>Mauser</ent> rifle with no telescopic
|
|
sight. While he was aiming at <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, he fired high and to the right,
|
|
hitting <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Connally in the back. The bullet travelled through
|
|
Connally's chest and then entered his left thigh. The bullet fell
|
|
out of his thigh in or near <ent type='ORG'>Parkland Hospital</ent> and was never
|
|
recovered. Governor Connally's wrist was not hit at that time.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence did not fire a shot in the first round because
|
|
from his cupola position he did not have a clear shot.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Hicks</ent> gave a second radio command for another round of shots as
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> passed the Stemmons Freeway sign.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent> fired his second shot between Z 265 and Z 275.
|
|
The bullet narrowly missed <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, passed over the top of his head and
|
|
over the top of the limousine's windshield. It travelled on to
|
|
strike the south curb of Main Street, breaking off a piece of
|
|
concrete which flew up and hit <ent type='PERSON'>James Tague</ent>. The bullet either
|
|
disintegrated or flew into the area beyond the overpass. It was
|
|
not found.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> may have fired a second shot which may have
|
|
struck <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> in the upper right part of his head at Z 312. That
|
|
bullet disintegrated.
|
|
Upon command from his radio man, <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence fired his first
|
|
shot from a pedestal on the west side of the south entrance to the
|
|
western cupola on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. The shot may have hit
|
|
Connally's wrist.
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> fired the fatal shot through the trees from his position
|
|
behind the fence.
|
|
The Lawrence shot or possibly the second <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> shot produced a
|
|
bullet fragment that passed through Connally's right wrist at Z
|
|
313. At that time his wrist was elevated and nearly directly in
|
|
front of JFK's head, in such a position that Connally's right palm
|
|
was facing <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> as the governor fell into his wife's arms. The
|
|
fragment entered the front of his wrist and exited from the back.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Oswald's Actions</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> started November 22, 1963 with the knowledge
|
|
that there might be an attempt on JFK's life during the day. He
|
|
had reported this possibility to the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> in his informer's role
|
|
five days earlier; he undoubtedly thought the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and Secret
|
|
Service would be protecting <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>. His communications with
|
|
the assassination team had prepared him to meet with them in the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> Theatre if anything happened that day. There is also a
|
|
possibility he received a telephone call immediately after the
|
|
shots, telling him to go to the theatre.
|
|
He had gone to his and Marina's rooms in <ent type='ORG'>Irving</ent> to pick up
|
|
curtain rods for his bare windows in his <ent type='PERSON'>Oak Cliff</ent> room. He
|
|
carried the curtain rods in a paper bag on his way to work that
|
|
morning with <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wes</ent>ley <ent type='PERSON'>Frazier</ent></ent>. He worked on the sixth floor of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> as well as on the other floors that morning. He helped a crew
|
|
of men lay a new floor on the sixth floor, move a large number of
|
|
book cartons and school supplies over to the eastern side of the
|
|
floor, including some cartons near the southeastern window that
|
|
faced Elm Street.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> went to the first floor of the building at approximately
|
|
12:15 p.m. and returned to the second floor lunchroom just before
|
|
12:30. He was drinking a coke there at 12:31 when Officer <ent type='PERSON'>Baker</ent>
|
|
and Mr. Truly, the building manager, encountered him while rushing
|
|
up the stairs from the first floor. At the sight of Baker's gun
|
|
drawn and seeing the commotion outside, he no doubt realized what
|
|
had happened.[3] He immediately left the building via the freight
|
|
platform entrance on the northeast side and travelled to his
|
|
rooming house via bus and taxi. He picked up his pistol there and
|
|
went directly to the <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> Theater where he met two of the
|
|
assassination team and was sitting with them in the theatre when
|
|
the police arrived. One of these men may have been <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent>.
|
|
The <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police members of the team planned to shoot <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in
|
|
the theatre while arresting him. When he was arrested he did not
|
|
realize at first that he had been framed. When this began to
|
|
become clear to him on Saturday, November 23, he remained confident
|
|
that the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> would get him out of the situation. After all, he
|
|
worked for them!</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>, in addition to his <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> involvements and other
|
|
criminal activities, was also running guns to <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent> and carrying
|
|
payoff money to other anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> groups on behalf of various <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-backed projects. His involvement in the assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
appears to have been minor, even though he knew about it in
|
|
advance. In his night club <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> met on several occasions with Clay
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>.
|
|
The group decided to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in jail after the police
|
|
failed to kill him in the <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> Theatre. <ent type='PERSON'>Alexander</ent> made
|
|
arrangements to have <ent type='ORG'>Batchelor</ent> escort <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> into the jail when it
|
|
was known <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was being moved. They arranged an audible signal
|
|
(an auto horn) to let <ent type='ORG'>Batchelor</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> know when <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was
|
|
coming down an elevator into the garage. They came down an
|
|
elevator opposite the one carrying <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> gave <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> his instructions to shoot <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> through
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Breck Wall</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> telephoned <ent type='ORG'>Wall</ent> from <ent type='GPE'>San Francisco</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Wall</ent>
|
|
called <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent>. He was told it was an official <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-sponsored act, in
|
|
the best interests of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States, and that he would be out
|
|
of jail in a few days after his capture.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Planted Evidence</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The planting of the evidence against <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> first began with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, who used Oswald's identity during September and
|
|
October, 1963. Next, the faked photographs of <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> were created.
|
|
Two of the team members used a camera of their own to take the two
|
|
pictures of <ent type='ORG'>General Walker</ent>'s house and the two shots of one of the
|
|
men supposedly in Oswald's back yard. They planted the pictures in
|
|
Oswald's garage. Next, they stole Oswald's rifle from the garage
|
|
prior to November 22, fired several shots from it, and preserved
|
|
three shells, one bullet, and several bullet fragments.
|
|
They planted the rifle, the three shells, the bullet (399) and
|
|
the bullet fragments in the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>, the hospital and the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
limousine on November 22. They also took Oswald's pistol at some
|
|
time prior to November 22, fired several shots from it and saved
|
|
the shells. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, after shooting policeman <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>, ran
|
|
away in such a manner as to attract attention, throwing the shells
|
|
from Oswald's gun into the air as he ran so that witnesses would
|
|
see them. (The shells matched Oswald's pistol. None of the
|
|
bullets matched.)
|
|
All of the work with Oswald's rifle, pistol, and the fake photos
|
|
was probably done at the same time. The rifle, pistol and
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> newspapers had to be available together for the backyard
|
|
photos. The faking of the photographs, the firing of rifle and
|
|
pistol, the retrieval of the shells from rifle and pistol and of
|
|
bullet 399 and the bullet fragments from the rifle all required
|
|
enough time that the event occurred well in advance of the
|
|
assassination .</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Escape Plans</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> As mentioned before, plans were made for the team to escape by
|
|
car, train, and airplane. Evidence shows:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. A white car was parked straddling a log barrier behind
|
|
the western cupola on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. It left that
|
|
spot one minute after the shots were fired and drove
|
|
eastward on the Elm Street extension in front of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 2. A white station wagon driving west on Elm Street
|
|
stopped at the foot of the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> at 12:40 p.m.,
|
|
ten minutes after the shots were fired. It picked up a
|
|
man who looked like <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and drove under the triple
|
|
overpass.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 3. A railroad train carrying three "tramps" began to leave
|
|
the freight train area west and north of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> at
|
|
around one o'clock, thirty minutes after the shots.
|
|
The train was under the tower control of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Bowers</ent></ent> and
|
|
was stopped by him. The tramps were arrested.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 4. A police car stopped in front of Oswald's rooming house
|
|
and honked twice around 1:10 p.m.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 5. Policeman Tippit's patrol car was far out of position
|
|
in the <ent type='PERSON'>Oak Cliff</ent> area near <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> and Oswald's rooming
|
|
houses. <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> was shot by two men, one of whom was
|
|
Billy <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 6. A small airplane was sitting at the Redbird Airport, a
|
|
location in the same direction as <ent type='PERSON'>Oak Cliff</ent>, a little
|
|
further out from Dealey Plaza. Its engines were
|
|
running. It was ready for takeoff at 1 p.m.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 7. <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent> went to <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> on the afternoon of
|
|
November 22, driving at high speed through bad
|
|
thunderstorms to get there. He was positioned at a pay
|
|
telephone at an ice skating rink near the <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent>
|
|
airport, until receiving a phone call there. After
|
|
that he returned to <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Escape Routes</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> These escape plans were modified after the assassination. It
|
|
became unnecessary for any of the Dealey Plaza participants to
|
|
escape by airplane. The framing of <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and the failure of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Secret Service</ent> or <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> to detect any of the escaping gunmen or their
|
|
assistants permitted these changes. One of the men in the Dealey
|
|
Plaza--probably pretending to be a <ent type='ORG'>Secret Service</ent> agent--reported
|
|
an "all clear" situation to <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>San Francisco</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> notified
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent> that they didn't need an airplane to escape with while
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent> was waiting in <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent> changed his plans and drove
|
|
back to <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>.
|
|
The gunmen who did escape followed these routes: <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence
|
|
got into his car parked behind the cupola and either drove or was
|
|
driven back to his cover job location at the automobile agency. He
|
|
left almost immediately afterward and travelled to <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> Carolina.
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> ran back to the freight car area and climbed into one of
|
|
the box cars sitting on a siding northwest of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>. He was
|
|
arrested at 1 p.m. by Officers Harkness, Bass and <ent type='PERSON'>Wise</ent>, but was
|
|
released by <ent type='PERSON'>Sheriff Elkins</ent> later in the afternoon. <ent type='ORG'>Santana</ent> walked
|
|
out the back entrance of the <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> building and may have joined
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> in a white station wagon on Elm Street at 12:40 p.m.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> left the roof of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> via a back stairway, exited from
|
|
the freight entrance in the rear of the building, and walked on
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent> Street past the Elm Street extension. He walked down the
|
|
grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> to Elm Street where he was picked up at 12:40 p.m. by
|
|
the white station wagon.
|
|
The other Dealey Plaza participants, <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent>, a tall tramp,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Braden</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Hicks</ent> escaped by various means. <ent type='PERSON'>Braden</ent> was arrested and
|
|
released. <ent type='PERSON'>Hicks</ent> drove home. <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent> and the tall tramp followed
|
|
Frenchy's route into the box cars.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> Shooting</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent> of the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> is fond of
|
|
saying, "<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> killed policeman <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>. Since the
|
|
case against <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> for the <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> slaying is so strong, it
|
|
follows that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> also shot <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>." The case against
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in the <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> murder is as weak as the case against him in
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. The most important evidence showing that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> and another one of the assassination team shot <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> is
|
|
the fact that six witnesses, ignored by <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, saw
|
|
two men shoot <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>. One of them resembled <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>. They ran
|
|
away from the scene in opposite directions. <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> ran toward the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> Theater, throwing the planted shells up in the air so that
|
|
witnesses would see and recover them. (This act would convince
|
|
most people that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> did not shoot <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>.) The other assassin
|
|
ran in the opposite direction. There is some indication that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> entered the theater in a manner to draw attention and then
|
|
left before the <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> arrest. While the shells recovered were
|
|
found to match Oswald's pistol, none of the bullets recovered from
|
|
Tippit's body matched.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Comments and <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional Actions Needed</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The above scenario comes much closer to explaining what happened
|
|
to <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> than either <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> Report or the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> report. It matches the known evidence from
|
|
the two prime sources, <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> files in the National
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>, and the evidence produced by the <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation
|
|
(most of which was turned over the <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to Investigate
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C.).
|
|
However, without subpoena power, and with extremely limited
|
|
resources, no group of citizens such as <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> or Mark
|
|
Lane's Citizens <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> can determine the ultimate truth about
|
|
the assassination.
|
|
Only a properly constituted <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional committee or group
|
|
with resources and subpoena power, and with the power and courage
|
|
to combat <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> involved in the assassination and
|
|
its cover-up, whoever they may be, can reach the truth.
|
|
This chapter has been prepared as a guideline for such a
|
|
committee, rather than as the ultimate solution.
|
|
It should be utilized in conjunction with two other documents
|
|
already submitted to the four <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional groups interested in
|
|
the case. The groups are:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> (1) The Senate;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> (2) The <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Special <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> (3) <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent>, Representative from <ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent>, who
|
|
introduced <ent type='ORG'>House Resolution</ent> 498 to reopen the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
assassination investigation;</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> (4) <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>, Representative from <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>, who
|
|
introduced <ent type='ORG'>House Resolution</ent> 204 to reopen the
|
|
assassination inquiries on <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Two Documents</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. "Recommendations for the Senate and <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Committee's
|
|
Investigations of Illegal and Subversive Domestic Activities of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>," memorandum by <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> (submitted
|
|
to them).
|
|
2. "The Assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>: the
|
|
Involvement of the <ent type='ORG'>Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent></ent> in the Plans and
|
|
the Cover-Up," by <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, in "People and the
|
|
Pursuit of <ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent>," May, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Dramatis Personae</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Alexander</ent> - Assistant to District Attorney Wade, <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>
|
|
County.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent> - <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent. Participated in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City
|
|
meetings.
|
|
Officer Marion <ent type='PERSON'>Baker</ent>-<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> motorcycle police officer entering
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> School Book Depository after shots.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Guy Banister</ent> - Head of clandestine <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> station in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> -
|
|
ran <ent type='ORG'>Banister Detective Agency</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>Front</ent> for anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n
|
|
groups. Former <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> agent and member of <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> police.
|
|
Died of "heart attack" June 1964. <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent> worked for
|
|
him. <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> used his office and address.
|
|
Officer <ent type='PERSON'>Billy Bass</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police officer; arrested "tramps" in
|
|
Dealey Plaza.
|
|
Lt. <ent type='ORG'>Batchelor</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police lieutenant.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent> - <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> lawyer.
|
|
Major L. M. <ent type='GPE'>Bloomfield</ent> - Resident of <ent type='GPE'>Montreal</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Canada</ent>. Member of
|
|
board of Centro Mondiale Commerciale, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> front-organization
|
|
in <ent type='GPE'>Rome</ent>. Visited by <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> in fall 1963.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Howard Bowen - <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent. Alias <ent type='PERSON'>Albert Osborne</ent>. Long
|
|
clandestine record. On bus to <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> with <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.
|
|
Participated in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City meetings.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Bowers</ent></ent> - Railroad tower control operator, Dealey Plaza. Died
|
|
in curious accident.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent> - Alias <ent type='PERSON'>Eugene Hale</ent> Brading. <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> hoodlum and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
contract agent. Acted as radio man in Dealey Plaza.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> - <ent type='ORG'>Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent></ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Fred <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent> - <ent type='ORG'>OSS</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> domestic agent from <ent type='GPE'>Tacoma</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>. Participated with <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> and others as radio
|
|
man in Dealey Plaza.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent> - <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> operative in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City.
|
|
Jean DeMenil - <ent type='GPE'>Louisiana</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> industrialist.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>ny <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> Deveraux - <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent, <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City. May have
|
|
impersonated <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent>.
|
|
Sheriff <ent type='PERSON'>Harold Elkins</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> County Deputy Chief.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> - <ent type='ORG'>Federal Bureau</ent> of Investigation, then headed by J. Edgar
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent> - Resident of <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> <ent type='NORP'>French</ent> Quarter. Pilot for
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Eastern</ent> Airlines. Bay of Pigs, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contractor for pilot
|
|
training and clandestine flights. Associate of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>; murdered Feb. 1967; death
|
|
termed "suicide" by officials.
|
|
"<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>" - Real name(s) not yet determined. <ent type='NORP'>French</ent> Canadian
|
|
adventurer. <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract agent. Training for second
|
|
invasion of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> Keys. Knew Howard, Hall,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Hemming</ent>, and <ent type='ORG'>Santana</ent>. Fired shots. Also involved
|
|
in <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> assassination.
|
|
Guy Gabaldin - Former <ent type='ORG'>OSS</ent> operative and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City.
|
|
Movie made about his <ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> II exploits, <ent type='PERSON'>Jeff</ent>rey Hunter
|
|
played Gabaldin role. Assassination planning done in his
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City apartment.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Loran Hall</ent> - Anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> adventurer from southern <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>. One
|
|
of three men who visited Sylvia Odio and said <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> would be
|
|
assassinated. Close friend of Lawrence Howard, <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> and other no-name key adventurers. Raising funds for
|
|
them in 1963.
|
|
Sgt. Harkness - <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police sergeant.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> - Deputy Director - Plans, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, in 1963.
|
|
Jerry <ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent>rick <ent type='ORG'>Hemming</ent> - <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent and trainer of mercenaries at
|
|
no-name key.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent> - Radio specialist from <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>. Was radio communications
|
|
coordinator in Dealey Plaza. Placed in mental hospital run by
|
|
the military.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Hill</ent> - Police sergeant, <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Mary Hope</ent> - Friend of <ent type='ORG'>Augustinovich</ent>. Participated in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City
|
|
meetings on the assassination.
|
|
Lawrence Howard - Anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> adventurer. No-name key group.
|
|
Friend of <ent type='PERSON'>Loran Hall</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>. Visited Sylvia Odio.
|
|
Kept no-name key photo album. Provided <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> with pictures.
|
|
E. Howard Hunt - <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent. Acting station chief <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> clandestine
|
|
station in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City in 1963.
|
|
Lt. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son - <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police lieutenant.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence - Resident of <ent type='PERSON'>Wes</ent>t <ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent> and southern <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>.
|
|
Minuteman and adventurer. Fired shots.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>James Martin</ent> - <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> Oswald's business manager.
|
|
Sgt. <ent type='PERSON'>McDonald</ent> - Police sergeant, <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>.
|
|
Lt. <ent type='PERSON'>Montgomery</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police lieutenant; helped frame <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> .
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Clint Murchison</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> oil millionaire.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> - <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> operative in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City; testified
|
|
before <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>s.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>OSS</ent> - Office of Strategic Services.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> resident. <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
|
|
agent and informer. <ent type='PERSON'>Patsy</ent> in assassination.
|
|
<ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> - Wife of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>. Helped to frame her
|
|
husband.
|
|
Sid <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent>son - <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> oil millionaire.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent> - <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> connections. Anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contracts. <ent type='ORG'>Owner</ent>
|
|
of <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> night club. Recruited to shoot <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n adventurer. Anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>, in no-name key
|
|
group. Was in Dealey Plaza firing shots.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> - Mexican-<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n adventurer and hired killer. On
|
|
no-name key training for second invasion of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent> in 1963.
|
|
Impersonated <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> and resembled <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>. Fired
|
|
shots in Dealey Plaza. Killed Officer <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> <ent type='NORP'>French</ent> Quarter resident. Manager
|
|
International Trade Mart, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract agent, member board of
|
|
directors of <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> organization, Centro Mondiale Commericale.
|
|
Murdered in 1974. Living double life as <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Bertrand</ent>, friend
|
|
of <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Sergio Arcacha Smith</ent> - Anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n. Devoted to overthrowing
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract agent. Close to <ent type='PERSON'>Guy Banister</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>,
|
|
and <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> operations. Fled to <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>, escaped
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> subpoena. Protected by Governor <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Connally from
|
|
extradition.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Carlos Prio Socarras</ent> - Former premier of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. Violent Anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>
|
|
millionaire. Backed <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n invasion plans and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> efforts.
|
|
Lived in <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent> area. Murdered in 1977.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>James Tague</ent> - Spectator in Dealey Plaza, hit by piece of curbing
|
|
thrown up by bullet striking near him.
|
|
J. D. <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> policeman, shot on November 22, 1963. Co-conspirator in assassination, <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> functionary.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Tammie True</ent> - <ent type='ORG'>Owner</ent> of <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> safe house in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Roy Truly</ent> - Manager of <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> School Book Depository.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> School Book Depository Building in Dealey Plaza,
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, from which <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was supposed to have fired shots at
|
|
President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>General Walker</ent> - Right-wing former <ent type='ORG'>Army General</ent>. Resident of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>. Supposedly shot at by <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Breck Wall</ent> - Friend of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Marvin Wise</ent> - <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police officer, arrested "tramps" in Dealey
|
|
Plaza.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[1] For a complete listing of articles on political assassinations in the
|
|
United States, published in "Computers and People" (formerly
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Computers and Automation</ent>"), see the issues of "<ent type='ORG'>People and the Pursuit</ent>
|
|
of <ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent>," May 1975, p. 6, and June, 1975, p. 5, published by <ent type='GPE'>Berkeley</ent>
|
|
Enterprises, Inc., 815 <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> St., <ent type='PERSON'>Newton</ent>ville, Mass. 02160.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[2] "1978 <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> Free <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>" - Special Report No 1, page 16, copy of
|
|
receipt given to Commander <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> J. <ent type='PERSON'>Humes</ent> MC, USN "for <ent type='ORG'>Missile</ent> removed
|
|
on this date (Nov. 22, 1963)," signed by Francis X. O'<ent type='PERSON'>Neill</ent>, Jr.,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> W. Sibert, <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> Agents.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Also "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>mortem," by <ent type='PERSON'>Harold Weisberg</ent>, page 266, the missile receipt.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[3] As mentioned earlier, it is also possible that one of the team called
|
|
him from a telephone inside the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> * * * * * * *
|
|
--
|
|
daveus rattus </p>
|
|
|
|
<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> ko.yaa.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
|
|
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
|
|
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent>h: ns-mx!uunet!olivea!sgigate!odin!ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com!dave
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
Newsgroups: alt.activism,alt.conspiracy,alt.conspiracy.<ent type='PERSON'>jfk</ent>
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (3/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 3 of 11: chapter 6 thru chapter 8
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 1992Jun9.161556.23157@odin.corp.sgi.com</info>
|
|
Date: 9 Jun 92 16:15:56 GMT
|
|
Sender: news@odin.corp.sgi.com (Net News)
|
|
Organization: Silicon Graphics, Inc.
|
|
Lines: 632
|
|
Xref: ns-mx alt.activism:27381 alt.conspiracy:15473 alt.conspiracy.<ent type='PERSON'>jfk</ent>:1570
|
|
Nntp-<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>ing-Host: ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</p>
|
|
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|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 6
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> of <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and
|
|
Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lyndon</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son's Withdrawal in 1968</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> faced several dangers in 1968. While
|
|
President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son had cooperated fully with their desires in Viet
|
|
Nam and in other parts of the world, he had not met their
|
|
requirements in other areas. He had gone too far in appeasing the
|
|
blacks and had shown some signs of giving in to the young people in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent> in early 1968. Through threats to expose his role in
|
|
covering up the truth about the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination or personal
|
|
threats to the safety of his family, the <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> forced his
|
|
withdrawal from the 1968 election race. Their plan now was to
|
|
install <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> as president at all costs.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> posed real threats to this plan.
|
|
Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> was beginning a movement in the direction of a coalition
|
|
with Malcom X followers and other black militant groups. He was
|
|
speaking out against the <ent type='GPE'>Viet Nam</ent> war. His influence might help
|
|
defeat <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> at the polls. So <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> created an
|
|
environment in which he could be assassinated by his arch enemies.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent> had become a vital part of the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> by 1968. <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> had no love for <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and was
|
|
harrassing him in several ways. <ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>
|
|
undoubtedly let <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> know that it wouldn't be a bad idea to have
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> out of the way before the election campaigns really warmed up.
|
|
They also passed the word along to some of the groups who were out
|
|
to murder <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> that the crime would probably not be stopped.
|
|
Fletcher Prouty has described this approach in some detail.[1] The
|
|
net result of these actions was the assassination of Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> by a
|
|
group of wealthy white bigots who employed two of the intelligence
|
|
community's own expert assassins. One of these men, <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, had
|
|
fired shots at <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>. The other, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent>, was a soldier of
|
|
fortune and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract killer. They recruited <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> and
|
|
set him up as a patsy.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> removed King's protection in <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent> and after the
|
|
assassination they took the case out of the hands of the local
|
|
police to control and suppress the evidence of conspiracy. <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent>
|
|
did not know exactly who was going to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> or where.
|
|
He did not know in advance who the patsy was supposed to be. The
|
|
best evidence in support of this is that from April to June 1968
|
|
the identity of the patsy was a mystery, first unidentified, then
|
|
identified as <ent type='PERSON'>Eric Starvo</ent> Galt, then as <ent type='PERSON'>Raymond Sneyd</ent>, and finally
|
|
as <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>. If <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> had been in on the plan, Ray's
|
|
identity would probably have been revealed immediately. In fact,
|
|
the scenario might have been similar to the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case, with <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>
|
|
being killed in a shoot-out.
|
|
After <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was identified and arrested in <ent type='GPE'>London</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> and the
|
|
Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> had to manufacture some evidence to get <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> back
|
|
to the U.S. They had no qualms about bribing one witness, <ent type='PERSON'>Charlie</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Stevens</ent>, to do this. They forced him to say he had seen <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>. Then
|
|
a new problem arose. <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> began telling the truth to his lawyer and
|
|
a writer, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> Bradford <ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent></ent>. He almost revealed Frenchy's true
|
|
identity. <ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>, led by J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>, solved
|
|
this problem by getting rid of Ray's lawyer, <ent type='PERSON'>Arthur Hanes</ent>, and they
|
|
hired <ent type='PERSON'>Percy Foreman</ent> to keep <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> quiet. They also were forced to
|
|
pay off or frighten off author <ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent> who had by then become
|
|
convinced <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was telling him the truth. <ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent> had found several
|
|
witnesses who had seen <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> together.
|
|
The group got <ent type='PERSON'>Foreman</ent> to talk <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> into pleading guilty and <ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent>
|
|
to retract his conspiracy talk and publish an article and a book
|
|
claiming <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>. Ever since <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was put away
|
|
for 99 years, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> have been hard at
|
|
work covering up the truth, bribing or influencing judges who have
|
|
heard Ray's appeals for a trial, publishing disinformation like
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gerold Franck</ent>'s book, "An <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Assassin," suppressing evidence,
|
|
and placing key witnesses in psychiatric wards. It is still going
|
|
on. They have killed at least one reporter--<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent></ent>--who was
|
|
getting too close to the truth. The local D.A., <ent type='PERSON'>Phil Canale</ent>, was
|
|
brought into the conspiracy along with <ent type='PERSON'>Percy Foreman</ent>, Judge Battle,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Fred Vinson</ent> (who extradited <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>, using <ent type='PERSON'>Stevens</ent>' false affidavit),
|
|
and local authorities who committed <ent type='PERSON'>Grace</ent> Walden <ent type='PERSON'>Stevens</ent> to a
|
|
mental institution because she knew <ent type='PERSON'>Charlie</ent> had been dead drunk and
|
|
saw nothing.
|
|
The mechanics of the assassination are as follows: <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> recruited <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Montreal</ent> for smuggling drugs into the
|
|
U.S. from <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Canada</ent>. They recruited him in the
|
|
assassination plan in such a way as to make him believe they were
|
|
smuggling guns to <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> (<ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> knew him as <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent>) set up <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> as a patsy by
|
|
planting evidence with Ray's prints on it near the fake firing
|
|
point. He persuaded <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> to rent a room opposite Dr. King's motel,
|
|
to buy a rifle with telescopic sight, and a white <ent type='ORG'>Mustang</ent>, and park
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Mustang</ent> outside the rooming house to wait for <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> to come
|
|
out. <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent> stationed himself on a grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> beneath the
|
|
rooming house where <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> was located. When <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> came out on his
|
|
balcony, <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent> killed him with one shot fired at an upward
|
|
angle. <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> ran from his perch overlooking King's balcony. He
|
|
made plenty of noise to attract attention, and dropped a bag full
|
|
of items with Ray's prints on them in front of an amusement parlor
|
|
next door to the rooming house.
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> must have had some anxious moments then because <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> had
|
|
driven the <ent type='ORG'>Mustang</ent> to a gas station a few blocks away to have a low
|
|
tire pumped up. Three witnesses remember his being there. When
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> returned, not yet knowing what had happened, <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> told him
|
|
to drive away toward the edge of town where <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> got out of the
|
|
back seat. <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> drove on to <ent type='GPE'>Atlanta</ent> with the intention of meeting
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> there.
|
|
Meanwhile, <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent> mingled with the crowd under King's
|
|
balcony and then faded away. A false trail was created by another
|
|
member of the team who drove away in a second white <ent type='ORG'>Mustang</ent> and
|
|
then created a fake auto chase on the police band radio.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent> was tracked down by various reporters in early 1976 and
|
|
began negotiating to tell his story for a very high price.
|
|
Meanwhile, judge after judge and court after court keep turning
|
|
down <ent type='PERSON'>Bernard Fensterwald</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Cesar</ent>, Ray's new lawyers, who
|
|
appealed for a new trial.
|
|
All of the information above has been reported with factual
|
|
evidence backing it up in several articles, one book, and at Ray's
|
|
legal hearing for a new trial in <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent> in 1975.[2]
|
|
After Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> was eliminated, <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> faced a
|
|
much greater threat. <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> began his quest for the
|
|
presidency. There was little doubt in the minds of anyone in the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> that <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> would be nominated as <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent> candidate at
|
|
the convention, and would have a very good chance of defeating
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>. This would be a near certainty if Eugene <ent type='PERSON'>McCarthy</ent>
|
|
decided to drop out and support Senator <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
represented a double threat to the <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> in that he would
|
|
undoubtedly expose them after becoming president and seize control.
|
|
The plan they adopted was again to create an environment in
|
|
which it would be easy for an enemy like the Minutemen or the <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent>
|
|
or certain local hate groups in <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent> and
|
|
get away with it by setting up another patsy. Available at the
|
|
time was a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent planted inside the <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> police
|
|
department. Strong influence was brought to bear on chief of
|
|
police, Ed Davis, to remove all official protection for Senator
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> in the Ambassador Hotel. Arrangements were made for the
|
|
Ace <ent type='ORG'>Guard</ent> Service to supply three extreme right wing, militant
|
|
guards at the hotel to guard the Senator after his victory speech.
|
|
One of these was <ent type='PERSON'>Thane Eugene Cesar</ent>, a known <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> hater and
|
|
friend of a group of <ent type='LOC'>South</ent>ern <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> Minutemen. He was also
|
|
almost certainly a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract agent or "blind" assassin. At the
|
|
same time another group was recruited to hypnotize <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent>
|
|
and to program him for firing some shots in <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Kennedy's
|
|
direction. Two hypnotists and at least three other people were
|
|
involved in the framing of <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Cesar</ent> killed <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> from behind while <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> was firing
|
|
under hypnosis from in front of the Senator. His programmed signal
|
|
was given by a girl in a polka dot dress and another young <ent type='NORP'>Arabic</ent>
|
|
man with them in the pantry.
|
|
After the crime, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent (<ent type='PERSON'>Manny Pena</ent>), the
|
|
District Attorney's office (<ent type='PERSON'>Evelle Younger</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Joseph Busch</ent>) and
|
|
the <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> Police <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> (Ed Davis, <ent type='PERSON'>Robert Houghton</ent> and
|
|
others), knowing the truth, all teamed up to suppress all other
|
|
evidence except that which was aimed at framing <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>. The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> has since wielded its influence to keep the <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent> case
|
|
under wraps. They pushed legislation through the <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>
|
|
legislature to lock up the evidence. They put <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Noguchi</ent>, the
|
|
L.A. County Coroner who wouldn't keep quiet about the autopsy
|
|
evidence which proved conspiracy, in an insane asylum. They
|
|
arranged for the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> report on the assassination to be classified
|
|
and locked up. They killed at least one person who knew what had
|
|
happened. They controlled the media on the subject, especially the
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> Times" through its owner, <ent type='PERSON'>Norman Chandler</ent>, and his
|
|
friend <ent type='PERSON'>Evelle Younger</ent>, who became <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> State Attorney
|
|
General.
|
|
After Al Lowenstein, <ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Brown</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Paul Schrade</ent>, Vincent
|
|
Bugliosi, <ent type='PERSON'>Robert Vaughn</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Tom Bradley</ent> and others began to try to
|
|
expose the truth, the <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> fought back by setting up their own
|
|
expert ballistics panel and buying or frightening them into
|
|
distorting the evidence proving there were two guns fired. The
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> is certainly not through yet. More planted disinformation
|
|
can be expected and more bribing of judges and expert witnesses.
|
|
There may be more killings. Cesar's life and the lives of the two
|
|
hypnotists won't be worth much if they ever start talking.[3]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[1] "<ent type='ORG'>The Fourth Force</ent>" -- L. Fletcher Prouty -- "Gallery Magazine" --
|
|
December, 1975</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[2] "Frame Up: The <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>/<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> Case" -- Harold
|
|
Weisberg -- E.P. Dutton -- 1971</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "The Assassination of Reverend <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>, Jr." -- R.E.
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> -- "Computers & Automation," December 1970</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "The Assassination of Reverend <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>, Jr. -- Parts I to
|
|
II" -- <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wayne</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Chastain</ent></ent> -- "Computers & Automation," December 1974.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[3] Most of the above information has been published in a series of
|
|
articles and in two books and one movie.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "The Assassination of Senator <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>" -- R.E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> --
|
|
"Computers & Automation" -- September 1972 and October 1970</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "<ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent> Must Die" -- <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Blair Kaiser -- 1970</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "The Assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, A Searching Look at the
|
|
Conspiracy and Cover-Up 1968-1978" -- <ent type='PERSON'>William Turner</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>
|
|
Christian -- 1978</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "The Second Gun" -- Documentary Movie -- <ent type='PERSON'>Ted Charach</ent> -- <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n
|
|
Films -- <ent type='GPE'>Beverly</ent> Hills</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> </div>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 7
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The Control</ent> of the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s - Threats & Chappaquiddick</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Through the years the most common question of all has been: "If
|
|
there was a conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination, why didn't <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> find out about it and take some action? And if there was a
|
|
conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent> assassination why haven't <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and
|
|
Ethel <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> done something about it?" No one except the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s
|
|
know the answers to these questions for sure. However, there are
|
|
plenty of clues and some other <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> actions to
|
|
provide the answers to us.
|
|
First of all, thanks to <ent type='PERSON'>Jackie</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> Onassis' butler in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Athens</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Greece</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Christain Cafarakis</ent>, we know why <ent type='PERSON'>Jackie</ent> did nothing
|
|
after her husband's death. In a book published in 1972, <ent type='PERSON'>Cafarakis</ent>
|
|
tells about an investigation <ent type='PERSON'>Jackie</ent> had conducted by a famous New
|
|
York City detective agency into the assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> in 1964
|
|
and 1965.[1] It was financed by <ent type='PERSON'>Aristotle Onassis</ent> and resulted in
|
|
a report in the spring of 1965 telling who the four gunmen were and
|
|
who was behind them. <ent type='PERSON'>Jackie</ent> planned to give the report to <ent type='ORG'>LBJ</ent> but
|
|
was stopped by a threat from <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> to kill her
|
|
and her children. <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bobby</ent> and other family members knew about
|
|
the report and the threat.
|
|
The second clue is Chappaquiddick. A careful examination of the
|
|
real evidence in this event shows that <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was framed in
|
|
the killing of <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Joe Kopechne</ent> and then his life and his
|
|
children's lives threatened if he ever told the truth about what
|
|
happened. The facts in the case and the conclusions that can be
|
|
drawn from them are contained in a book by <ent type='GPE'>Boston</ent> researcher <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent>.[2]
|
|
The third clue is Ted's withdrawal from the presidential race in
|
|
November 1975. It is a fact that all of his and Robert's children
|
|
were being protected by <ent type='ORG'>the Secret Service</ent> for five days in
|
|
November 1975. A threat had been made against the children's lives
|
|
unless he officially announced his withdrawal. He made the
|
|
announcement and has stuck to it ever since. The <ent type='ORG'>Secret Service</ent>
|
|
protection ended the day after he made the announcement.
|
|
It does not seem likely that Senator <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> would withdraw from
|
|
the race because of a threat from a lone nut or from some obscure
|
|
group. He remembers the 1965 threat and Chappaquiddick very well.
|
|
He knows about <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> and he knows their enormous
|
|
capability. He knows what they did to his brothers. He has no
|
|
choice but to hope that somehow, sometime, the <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> will be
|
|
exposed. But he dares not let them believe he would ever have
|
|
anything to do with it. Publicly he will always have to support
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> and continue to state that he will not run
|
|
for president. Privately he is forced to ask his closest friends
|
|
and his relatives not to get involved with new investigations, and
|
|
to help protect his children. Some of them know the truth. Others
|
|
do not, and are puzzled by his behavior. They go along with it
|
|
under the assumption that he has good and sufficient reasons not to
|
|
open the can of worms represented by the conspiracies in his
|
|
brother's deaths.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> faced up to the <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
family problem very early. They used the threat against the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> children's lives very effectively between 1963 and 1968 to
|
|
silence <ent type='PERSON'>Bobby</ent> and the rest of the family and friends who knew the
|
|
truth. It was necessary to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>Bobby</ent> in 1968 because with
|
|
the power of the presidency he could have prevented the <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> from
|
|
harming the children. When <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>dy began making moves to run for
|
|
president in 1969 for the 1972 election, the <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> decided to put
|
|
some real action behind their threats. Killing <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>dy in 1969 would
|
|
have been too much. They selected a new way of eliminating him as
|
|
a candidate. They framed him with the death of a young girl, and
|
|
threw sexual overtones in for good measure.
|
|
Here is what happened according to Cutler's analysis of the
|
|
evidence. The <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> hired several men and at least one woman to be
|
|
at Chappaquiddick during the weekend of the yacht race and the
|
|
planned party on the island. They ambushed <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> and Mary Jo after
|
|
they left the cottage and knocked <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> out with blows to his head
|
|
and body. They took the unconscious or semi-conscious <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> to
|
|
Martha's <ent type='LOC'>Vineyard</ent> and deposited him in his hotel room. Another
|
|
group took Mary Jo to the bridge in Ted's car, force fed her with a
|
|
knock out potion of alcoholic beverage, placed her in the back
|
|
seat, and caused the car to accelerate off the side of the bridge
|
|
into the water. They broke the windows on one side of the car to
|
|
insure the entry of water; then they watched the car until they
|
|
were sure Mary Jo would not escape.
|
|
Mary Jo actually regained consciousness and pushed her way to
|
|
the top of the car (which was actually the bottom of the car--it
|
|
had landed on its roof) and died from asphyxiation. The group with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>dy revived him early in the morning and let him know he had a
|
|
problem. Possibly they told him that Mary Jo had been kidnapped.
|
|
They told him his children would be killed if he told anyone what
|
|
had happened and that he would hear from them. On Chappaquiddick,
|
|
the other group made contact with <ent type='GPE'>Markham</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gargan</ent>, Ted's cousin
|
|
and lawyer. They told both men that Mary Jo was at the bottom of
|
|
the river and that <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> would have to make up a story about it, not
|
|
revealing the existence of the group. One of the men resembled <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>
|
|
and his voice sounded something like Ted's. <ent type='GPE'>Markham</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gargan</ent>
|
|
were instructed to go the the <ent type='LOC'>Vineyard</ent> on the morning ferry, tell
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> where Mary Jo was, and come back to the island to wait for a
|
|
phone call at a pay station near the ferry on the Chappaquiddick
|
|
side.
|
|
The two men did as they were told and <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> found out what had
|
|
happened to Mary Jo that morning. The three men returned to the
|
|
pay phone and received their instructions to concoct a story about
|
|
the "accident" and to report it to the police. The threat against
|
|
Ted's children was repeated at that time.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Markham</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gargan</ent> went right away to police chief Arena's
|
|
office on the <ent type='LOC'>Vineyard</ent> where <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> reported the so-called "accident."
|
|
Almost at the same time scuba diver <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Farror was pulling Mary Jo
|
|
out of the water, since two boys who had gone fishing earlier that
|
|
morning had spotted the car and reported it.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> called together a small coterie of friends and advisors
|
|
including family lawyer <ent type='PERSON'>Burke Marshall</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> MacNamara, <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>
|
|
Sorenson, and others. They met on <ent type='LOC'>Squaw Island</ent> near the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
compound at <ent type='LOC'>Hyannisport</ent> for three days. At the end of that time
|
|
they had manufactured the story which <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> told on TV, and later at
|
|
the inquest. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent></ent> calls the story, "the shroud." Even the
|
|
most cursory examination of the story shows it was full of holes
|
|
and an impossible explanation of what happened. Ted's claim that
|
|
he made the wrong turn down the dirt road toward the bridge by
|
|
mistake is an obvious lie. His claim that he swam the channel back
|
|
to Martha's <ent type='LOC'>Vineyard</ent> is not believable. His description of how he
|
|
got out of the car under water and then dove down to try to rescue
|
|
Mary Jo is impossible. <ent type='GPE'>Markham</ent> and Gargan's claims that they kept
|
|
diving after Mary Jo are also unbelievable.
|
|
The evidence for the <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent> scenario is substantial. It begins
|
|
with the marks on the bridge and the position of the car in the
|
|
water. The marks show that the car was standing still on the
|
|
bridge and then accelerated off the edge, moving at a much higher
|
|
speed than <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> claimed. The distance the car travelled in the
|
|
air also confirms this. The damage to the car on two sides and on
|
|
top plus the damage to the windshield and the rear view mirror
|
|
stanchion[3] prove that some of the damage had to have been
|
|
inflicted before the car left the bridge.
|
|
The blood on the back and on the sleeves of Mary Jo's blouse
|
|
proves that a wound was inflicted before she left the bridge.[4]
|
|
The alcohol in her bloodstream proves she was drugged, since all
|
|
witnesses testified she never drank and did not drink that night.
|
|
The fact that she was in the back seat when her body was recovered
|
|
indicates that is where she was when the car hit the water. There
|
|
was no way she could have dived downward against the inrushing
|
|
water and moved from the front to the back seat underneath the
|
|
upside-down seat back.
|
|
The wounds on the back of <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> Kennedy's skull, those just above
|
|
his ear and the large bump on the top indicate he was knocked out.
|
|
His actions at the hotel the next morning show he was not aware of
|
|
Mary Jo's death until <ent type='GPE'>Markham</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gargan</ent> arrived. The trip to the
|
|
pay phone on Chappaquiddick can only be explained by his receiving
|
|
a call there, not making one. There were plenty of pay phones in
|
|
or near Ted's hotel if he needed to make a private call. The tides
|
|
in the channel and the direction in which <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> claimed he swam do
|
|
not match. In addition it would have been a superhuman feat to
|
|
have made it across the channel (as proven by several professionals
|
|
who subsequently tried it).
|
|
Deputy Sheriff <ent type='PERSON'>Christopher Look</ent>'s testimony, coupled with the
|
|
testimony of <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> LaRosa and two <ent type='PERSON'>Lyons</ent> girls, proves that there were
|
|
two people in Ted's car with Mary Jo at 12:45 PM. The three party
|
|
members walking along the road south toward the cottage confirmed
|
|
the time that Mr. Look drove by. He stopped to ask if they needed
|
|
a ride. Look says that just prior to that he encountered Ted's car
|
|
parked facing north at the juncture of the main road and the dirt
|
|
road. It was on a short extension of the north-south section of
|
|
the road junction to the north of the "T". He says he saw a man
|
|
driving, a woman in the seat beside him, and what he thought was
|
|
another woman lying on the back seat. He remembered a portion of
|
|
the license plate which matched Ted's car, as did the description
|
|
of the car. <ent type='GPE'>Markham</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gargan</ent> and Ted's driver's testimony show that
|
|
someone they talked to in the pitch black night sounded like <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>
|
|
and was about his height and build.
|
|
None of the above evidence was ever explained by <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> or by
|
|
anyone else at the inquest or at the hearing on the case demanded
|
|
by district attorney <ent type='PERSON'>Edward Dinis</ent>. No autopsy was ever allowed on
|
|
Mary Jo's body (her family objected), and <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> made it possible to
|
|
fly her body home for burial rather quickly. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> haters have
|
|
seized upon Chappaquiddick to enlarge the sexual image now being
|
|
promoted of both <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. Books like "<ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>dy Bare"
|
|
take full advantage of the situation.
|
|
Just which operatives in <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> at the high
|
|
levels or the lower levels were on Chappaquiddick Island? No
|
|
definite evidence has surfaced as yet, except for an indication
|
|
that there was at least one woman and at least three men, one of
|
|
whom resembled <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and who sounded like him in the
|
|
darkness. However, two pieces of testimony in the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>
|
|
hearings provide significant clues as to which of the known <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
case conspirators may have been there.
|
|
E. Howard Hunt told of a strange trip to <ent type='LOC'>Hyannisport</ent> to see a
|
|
local citizen there about the Chappaquiddick incident. Hunt's
|
|
cover story on this trip was that he was digging up dirt on <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> for use in the 1972 campaign. The story does not make much
|
|
sense if one questions why Hunt would have to wear a disguise,
|
|
including his famous red wig, and to use a voice-alteration device
|
|
to make himself sound like someone else. If, on the other hand,
|
|
Hunt's purpose was to return to the scene of his crime just to make
|
|
sure that no one who might have seen his group at the bridge or
|
|
elsewhere would talk, then the disguise and the voice box make
|
|
sense.
|
|
The other important testimony came from <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Tony</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Ulasewicz</ent></ent> who said
|
|
he was ordered by the Plumbers to fly immediately to Chappaquiddick
|
|
and dig up dirt on <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>. The only problem <ent type='PERSON'>Tony</ent> has is that,
|
|
according to his testimony, he arrived early on the morning of the
|
|
"accident", before the whole incident had been made public.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ulasewicz</ent> is the right height and weight to resemble <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and
|
|
with a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> voice-alteration device he presumably could be made to
|
|
sound like him. There is a distinct possibility that Hunt and <ent type='PERSON'>Tony</ent>
|
|
were there when it happened.
|
|
The threats by <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>, the frame-up at
|
|
Chappaquiddick, and the murders of <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Bobby</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> cannot
|
|
have failed to take their toll on all of the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s. Rose, <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jackie</ent>, Ethel and the other close family members must be very tired
|
|
of it all by now. They can certainly not be blamed for hoping it
|
|
will all go away. Investigations like those proposed by <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> only raised the spectre of the powerful
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> taking revenge by kidnapping some of the seventeen
|
|
children.
|
|
It was no wonder that a close <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> friend and ally in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>California</ent>, Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Burton</ent>, said that he would oppose the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> resolutions unless <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> put his stamp
|
|
of approval on them. While the sympathies of every decent <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n
|
|
go out to them, the future of our country and the freedom of the
|
|
people to control their own destiny through the election process
|
|
mean more than the lives of all the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s put together. If <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> were alive today he would probably make the same statement.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Dean</ent> summed it up when he said to <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> as recorded
|
|
on the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> tapes in 1973: "If <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent>dy knew the bear trap he
|
|
was walking into at Chappaquiddick. . . ."[5]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[1] "The fabulous <ent type='PERSON'>Jackie</ent>" -- Christian <ent type='PERSON'>Cafarakis</ent> -- Productions de <ent type='GPE'>Paris</ent>
|
|
-- 1972</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[2] "You the Jury" -- <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent> -- Self Published -- 1974</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[3] A rope attached to the stick which held the <ent type='ORG'>Oldsmobile</ent> throttle wide
|
|
open caught the drivers rear view mirror and tore it loose so that
|
|
it was hanging by the rear bolt. There was no other mark on the
|
|
left side of the car.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[4] A sliver of glass from two broken windows no doubt caused this
|
|
bleeding since Mary Jo was already face down and unconscious in the
|
|
rear seat. Since there was no autopsy this clean cut went
|
|
unnoticed by the embalmers.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[5] On page 121, "White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Tapes," Paperback Edition, published by New
|
|
York Times</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 8
|
|
1972 - Muskie, <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> In 1972 <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> was faced with another set of
|
|
problems. Again the objective was to insure Nixon's election at
|
|
all costs and to continue the cover-ups. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> might have made it
|
|
on his own. We'll never know because the <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> guaranteed his
|
|
election by eliminating two strong candidates and completely
|
|
swamping another with tainted leftist images and a psychiatric case
|
|
for the vice presidential nominee. The impression that <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> had
|
|
in early 1972 was that he stood a good chance of losing. He
|
|
imagined enemies everywhere and a press he was sure was out to get
|
|
him.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> realized this too. They began laying
|
|
out a strategy that would encourage the real nuts in the <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
administration like E. Howard Hunt, G. <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Liddy</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Segretti</ent> to eliminate any serious opposition. The dirty tricks
|
|
campaign worked perfectly against the strongest early <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent>
|
|
candidate, <ent type='PERSON'>Edmund Muskie</ent>. He withdrew in tears, later to discover
|
|
he had been sabotaged by <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Liddy</ent> and company.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent> was another matter. At the time he was shot, he
|
|
was drawing 18% of the vote according to the polls, and most of
|
|
that was in <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> territory. The conservative states such as
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Indiana</ent> were going for <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>. He was eating into Nixon's
|
|
southern strength. In April the polls showed <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent> pulling a
|
|
41%, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> 41% and <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> 18%. It was going to be too close for
|
|
comfort, and it might be thrown into the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> - in which case
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> would surely lose. There was the option available of
|
|
eliminating George <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent>, but then the <ent type='NORP'>Democrats</ent> might come up
|
|
with <ent type='PERSON'>Hubert Humphrey</ent> or someone else even more dangerous than
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent>. Nixon's best chance was a head-on contest with <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> had to go. Once the group made that decision, the <ent type='PERSON'>Liddy</ent>
|
|
team seemed to be the obvious group to carry it out. But how could
|
|
it be done this time and still fool the people? Another patsy this
|
|
time? O.K., but how about having him actually kill the Governor?
|
|
The answer to that was an even deeper programming job than that
|
|
done on <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>. This time they selected a man with a lower I.Q.
|
|
level who could be hypnotized to really shoot someone, realize it
|
|
later, and not know that he had been programmed. He would have to
|
|
be a little wacky, unlike <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Arthur Bremer</ent> was selected. The first contacts were made by
|
|
people who knew both <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Segretti</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Milwaukee</ent>. They were
|
|
members of a leftist organization planted there as provocateurs by
|
|
the intelligence forces within <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>. One of
|
|
them was a man named <ent type='PERSON'>Dennis Cossini</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> was programmed over a period of months. He was first set
|
|
to track <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and then <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>. When his hand held the gun in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Laurel</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Maryland</ent>, it might just as well have been in the hand of
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <ent type='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent>, E. Howard Hunt, G. <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Liddy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>, or
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.
|
|
With Wallace's elimination from the race and McGovern's
|
|
increasing popularity in the primaries, the only question remaining
|
|
for <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> was whether <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent> had any real
|
|
chance of winning. The polls all showed Wallace's vote going to
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and a resultant landslide victory. That, of course, is
|
|
exactly what happened. It was never close enough to worry the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> very much. <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent>, on the other hand, was worried. By the
|
|
time of the <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> primary he and his staff had learned enough
|
|
about the conspiracies in the assassinations of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> that they asked for increased Secret
|
|
Service protection in <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent>.
|
|
If <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> had decided to kill Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent> the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Secret Service</ent> would not have been able to stop it. However, they
|
|
did not, because the election was a sure thing. They did try one
|
|
more dirty trick. They revealed <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Eagleton</ent>'s psychiatric
|
|
problems, which reduced McGovern's odds considerably.
|
|
What evidence is there that Bremer's attempt on <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> was a
|
|
directed attempt by a conspiratorial group?
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> himself has told his brother that others were involved
|
|
and that he was paid by them. Researcher <ent type='PERSON'>William Turner</ent> has turned
|
|
up evidence in <ent type='GPE'>Milwaukee</ent> and surrounding towns in <ent type='GPE'>Wisconsin</ent> that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> received money from a group associated with <ent type='PERSON'>Dennis Cossini</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <ent type='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent> and J. <ent type='PERSON'>Timothy Gratz</ent>. Several other young
|
|
"leftists" were seen with <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> on several occasions in <ent type='GPE'>Milwaukee</ent>
|
|
and on the ferry crossing at Lake <ent type='GPE'>Michigan</ent>.
|
|
The evidence shows that <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> had a hidden source of income.
|
|
He spent several times more than he earned or saved in the year
|
|
before he shot at <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>. Bremer's appearance on TV, in court and
|
|
before witnesses resembled those of a man under hypnosis.[1]
|
|
There is some evidence that more than one gun may have been
|
|
fired with the second gun being located in the direction opposite
|
|
to <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent>. Eleven wounds in the four victims that day exceeds the
|
|
number that could have been caused by the five bullets <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent>
|
|
fired. There is a problem in identifying all of the bullets found
|
|
as having been fired from Bremer's gun. The trajectories of the
|
|
wounds seem to be from two opposite directions. All of this--the
|
|
hypnotic-like trance, the possibility of two guns being fired from
|
|
in front and from behind, and the immediate conclusion that <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent>
|
|
acted alone--sounds very much like the arrangement made for the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination.
|
|
Another part of the evidence sounds like the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case. A lone
|
|
blue Cadillac was seen speeding away from the scene of the shooting
|
|
immediately afterward. It was reported on the police band radio
|
|
and the police unsuccessfully chased it. The car had two men in
|
|
it. The police and the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> immediately shut off all accounts of
|
|
that incident.
|
|
E. Howard Hunt testified before the Ervin <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> that Charles
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Colson</ent> had asked him to go to Bremer's apartment in <ent type='GPE'>Milwaukee</ent> as
|
|
soon as the news about <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> was available at the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>.
|
|
Hunt never did say why he was supposed to go. <ent type='PERSON'>Colson</ent> then said
|
|
that he didn't tell Hunt to go, but that Hunt told him he was
|
|
going. Colson's theory is that Hunt was part of a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> conspiracy
|
|
to get rid of <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and to do other dirty tricks.
|
|
Could Hunt and <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> have had in mind placing
|
|
something in Bremer's apartment rather than taking something out?
|
|
The "something" could have been Bremer's diary, which was later
|
|
found in his car parked near the <ent type='GPE'>Laurel</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Maryland</ent> parking lot.
|
|
Hunt did not go to <ent type='GPE'>Milwaukee</ent>, because the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> already had agents at
|
|
the apartment. Perhaps Hunt or someone else went instead to
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Maryland</ent> and planted the diary in Bremer's car. One thing seems
|
|
certain after a careful analysis of Bremer's diary in comparison to
|
|
his grammar, spelling, etc., in his high school performances in
|
|
English. <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> didn't write the diary. Someone forged it, trying
|
|
to make it sound like they thought <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> would sound given his low
|
|
I.Q.
|
|
One last item would clinch the conspiracy case if it were true.
|
|
A rumor spread among researchers and the media that <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>-TV had
|
|
discovered <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> and G. <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Liddy</ent> together on two separate
|
|
occasions in TV footage of <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> rallies. In one TV sequence
|
|
they were said to be walking together toward a camera in the
|
|
background. <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> completely closed the lid on the subject.
|
|
The best source is obviously <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> himself. However, no
|
|
private citizen can get anywhere near him. Even if they could he
|
|
might not talk if he had been programmed. Unless an expert
|
|
deprogrammed him, his secret could be locked away in his brain,
|
|
just like Sirhan's secret is locked within his mind.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[1] "Report of an Investigation" by <ent type='PERSON'>William Turner</ent> for <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>
|
|
on Government <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> References:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "<ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> and Hunt", The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Review of Books -- Gore
|
|
Vidal -- December 13, 1973.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "The <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> Shooting" -- <ent type='PERSON'>Alan Stang</ent> -- "<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Opinion" --
|
|
October, 1972.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Why Was <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> Shot?" -- R.F. <ent type='PERSON'>Salant</ent> -- Self Published --
|
|
Monsey, N.Y.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Interview With <ent type='PERSON'>Charles Colson</ent>" -- <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent> -- "<ent type='ORG'>Argosy</ent>" --
|
|
March, 1976.</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p>--
|
|
daveus rattus </p>
|
|
|
|
<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> ko.yaa.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
|
|
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
|
|
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.
|
|
From dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com Wed Jun 10 10:08:58 1992
|
|
Received: from pl122c.eecs.lehigh.edu by ns-mx.uiowa.edu (5.64.jnf/920408)
|
|
on Wed, 10 Jun 92 10:08:44 -0500 id AA10332 with SMTP
|
|
Received: from SGI.COM by PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU (5.61/1.34)
|
|
id AA15979; Wed, 10 Jun 92 10:53:16 -0400
|
|
Received: from [192.102.132.11] by sgi.sgi.com via SMTP (911016.SGI/910110.SGI)
|
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for <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA02901; Wed, 10 Jun 92 07:55:47 -0700
|
|
Received: by ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (920110.SGI/920502.SGI.AUTO)
|
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for @sgi.sgi.com:<ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA02416; Wed, 10 Jun 92 07:55:45 -0700
|
|
Date: Wed, 10 Jun 92 07:55:45 -0700
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 9206101455.AA02416@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</info>
|
|
To: <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (4/11)
|
|
Status: RO</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (4/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 4 of 11: first half of chapter 9
|
|
Lines: 995</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> chapter 9 stands out as one of the most detailed explorations i've ever
|
|
read *anywhere* concerning the media's culpability in the cover-up of
|
|
the assassination of the president. the major media's collusion in
|
|
covering-up the truth of the assassination is one of the most tragic
|
|
*and* revealing indicators about just how far this nation has moved away
|
|
from *some* kind of representative democracy to, what, totalitarian
|
|
"democracy"? until we the people confront such crimes as the cover-up,
|
|
perpetrated and perpetuated by "the official reality consortium," we will
|
|
continue to experience an evermore expanding strangulating oligarchy and
|
|
ever decreasing accountability.
|
|
--ratitor</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 9
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> of the Media</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> As mentioned in Chapter 1, one of the two clever strategies used
|
|
by <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> in the taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> has been the
|
|
control of the news media.
|
|
For those <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n citizens who steadfastly refuse to believe
|
|
that all of the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n establishment news media could be
|
|
controlled by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and its friends in the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, the
|
|
continuing support of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>
|
|
conclusion by virtually all of the major news media organizations
|
|
in November, 1975, twelve years after the event, must have been
|
|
very puzzling indeed. Since 78% of the public believe that there
|
|
was a conspiracy in the case, there must be a series of questions
|
|
in the minds of the most intelligent of the 78% about the media's
|
|
position on the subject.[1]
|
|
This Chapter is intended to enlighten readers and to remind them
|
|
of the control exercised by the intelligence community and the
|
|
White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> over the 15 organizations from whom the public gets the
|
|
vast majority of its news and opinions.
|
|
Let's begin with 1968-1969. By 1973 the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public had
|
|
begun to develop a skepticism toward information they received on
|
|
television or radio. Various news stories appearing in our
|
|
national news media through those years had brought about this
|
|
attitude. Some examples are: the Songmy-<ent type='ORG'>Mylai</ent> incident, the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Pueblo</ent> story, the murder of <ent type='ORG'>Black Panther</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Fred Hampton</ent>, the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>, the Clifford <ent type='ORG'>Irving</ent> hoax, the <ent type='GPE'>Bangladesh</ent> tragedy
|
|
and the India-<ent type='GPE'>Pakistan</ent> war, <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> & <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> antics, the <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent>
|
|
papers, and IT&T and the <ent type='NORP'>Republican</ent> National Convention.
|
|
The general reaction was bound to be, "Don't believe everything
|
|
you read, see or hear, especially the first time around, and more
|
|
especially if the story comes from <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>." In the case of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>, things we all had taken as gospel for nearly two
|
|
decades suddenly seemed to crumble.
|
|
To what extent can the national news media be held responsible
|
|
for this situation? What has happened to the inquiring reporter
|
|
and the crusading editor who are both searching for and printing
|
|
the truth? If a government or a president lies or keeps secrets,
|
|
can the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n news media really find out about it? And if they
|
|
do, what moral, ethical, political or other criteria should they
|
|
use in uncovering the lies and presenting them to the public?
|
|
Vice President <ent type='PERSON'>Agnew</ent> would have said, "The press is already
|
|
going too far." Members of the press would have said, "We must
|
|
remain independent and maintain the freedom of speech." Just how
|
|
independent is the news media? Is it controlled to some extent by
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>?
|
|
The answer to some of these questions can be found by taking an
|
|
inside look at the major national news media organizations during
|
|
1968 and 1969 and how they treated the most controversial news
|
|
subject since <ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> II. The assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
and its aftermath is an all-pervading, endless topic. It has yet
|
|
to reach the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Anderston</ent> papers, or <ent type='ORG'>Mylai</ent> stage of
|
|
revelation. Precisely because it is still such a controversial
|
|
subject, verboten for discussion among all major news media (unless
|
|
the discussant supports <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>), it serves as an
|
|
excellent case study.
|
|
A categorical statement can be made that management and
|
|
editorial policy, measured by what is printed and broadcast in all
|
|
major <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n news media organizations, supports the findings of
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. This has been true since 1969, but it was
|
|
not true between 1964 and 1969.
|
|
Of significance in this analysis and what it implies about the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public's knowledge about the assassination and its
|
|
aftermath is a definition of "major <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n national news media."
|
|
It can be demonstrated that an overwhelming mass of news
|
|
information reaching the eyes and ears of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns comes from
|
|
about fifteen organizations. They are, in general order of
|
|
significance: <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>-TV & Radio <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>-TV & Radio, <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>-TV & Radio,
|
|
Associated <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>United Press</ent>, "Time-Life-Fortune-Sports
|
|
Illustrated," McGraw Hill "Business Week," "Newsweek," "U.S. News
|
|
& World Report," "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" News Service, "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>"
|
|
News Service, Metromedia News Network, <ent type='ORG'>Westinghouse</ent> Radio News
|
|
Network, Capital City Broadcasting Radio Network, the <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent>
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Newspaper <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent>, and the "Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>" (the
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" is, of course, now defunct.)
|
|
There are some subtle reasons for this, not generally
|
|
appreciated by the average citizen. <ent type='ORG'>Television</ent> has, of course,
|
|
become the primary source of information. For any nationally
|
|
circulated news story, local stations rely heavily on film,
|
|
videotape and written script material prepared and edited by the
|
|
three networks. Once in a while Metromedia may also send out TV
|
|
material. In effect, this means that editorial content for a vast
|
|
majority of the television information seen by <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n citizens
|
|
everywhere originates not only with three or four organizations but
|
|
also with a very small number of producers, editors and
|
|
commentators in those networks.
|
|
A large majority of any national news items printed by local
|
|
newspapers originates in a small number of press-wire services. AP
|
|
and UP dominate this area, with selected chains of papers
|
|
subscribing to a lesser extent to new services of the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
Times," "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>," <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Newspaper <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent>, and a
|
|
very small percentage receiving information from papers in Los
|
|
Angeles, <ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent> and St. <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>.
|
|
In a national news story of major significance such as the
|
|
assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, the smaller local papers rely almost
|
|
exclusively on their affiliated news services. Economic reasons
|
|
dictate this situation. The small paper can't afford to have
|
|
reporters everywhere. The major newspapers might send a man to
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> for a few days to cover the assassination, or they might
|
|
send a man to <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> to cover the <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> trial. But even
|
|
the major papers can't afford to cover every part of a continuing
|
|
story anywhere around the world. So they too rely on UP and AP for
|
|
much of their material. They also rely on AP, UP and <ent type='ORG'>Black Star</ent>[2]
|
|
for most of their photographic material.
|
|
In the case of news magazines, the holding corporations become
|
|
important in forming editorial policy in a situation as
|
|
controversial as the assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>. Time Inc. and "Life,"
|
|
"Newsweek" and the "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>," "U.S. News," and McGraw Hill
|
|
managements all became involved.
|
|
Fifteen organizations is a surprisingly small number, and one is
|
|
led to conjecture about how easy or difficult it might be to
|
|
control or dictate editorial policy for all of them or some
|
|
appreciable majority of them. An article in "Computers and
|
|
Automation"[3] reprinted a statement by <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> R. <ent type='PERSON'>Rarick</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Louisiana</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>man and an entry made in the "<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional Record" bearing
|
|
on this subject. In the reprint, the "Government Employees
|
|
Exchange" publication is quoted as stating that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> New Team
|
|
used secret cooperating and liaison groups after <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs in
|
|
the large foundations, banks and newspapers to change U.S. domestic
|
|
and foreign relations through the infiltration of these
|
|
organizations. The coordinating role at "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" was
|
|
in the custody of Harding <ent type='ORG'>Bancroft</ent>, Executive Vice President.
|
|
A useful analysis consists of examining what happened
|
|
organizationally and editorially inside each of the fifteen
|
|
companies following the assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. My
|
|
personal knowledge, plus information available from a few sources
|
|
connected with the major news media, permits such an analysis to be
|
|
made for eleven of the fifteen. They are: <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>, Time-Life, "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," "Newsweek," Associated <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>, United
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>, "Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>," Capital City Broadcasting, and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Newspaper <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent>. In addition, the performance of
|
|
nine local newspapers and TV stations directly involved in the
|
|
events in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> will be analyzed. These include:
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>," "<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Morning News," <ent type='GPE'>Fort Worth</ent> "<ent type='ORG'>Star</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Telegram</ent>," <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>-Affiliate <ent type='ORG'>WBAP</ent>, "<ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> Times Picayune,"
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>," and <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>-Affiliate <ent type='ORG'>WDSU</ent>-TV.
|
|
Most of these organizations had reporters and photographers in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> at the time of the assassination or within a few hours
|
|
thereafter. Most of them had direct coverage available when Jim
|
|
Garrison's investigation broke into the news in 1967 and during the
|
|
trial of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> in 1969. For many of them the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial became the running point in the changing of editorial
|
|
policy toward the assassination. For a few, the <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>
|
|
investigation and the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial took on the aspect of waving a
|
|
red flag in front of a bull. They became directly involved in a
|
|
negative way and thus not only reported the news, but also biased
|
|
it.
|
|
Immediately following the assassination the media reported
|
|
nearly everything that had obviously happened. All was confused
|
|
for the first few days. The killing of <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> by <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> on live
|
|
television produced even greater confusion.
|
|
For one year the major media reported everything, from probable
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> conspiracies to the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> theory. The media
|
|
waited for the <ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent>, and when it was issued in October of
|
|
1964 many of the major media fell into line and editorially backed
|
|
the Commission's findings. Some questioned the findings and
|
|
continued to question them until 1968 or 1969. "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
Times" and "Life" magazine fell into this category. But by the
|
|
time the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial ended in March 1969, every one of the fifteen
|
|
major news media organizations was backing <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>
|
|
and they have continued to maintain this editorial position since.
|
|
The situation would perhaps not be so surprising had not the
|
|
internal assassination research teams in several of these
|
|
organizations discovered the truth about the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> killing
|
|
between 1964 and 1968. These teams examined the evidence and
|
|
thoroughly analyzed it. No one who has ever taken the trouble to
|
|
objectively do just that has reached any conclusion other than
|
|
conspiracy.
|
|
In each and every case the internal findings were overruled,
|
|
suppressed, locked up, edited and otherwise altered to back up the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>. Management at the highest editorial and
|
|
corporate level took the action in every instance. Before drawing
|
|
any further generalization about the performance of the media in
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case, it will be revealing to examine what happened and
|
|
specifically who took what actions in the case of the eleven
|
|
national organizations and the nine local ones listed earlier.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Time-Life</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Time Inc. organization let "<ent type='ORG'>Life Magazine</ent>" establish its
|
|
editorial policy while "Time" published more or less standard
|
|
"Time-Life" stories. "Life" became directly involved in the
|
|
assassination action and evidence suppression from the very
|
|
beginning, on November 22, 1963.
|
|
"Life" purchased the famous <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> movie from <ent type='PERSON'>Abraham</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent>
|
|
on the afternoon of the assassination for about $500000. The
|
|
first negative action took place when "Life" and <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> began
|
|
telling the lie that the price was $25000 (which <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> donated
|
|
to the fund raised for the widow of <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> policeman, J. D.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>, who had also been murdered that day). Apparently, both
|
|
"Life" and <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> were ashamed that he profited by the event. He
|
|
lived in fear that the true price would be revealed until the day
|
|
he died.
|
|
As many readers know, the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film (viewed in slow motion)
|
|
proves there was a conspiracy because of the backward motion of the
|
|
President's head immediately following the fatal shot. It proves
|
|
the shot came from the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> to the right and in front of
|
|
the president while Oswald's purported position was very nearly
|
|
directly behind him. The film also helps establish that five, and
|
|
not three shots, were fired, and that one of them could not have
|
|
been fired from Oswald's supposed sniper's nest because of the
|
|
large oak tree blocking his view.
|
|
"Life" magazine never permitted the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film to be seen
|
|
publicly and locked it up in November 1968 so that no one inside or
|
|
outside "Life" could have access to it, automatically becoming an
|
|
"accessory after the fact". "Life" helped protect the real
|
|
assassins and committed a worse crime than <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>.
|
|
In answer to those defenders of "Life" who will say, "But 'Life'
|
|
turned over a copy of the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film to <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>,
|
|
and it is available in the <ent type='ORG'>National Archives</ent>," let's look at the
|
|
facts. "Life" did not supply the copy of the film now resting in
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>. That copy came from Zapruder's original to the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Secret Service</ent> to <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> to the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>. It is
|
|
available for viewing by the few people fortunate enough to visit
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>. It can not be duplicated by anyone, and copies can
|
|
not be taken out of the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent> or viewed publicly in any way.
|
|
The Archive management responsible for the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination
|
|
records state that the "Life" magazine ownership of the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent>
|
|
film is what prevents copies from being made available outside the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> did not see the film in slow motion. Nor
|
|
does the average <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>' visitor get to see it in slow motion or
|
|
stop-action. Yet the most casual analysis of the film in slow
|
|
motion convinces anyone to conclude there was a conspiracy.
|
|
Thus "Life" magazine is an important part of the efforts to
|
|
suppress evidence of conspiracy.
|
|
"Life" was involved in several other ways as an accessory after
|
|
the fact. The organization began its efforts to discover the truth
|
|
about the assassination in 1964 when it assigned Ed <ent type='PERSON'>Kern</ent>, an
|
|
associate editor, to investigate. By the fall of 1966, <ent type='PERSON'>Kern</ent> had
|
|
become convinced that the basic evidence pointed to conspiracy.
|
|
"Life" management was also apparently convinced; they published
|
|
articles in November 1965 and November 1966 questioning the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
Commission's conclusions.
|
|
In the fall of 1966 "Life" transferred <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Billings</ent> from
|
|
their <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent> office to headquarters in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>. His assignment was
|
|
to take over the investigation of the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination, and to
|
|
head a team of several people working full time on it. One of Dick
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Billings</ent>' objectives was to search for and acquire as much of the
|
|
missing photographic evidence as possible.
|
|
This author initiated a similar search, independent from "Life"
|
|
magazine, in September 1966. As often happens, people with common
|
|
objectives decided to work together. <ent type='PERSON'>Billings</ent> and the author
|
|
arrived at a tacit understanding that any <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination
|
|
photographs, including TV films or private movies, found by either
|
|
would be brought to the other's attention. In exchange for access
|
|
to "Life"'s photographic collection (including the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film
|
|
and slides), the author agreed to give "Life" the results of any
|
|
analyses of the photographic evidence. In cases where the author
|
|
could not afford to acquire some new piece of evidence, "Life"
|
|
would offer to purchase the materials from the owners and supply
|
|
copies to the author.
|
|
In this manner the author discovered and helped "Life" magazine
|
|
acquire the largest collection of photographic evidence of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
assassination, outside of the author's personal collection and the
|
|
collection now located at the headquarters of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
|
|
Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. Among the photos
|
|
discovered were:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Dorman movie Private
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>Wilma Bond</ent> photos Private
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> movie Private
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>David Weigman</ent> TV footage <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>Malcolm Couch</ent> TV footage <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Beers</ent> photos "<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Morning News"
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent></ent> photos "<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>"
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>George Smith</ent> photos Ft. Worth "<ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>Star</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Telegram</ent></ent>"
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Martin movie Private
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Hugh Betzen</ent>'s photo Private</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> (See "<ent type='ORG'>Computers and Automation</ent>," May 1970)</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Many of these were important in proving conspiracy and some
|
|
showed pictures of the real assassins.
|
|
The "Life" team headed by <ent type='PERSON'>Billings</ent> was in the process of
|
|
discovering a great deal about the conspiracy during the 1966-1968
|
|
period. While editorially not taking a strong position favoring
|
|
conspiracy, "Life" did take a position that favored a new
|
|
investigation by the government. This was editorially summed up in
|
|
a lead cover story on the fourth anniversary of Kennedy's death in
|
|
November 1967 with the title, "A Matter of Reasonable Doubt". In
|
|
that issue, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Connally and his wife were shown examining the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film's frames and concluding that he had been hit much
|
|
later in the film than <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> claimed. This meant
|
|
that two bullets struck the two men and, by the Commission's own
|
|
admission, pointed automatically to the conspiracy.
|
|
The government naturally did not respond to "Life"'s suggestion
|
|
for a new investigation, so nothing ever came of that editorial
|
|
policy. <ent type='PERSON'>Billings</ent>, however, continued his team's efforts and in
|
|
October 1968 was preparing a comprehensive article for the November
|
|
anniversary issue. The author continued to work with him and
|
|
continued being given access to the photos right up to October
|
|
1968.
|
|
It was at that point in time that a drastic change in management
|
|
policy occurred at "Life" magazine. <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Billings</ent> was told to stop
|
|
all work on the assassination; his entire team was stopped. All
|
|
of the research files, including the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film and slides and
|
|
thousands of other film frames and photographs, were locked up. No
|
|
one at the magazine was permitted access to these materials and no
|
|
one (including the author) was ever allowed to see them again.
|
|
Simultaneously, editorial and management policy toward the
|
|
assassination changed to complete silence. <ent type='PERSON'>Billings</ent> and crew were
|
|
not allowed to discuss the subject at "Life," let alone work on it.
|
|
In November 1968 the article <ent type='PERSON'>Billings</ent> had been working on was
|
|
turned into a non-entity. A few of the hundreds of photographs
|
|
collected by the author and purchased by "Life" were published in
|
|
the article, along with an innocuous commentary. Credit for
|
|
discovering the photos was given to a number of people at "Life"
|
|
magazine in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, not to the individuals who
|
|
actually found them.
|
|
That article, published nearly nine years ago, was the last word
|
|
"Life" has ever uttered about their extensive research probe and
|
|
their feelings about a conspiracy. <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Billings</ent> moved to
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. to become editor of the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional Quarterly
|
|
and is a member on the board of directors of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
|
|
Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>CTIA</ent>).
|
|
Who made the policy change decision at "Life" and why? Various
|
|
high-level conspiracy enthusiasts claim that the cabal behind the
|
|
assassination of <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent> brought extreme pressure to bear
|
|
upon the owners and management of Time Inc. to silence all
|
|
opposition to <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> findings. Others conclude it
|
|
had something to do with the CIA's control of "Life"'s editorial
|
|
policy from inside. This author takes no position on why. Dick
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Billings</ent> knows only that the decision was made at high levels and
|
|
passed downward and that it was irrevocable.
|
|
Repeated attempts by the <ent type='ORG'>CTIA</ent> and several independent
|
|
assassination researchers to break loose the basic evidence in
|
|
"Life"'s possession, such as the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film, the <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> film,
|
|
and <ent type='ORG'>the Mark Bell Film</ent>, met with total opposition and a stone wall.
|
|
Attempts to break loose the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>' copy of the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film or
|
|
slides met the same stiff opposition. In 1971 "Life"
|
|
representatives indicated they might be interested in selling
|
|
rights to the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film for a sum in the neighborhood of a
|
|
million dollars.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public is aware of the editorial policy adopted by
|
|
the <ent type='GPE'>Columbia</ent> Broadcasting System toward the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination
|
|
because of a special four-part series with <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Cronkite</ent> which
|
|
was broadcast on network TV in prime time in the summer of 1967.[4]
|
|
That series, while taking issue with some of the work of the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> *and criticizing the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police*, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Secret Service</ent>, nevertheless backed all of the basic <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> conclusions.
|
|
Anyone watching the <ent type='GPE'>Cronkite</ent> series might have wondered why the
|
|
basic evidence presented by <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> in an itemized format for each of
|
|
several areas in the case, did not always seem to point to the
|
|
conclusion reached at the end of each section. The conclusion
|
|
always agreed with <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>'s comparable conclusion.
|
|
Some viewers may even have noticed Cronkite's double-take after
|
|
reading through the basic evidence and then reading the phrase,
|
|
"and the conclusion is!" It seemed as though he didn't believe the
|
|
conclusion and hadn't seen it until he came to it in the script.
|
|
Actually, that is exactly what happened. <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> management caused
|
|
the entire script to be changed from one concluding conspiracy to a
|
|
script supporting <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> in the last week before the
|
|
first part of the series went on the air. <ent type='GPE'>Cronkite</ent> had not seen
|
|
the entire script until the program went on. Time had not
|
|
permitted changing all of the points of evidence, so in most cases
|
|
they were unchanged and only the conclusion was changed.
|
|
How did this come about? Who decided to change the script at
|
|
the last moment and why? Again there are control theories extant,
|
|
but the author's personal relationships to <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> people might help to
|
|
shed a little light on the subject.
|
|
The discussion with all of the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> people always centered on
|
|
evidence of conspiracy and the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>-TV film footage taken at the
|
|
assassination site. <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Richter</ent> was the most knowledgeable of all
|
|
the aforementioned people on the basic evidence and he was firmly
|
|
convinced there was a conspiracy. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bernie</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent></ent> was convinced
|
|
that a new investigation was desirable and his wife was convinced
|
|
there had been a conspiracy. <ent type='PERSON'>Dan</ent> Rather believed there was a
|
|
conspiracy and so did <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wes</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Wise</ent></ent>.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> photographers <ent type='PERSON'>Sandy Sanderson</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Tom Craven</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Underwood</ent>
|
|
had taken movie-TV footages showing evidence of conspiracy.
|
|
Craven's footage, for example, showed the assassin's get-away car
|
|
driving away from the parking lot area behind the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>
|
|
about one minute after the shots were fired. <ent type='PERSON'>Sanderson</ent> filmed one
|
|
of the assassins being arrested in front of the Depository building
|
|
about 30 minutes after the shots. Most of this footage was either
|
|
lost or locked up in the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> archives vaults in <ent type='GPE'>New Jersey</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wes</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Wise</ent></ent> so strongly maintained his opinion about conspiracy
|
|
that he broadcast appeals for new photographic evidence over the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>KRLD</ent> local TV shows. This was done against the orders of Eddie
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Barker</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Wes</ent> became Mayor of <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, elected in 1971 and defeated
|
|
the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>-established oligarchy. He actually received a new piece
|
|
of photographic evidence based on his TV appeal from a <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>
|
|
citizen named <ent type='PERSON'>Bothun</ent>, who had taken a picture of the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> a
|
|
few moments after the shots.
|
|
The script for the <ent type='GPE'>Cronkite</ent> series was being edited and was
|
|
going through its final preparation stages in May and early June.
|
|
The author was in constant touch with <ent type='PERSON'>Wise</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent> and Richter
|
|
during this period and was informed about the basic thrust of the
|
|
script toward conspiracy and recommendations for a new
|
|
investigation.
|
|
On May 8 a dinner meeting took place at the author's <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
club with Mr. and Mrs. <ent type='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent>. There, Mrs. <ent type='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent> and the
|
|
author tried to convince <ent type='PERSON'>Bernie</ent> that he should take a stronger
|
|
position on a new investigation.
|
|
On May 18, <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Richter</ent> and one of <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s investigators
|
|
met in the <ent type='ORG'>National Archives</ent> with the author and reviewed the
|
|
evidence of conspiracy. On June 2, 3 and 4 in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, the author
|
|
showed <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bernie</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent></ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wes</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Wise</ent></ent> a film taken by <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>ny Martin
|
|
that showed three of the assassins and their cohorts on the grassy
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> running toward the parking lot a few seconds after firing two
|
|
shots. <ent type='PERSON'>Wise</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent> tried to interest <ent type='PERSON'>Barker</ent> and others in
|
|
taking a look at the film.
|
|
On June 14 <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Richter</ent> invited the author to meet <ent type='ORG'>Midgely</ent>,
|
|
Lister and <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> at <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> where an interview was being
|
|
taped with <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> for use in the series. At that time
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>, Richter and the author spent some time with the producer
|
|
and his assistant discussing the evidence of conspiracy.
|
|
Finally, on June 20, just five days before the program was to go
|
|
on the air, the author met with Richter and <ent type='PERSON'>Dan</ent> Rather in the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> studios. The script was reviewed by Richter
|
|
and Rather in the author's presence. The gist of the conversation
|
|
was that Rather and Richter agreed that the conclusions stating
|
|
conspiracy had to be made even stronger than they were at that
|
|
time.
|
|
The day before the program was aired, <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Richter</ent> assured the
|
|
author that the theme would point to conspiracy and demand a new
|
|
investigation. The author telephoned Richter immediately after the
|
|
first broadcast and asked what had happened. Richter was
|
|
devastated. He could not understand what had happened. From that
|
|
time forward his course paralleled that of <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Billings</ent>. He
|
|
resigned from <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> in disgust and formed his own company, Richter-McBride, in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>. It was his original intent to make a film
|
|
about the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination based on his own research and the films
|
|
he could obtain. However, the massive suppression of the
|
|
assassination, especially the suppression of the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film by
|
|
Time-Life films, cancelled Richter's plans for a film.
|
|
Correspondence with <ent type='GPE'>Cronkite</ent> and others determined that the
|
|
decision to change the script, distort and hide CBS's own findings
|
|
and back up <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> to the hilt came from <ent type='ORG'>Midgely</ent> and
|
|
Lister. How much higher did the decision go? <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Salant</ent> was
|
|
head of the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> News Division then and, of course, <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> C. <ent type='PERSON'>Paley</ent>
|
|
was (and still is) chairman of the board.
|
|
By an odd coincidence, in a sequel to the above <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> story, the
|
|
author had an opportunity to learn a little more about Mr. Paley's
|
|
knowledge. <ent type='PERSON'>Jeff</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Paley</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> Paley's son, returned to <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent>
|
|
States from <ent type='GPE'>Paris</ent> in the winter of 1967-1968, where he had been
|
|
writing news stories and a news column for "L'Express" and for the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Newspaper <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent>, a group serving small papers in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States. <ent type='PERSON'>Jeff</ent> had become convinced there was a
|
|
conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case and came to interview <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> and
|
|
others and to do a story for <ent type='NORP'>French</ent> papers. (European papers and
|
|
magazines always believed and still do believe in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
assassination conspiracy.) He met at length with Richter and the
|
|
author and became quite disturbed at what <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> had done. He
|
|
approached his father with the idea that <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> had been wrong in the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Cronkite</ent> series and that something should be done to rectify the
|
|
situation.
|
|
Bill <ent type='PERSON'>Paley</ent> told his son that he knew nothing about the details
|
|
of the programs or the work lying behind the conclusions. He said
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Midgely</ent> had been responsible for the entire production. He told
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jeff</ent> that if he could show proof that the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> conclusions were
|
|
wrong and there had been a conspiracy, that he would fire <ent type='ORG'>Midgely</ent>
|
|
and all the rest of the team and do the whole thing all over again
|
|
under new management.
|
|
Needless to say, this did not happen and the mystery about where
|
|
the decision to suppress the truth came from within <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> is as deep
|
|
as it ever was.
|
|
Since June 1967, <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> has remained editorially silent on the
|
|
subject of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. The photographic evidence of
|
|
conspiracy in their possession remains locked up and suppressed.
|
|
The Craven sequence--film footage by the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> photographer (who had
|
|
been in the parade's camera car # 1) of a car driving out of the
|
|
Elm Street extension (left-to right in front of the <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> School
|
|
Book Depository) within 20 seconds of the assassination--was seen
|
|
by the author and <ent type='PERSON'>Jones Harris</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>, but was cut out of the
|
|
film where it appeared prior to the time the author and Richter
|
|
began searching for it. There is little question that <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> is an
|
|
accessory after the fact.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> edited out one other important piece of TV film. In
|
|
November 1969, <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Cronkite</ent> conducted a three-part interview
|
|
with <ent type='PERSON'>Lyndon</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son at his ranch in <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>. The series was
|
|
broadcast in the spring of 1970 and on the first program an
|
|
announcement was made that portions of the taped interview had been
|
|
deleted at <ent type='PERSON'>Lyndon</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son's request, "for reasons of national
|
|
security."
|
|
What actually happened and what <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son had said six months
|
|
earlier was made public due to a leak at <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>. The story appeared
|
|
in newspapers all over the U.S. several days before the broadcast.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son told <ent type='GPE'>Cronkite</ent> that there had been a conspiracy in the
|
|
assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was not a lone
|
|
madman assassin, and that he, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son, had known it all along.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son reviewed the tapes a week or so before the program was to
|
|
go on the air and then called up the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> management, asking that
|
|
his remarks be deleted.
|
|
Someone at <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> who was very disturbed by this called a member of
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> and told him what had
|
|
been deleted. This led to the story being printed in the
|
|
newspapers.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times"</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The record of the "Times" through the 1969-1971 period follows
|
|
the same pattern as <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> and "Life" magazine editorial policies.
|
|
The early editorials following the <ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent> supported the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>. The "Times" cooperated by publishing much of the
|
|
report in advance. In 1965, however, editorials began to appear
|
|
that questioned the Commission's findings and suggested a new
|
|
investigation. In 1964 the "Times" formed a research team headed
|
|
by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Harrison</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Salisbury</ent></ent> to investigate the assassination. The team
|
|
of six included <ent type='PERSON'>Peter Khiss</ent> and Gene <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>s. Their conclusions
|
|
were never made public by the "Times" but indications point to
|
|
their finding evidence of conspiracy.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Khiss</ent>, in particular, through the 1966-1968 period in several
|
|
meetings and discussions with the author, expressed doubts about
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent> and questioned the lone madman assassin theme.
|
|
When the <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation made the news, the "Times" began a
|
|
regular campaign to undermine Garrison's case, to support the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>, and finally (during the <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> trial) to
|
|
completely distort the news and the testimony presented. Martin
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Waldron</ent> was the reporter sending in the stories from the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>
|
|
trial, but someone in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> edited them to completely change
|
|
their content. The author saw the story written by <ent type='PERSON'>Waldron</ent> on the
|
|
first day of the trial and the final version appearing in the
|
|
"Times." The two were completely different, with Waldon's original
|
|
following the actual trial proceedings very closely.
|
|
The author, writing under the pen name of <ent type='PERSON'>Samuel</ent> B. <ent type='ORG'>Thurston</ent>,
|
|
postulated the possibility that "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," on selected
|
|
subjects, including the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination, was controlled by the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> through their representative among top management, Mr. Harding
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Bancroft</ent>.[5]
|
|
In the summer of 1968, the author discovered a remarkable
|
|
similarity between the sketch of the assassin of Dr. Martin Luther
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and one of the three tramps arrested in Dealey Plaza following
|
|
the assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Peter Khiss</ent> wrote a story
|
|
about this and it was published by the "Times" in June, 1968.
|
|
Apparently that was the final straw for the "Times" management as
|
|
far as <ent type='PERSON'>Khiss</ent> was concerned. He was not allowed to do any more
|
|
research on assassinations or to discuss the subject at the
|
|
"Times." As he told the author in 1969, he doesn't attend any
|
|
press conferences about assassinations because he doesn't like it
|
|
when people in "Times" management say, "Here comes crazy old Pete
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Khiss</ent> again with his conspiracy talk."
|
|
The apex of "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" actions and editorial positions
|
|
on the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination came in November and December 1971. They
|
|
published three items supporting <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> eight years
|
|
after the assassination, at a time when it seemed on the surface to
|
|
be a dead issue.
|
|
The first was a story about <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> eight years later by an
|
|
author from <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> who wrote his entire story as though it were an
|
|
established fact that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was the lone madman assassin firing
|
|
three shots from the sixth floor window of the Depository building
|
|
and later killing police officer <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>.
|
|
The second was an Op-Ed page guest editorial by none other than
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>, a <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> lawyer. He defended the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> and attacked the researchers. The third was a story by
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Fred Graham</ent> about the findings of Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Lattimer</ent>, who was allowed to
|
|
see the autopsy photographs and x-rays of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Graham</ent>
|
|
actually wrote most of his story, which solidly backed up the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> due to Lattimer's claims that the autopsy
|
|
materials proved no conspiracy, before <ent type='PERSON'>Lattimer</ent> ever entered the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>.
|
|
In other words, it appears that <ent type='PERSON'>Graham</ent> knew what <ent type='PERSON'>Lattimer</ent> was
|
|
going to find and say in advance. Either that or someone in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. gave someone at the "Times" orders in advance to
|
|
prepare the story for the first page, upper left-hand corner, of
|
|
the paper. It really didn't make any difference whether Dr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lattimer</ent> ever saw the x-rays and photographs.
|
|
The concerted campaign on the part of the "Times" management
|
|
could have been timed to prevent a discovery of new evidence of
|
|
conspiracy in the autopsy materials. The reason for this
|
|
possibility developing in the November 1971 period is that the
|
|
five-year restriction placed on the autopsy evidence by <ent type='PERSON'>Burke</ent>
|
|
Marshall, a <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> family lawyer, expired in November of 1971.
|
|
Four well-known and highly reputable forensic pathologists, Dr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Cyril</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Wecht</ent></ent> of <ent type='GPE'>Pittsburgh</ent>, Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Nichols of <ent type='ORG'>the University</ent> of
|
|
Kansas, Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Milton Helpern</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>New York City</ent> and Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Chapman of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Detroit</ent> had already asked permission to examine the x-rays and
|
|
photos upon the expiration of the five-year period. All four were
|
|
known to question <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>'s findings. What better
|
|
way to freeze them out of the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent> than to select a doctor who
|
|
could be trusted to back up the <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> (<ent type='PERSON'>Lattimer</ent> had published
|
|
several articles doing just that), commission him to go into the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>, and then persuade "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" to publish a front
|
|
page story in its <ent type='LOC'>Sunday</ent> issue demonstrating that no one else need
|
|
look at the materials because they supported the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
Commission's findings.
|
|
All attempts by researchers to convince "Times" management that
|
|
the other side of the story should be told have been completely
|
|
ignored. Lattimer's findings, if correct, actually prove
|
|
conspiracy. The "Times" has been informed of this but they have
|
|
shut off all discussion of the subject. The complete story of the
|
|
complicity of the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" in the crimes to which they have
|
|
become an accessory would take up an entire volume.[6]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The National Broadcasting Company became an active participant
|
|
in the government's efforts to protect <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and to ruin Jim
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>.
|
|
Two of NBC's high-level management people, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent> of
|
|
NBC's affiliate in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>WDSU</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Sheridan</ent>,
|
|
executive producer, became personally and directly involved in the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial. They were indicted by a grand jury in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> for
|
|
bribing witnesses, suppressing evidence and interfering with trial
|
|
proceedings. <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> top-level management backed <ent type='PERSON'>Sheridan</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> produced a highly biased, provably dishonest program
|
|
personally attacking <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> and defending <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> prior to the
|
|
trial. Frank McGee, who acted as moderator, later had to publicly
|
|
apologize for lies told on the program by two "witnesses" whom <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>
|
|
paid to give statements against <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>. The <ent type='ORG'>FCC</ent> ruled that <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>
|
|
had to give <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> equal time because the program was not a news
|
|
program but a vendetta by <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> against <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> did give
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> 30 minutes (compared to their one-hour attack) to respond
|
|
at a later date. <ent type='PERSON'>Sheridan</ent> was the producer of the one-hour show.
|
|
With <ent type='PERSON'>Sheridan</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent> so deeply involved, and with such an
|
|
extremely strong editorial position favoring the Justice
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Department</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, and the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> stance,
|
|
suspicions were raised about NBC's and RCA's independence.[7] At
|
|
one point in 1967 the president of <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>, according to Walter
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Sheridan</ent>, helped in the bribery efforts by calling Mr. <ent type='ORG'>Gherlock</ent>,
|
|
head of <ent type='ORG'>Equitable Life Insurance Company</ent>'s <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> office, and
|
|
asked for assurance that <ent type='PERSON'>Perry Russo</ent>, who worked for <ent type='ORG'>Equitable</ent>,
|
|
would cooperate with <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> is also the owner of several important pieces of
|
|
photographic evidence. A TV film taken by <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> photographer David
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Weigman</ent> was suppressed by <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> and not made available to
|
|
researchers. It shows the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> in the background just a
|
|
fraction of a minute after the shots. Some of the assassination
|
|
participants can be seen on the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>.
|
|
Fortunately for researchers, <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> sold the <ent type='NORP'>Weigman</ent> film to the
|
|
other networks and to the news film agencies before realizing its
|
|
importance. The author was able to purchase a copy from Hearst
|
|
Metrotone News.
|
|
NBC's affiliate, <ent type='ORG'>WBAP</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Fort Worth</ent>, has several important film
|
|
sequences. <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Darnell took several sequences on the grassy
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> and in the parking lot which should contain important
|
|
evidence. <ent type='PERSON'>Dan</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Owens</ent> took TV movies in and around the Depository
|
|
building which should show how the snipers' nest was faked on the
|
|
sixth floor, and one of the assassins in front of the building.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Of the three major television networks, <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> has remained more
|
|
objective and appears to be less under the thumb of the government
|
|
than the other two. For example, when <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> was busy defending the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and attacking <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> was
|
|
giving <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> a free chance to express his views without
|
|
interruption on their <ent type='LOC'>Sunday</ent> program, "Issues and Answers." They
|
|
have never taken an editorial position one way or another on
|
|
conspiracy. However, in the <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination case, the
|
|
investigation was suppressed at <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>. The man heading the brief
|
|
investigation was stopped and sent to <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent>. The man at <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> who
|
|
called the shots in stopping the investigation and in suppressing
|
|
evidence in ABC's possession was a lawyer named Lewis <ent type='PERSON'>Powell</ent>.
|
|
The evidence owned by <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> is a video tape of the crowd in the
|
|
Ambassador Hotel ballroom before, during and after the shots were
|
|
fired in the kitchen. The ballroom microphones, including ABC's,
|
|
picked up the sound of only three shots above the crowd noise.
|
|
Since <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> fired eight shots, or certainly more than three, and
|
|
since <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> police tests proved that Sirhan's gun could not
|
|
be heard in the position of the microphones in the ballroom, the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> film and soundtrack is important evidence of three other shots.
|
|
The sequence was originally included in the TV film of <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
Kennedy's 1968 campaign and assassination entitled, "The Last
|
|
Journey." Following a meeting at <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> when the management learned
|
|
what the film showed, the next TV broadcast of "The Last Journey"
|
|
(scheduled for the following week) was cancelled without any
|
|
logical explanation. The next time the film appeared on <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> (late
|
|
1971), the three-shot ballroom sequence had been cut.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>United Press</ent> International</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Of all the fifteen major news organizations included herein, <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>
|
|
has come closest to really pursuing the truth about the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
assassination. Yet they, too, have suppressed evidence, have not
|
|
had the courage of their convictions in analyzing conspiratorial
|
|
evidence, and by default have become accessories after the fact.
|
|
Two different departments at <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> became involved in the
|
|
photographic evidence of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. The regular photo
|
|
news service department, which receives wire photos and negatives
|
|
from many sources all over the world, accumulated a large
|
|
collection of basic evidence both from <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> photographers and by
|
|
purchasing wire service photos from newspapers, <ent type='ORG'>Black Star</ent>, AP and
|
|
other sources. This department has made all of its photographs
|
|
available to anyone at reasonable prices ($1.50 to $3.00 per
|
|
print).
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> photographer <ent type='PERSON'>Frank Cancellare</ent> was in the motorcade and
|
|
snapped several important photographs. In addition, five other
|
|
photographs at <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>, taken by three unknown photographers, are
|
|
significant. All of these were purchased by the author from <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>.
|
|
The other department has not been as cooperative. Within the
|
|
news department at <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Burt Reinhardt</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Rees Schonfeld</ent> have
|
|
varied in their attitude and performance. <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> news purchased the
|
|
commercial rights to two very important films shortly after the
|
|
assassination. These were color movies taken by <ent type='PERSON'>Orville Nix</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Marie Muchmore</ent> (private citizens). Both show the fatal shot
|
|
striking <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>, and both show evidence of conspiracy. In
|
|
the Nix film, certain frames (when enlarged) show one of the
|
|
assassins on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> with a rifle. Both movies show a
|
|
puff of smoke generated by another one of the men involved in the
|
|
assassination.
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>, under the direction of <ent type='PERSON'>Burt Reinhardt</ent>, did several things
|
|
with the Nix and <ent type='PERSON'>Muchmore</ent> films. They produced a book, "Four
|
|
Days," including several color frames from the movies. They made a
|
|
composite movie in 35mm from the original 8mm movies. The
|
|
composite used the technique of repeating a frame several times to
|
|
give the appearance of slow motion or stop action during key
|
|
sections of the films. <ent type='PERSON'>Reinhardt</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Schonfeld</ent> and Mr. <ent type='ORG'>Fox</ent>, a <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>
|
|
writer, made the composite movie available to researchers at their
|
|
projection studio in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> in 1964 and 1965.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Fox</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Schonfeld</ent> wrote an article for "Esquire" in 1965 which
|
|
portrayed the Nix film as proving the conspiracy theories about
|
|
assassins on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> to be false. This was deemed
|
|
necessary by <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> management because a <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> researcher and a
|
|
photographic expert, after seeing the Nix film at <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>, claimed it
|
|
showed an assassin with a rifle standing on the hood of a car
|
|
parked behind the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>.
|
|
The research team had used a few frames from the film in color
|
|
transparencies and enlarged them in black and white to show the
|
|
gunman.
|
|
In 1964, <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> gave <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> copies of both the Nix
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Muchmore</ent> films for analysis. The films were later turned over
|
|
to the <ent type='ORG'>National Archives</ent> under a special agreement between <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> and
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>. This agreement reminds one of the agreements between
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent> and the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> family on the autopsy materials, and
|
|
the obscure one between "Life" magazine, the <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>, the Secret
|
|
Service and the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent> on the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film.
|
|
The <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> agreement prevents anyone from obtaining copies of the
|
|
Nix and <ent type='PERSON'>Muchmore</ent> films or slides of individual frames for any
|
|
purpose. The agreement is just as illegal as the other two, yet it
|
|
has been just as effective in suppressing the basic evidence of
|
|
conspiracy.
|
|
In 1967, <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>, apparently still not sure they would not be
|
|
attacked by researchers on what the Nix film revealed, employed
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Itek Corporation</ent> to analyze the film. (At least it would appear on
|
|
the surface that <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> did the hiring.) <ent type='ORG'>Itek Corporation</ent>, a major
|
|
defense contractor, did an excellent job of obscuring the truth.
|
|
In an apparently highly scientific analysis using computer-based
|
|
image enhancement, they "proved" that not only was there no gunman
|
|
on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>, but there was no person on the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> at all
|
|
during the shooting.
|
|
The final <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent> report was made public and highly publicized by
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>. It looked as though the <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> earlier claim of no gunman had
|
|
been scientifically substantiated. As a by-product, <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent> got some
|
|
great publicity for their commercially available photo-computer
|
|
image enhancement system.
|
|
What the public did not know was that <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> gave <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent> only 35mm
|
|
enlarged black and white copies of selected frames from the Nix
|
|
film. The great amount of detail is lost in going from 8mm color
|
|
to 35mm black and white. And <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> gave <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent> carefully chosen frames
|
|
from the Nix film that did not show the gunman on the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent> defined "the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>" in a very limited and
|
|
carefully chosen way so as to exclude five people (in addition to
|
|
the fatal-shot gunman) on the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> who appear in the Nix film as
|
|
well as in every other photograph and movie taken of the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> at
|
|
the time the shots were fired.[8] In addition, man No. 2, who had
|
|
ducked down behind the stone wall during the Nix film, could not be
|
|
detected by <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent> because they only had the Nix film.
|
|
Three men standing on the steps of the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>, and two men behind
|
|
the picket fence, were completely ignored or overlooked.
|
|
The author began to contact <ent type='PERSON'>Schonfeld</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Reinhardt</ent> in early
|
|
1967, viewed the two films both at <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> and in the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent>, and
|
|
requested copies of the original 8mm color films or color copies of
|
|
individual frames. The response to the requests were negative for
|
|
more than four years. During this time, however, the author, a New
|
|
York researcher, and a photographic specialist, enlarged in color
|
|
the correct frames from the Nix film. The enlargements clearly
|
|
show the gunman, not on top of a car but in front of a car, with
|
|
his rifle poised. He is standing on a pedestal protruding from the
|
|
eight-sided cupola behind the stone wall on the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. The car is
|
|
parked behind the cupola and can be seen in several other
|
|
photographs and movies.
|
|
Unfortunately, UPI's agreement with the researcher prevents
|
|
making public the color enlargements. <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> has consistently
|
|
suppressed this evidence. In 1971, they offered to make the film
|
|
available for a very large sum of money, but they have never agreed
|
|
that it shows anyone on the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> and they will not make copies
|
|
available for research.
|
|
The <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> editorial position (in articles, the book "Four Days,"
|
|
letters and news releases) has supported <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>
|
|
through the years. The major difference between <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> and "Life" or
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> is that no drastic reversal of management policy took place at
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> AP</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Associated <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent> became an accessory after the fact by taking an
|
|
action unprecedented for a news wire service. It published a
|
|
three-part report by three AP writers in 1967, completely
|
|
supporting <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. The report was transmitted by
|
|
wire to all AP subscribers over a three-day period and it occupied
|
|
a total of nine to ten full pages of the average newspaper. It was
|
|
not news, but editorial policy and took a position supporting the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> and the official government propaganda about the
|
|
assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.
|
|
Most small newspapers rely on UP and AP for their news stories.
|
|
The three-part AP report ran in hundreds of papers across the
|
|
United States without opposition commentary. For many this was the
|
|
gospel at the time. What more could the conspirators and their
|
|
government protectors have asked?
|
|
AP photographers were on the scene in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> during the
|
|
assassination. <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Altgens</ent>, one of AP's men assigned to <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>,
|
|
took seven important photographs in Dealey Plaza. <ent type='PERSON'>Henry Burrows</ent>,
|
|
an AP photographer from <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C., was in the motorcade and
|
|
snapped two pictures. Four other AP photographers took ten
|
|
important photographs. AP's photo department and <ent type='ORG'>Wide World Photos</ent>
|
|
in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> purchased many other photographs taken in Dealey Plaza.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Meyer Goldberg</ent>, manager of <ent type='ORG'>Wide World Photos</ent>, set a policy early
|
|
in the 1966-1967 period which placed AP in the position of
|
|
partially suppressing basic photographic evidence. The policy
|
|
contained several parts. First, <ent type='PERSON'>Goldberg</ent> made it extremely
|
|
difficult for anyone to obtain access to the photographic evidence,
|
|
particularly the negatives. Second, he set a high enough price on
|
|
copies of photographs ($17.50 for one 8x10 black and white print)
|
|
to freeze out all but commercially-financed interests. Third, when
|
|
an original negative was discovered, the print order, when cleared
|
|
by <ent type='ORG'>Wide World</ent>, was always cropped. (Full negative prints showing
|
|
important details in the <ent type='PERSON'>Altgens</ent> photographs were nearly impossible
|
|
to purchase.) Whenever any suggestion was made to <ent type='ORG'>Wide World</ent> that
|
|
their photographs contained basic evidence of conspiracy, <ent type='PERSON'>Goldberg</ent>
|
|
and AP management turned blue with anger and literally refused to
|
|
discuss the subject or permit research in their files.
|
|
Various researchers, including <ent type='PERSON'>Josiah Thompson</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>mond Marcus
|
|
and the author met this type of stiff opposition, but after many
|
|
visits discovered ways around it. The staff at <ent type='ORG'>Wide World</ent> in
|
|
charge of the photographic files was more cooperative, and at least
|
|
one staff member was completely convinced there was a conspiracy in
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination.
|
|
Nevertheless, the broadly announced editorial policy and stance
|
|
of Associated <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent> between 1964 and 1972 fully supported the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> fable.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Newsweek"</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Newsweek"'s editorial policy and coverage of the assassination
|
|
and its aftermath was largely the doing of one man, Hugh
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Aynesworth</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Aynesworth</ent> was the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>-<ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent> correspondent for
|
|
"Newsweek" following the assassination. He was in Dealey Plaza
|
|
when <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was killed, and he turned in several stories during
|
|
the days and weeks following November 22, 1963. His point of view
|
|
was always closely allied with that of the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police, the
|
|
district attorney and the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>. He wholeheartedly supported the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent>.
|
|
However, in May of 1967, after Garrison's investigation hit the
|
|
news, <ent type='PERSON'>Aynesworth</ent> wrote a violent attack on Garrison's
|
|
investigation, and it was published in "Newsweek." <ent type='PERSON'>Aynesworth</ent>
|
|
accused <ent type='PERSON'>Lynn Loisel</ent>, a <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> staff member, of bribing Al
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Beaubolf</ent> to testify about a meeting to plot the assassination.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Beaubolf</ent> later denied this accusation in a sworn affidavit and
|
|
proved <ent type='PERSON'>Aynesworth</ent> and "Newsweek" to be fabricators of information.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>"</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The position of the "Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>" solidified after the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> probe became public. It was based in large part on the
|
|
reporting of one man, <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> wrote a blistering
|
|
article for the "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" published on May 6, 1967. He attacked
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent>, and claimed that Russo's original statement to
|
|
Assistant D.A. Andrew Sciambra differed from his later testimony.
|
|
In view of the earlier editorial position of the "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" when Lyron
|
|
Land and his wife questioned <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> findings, the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> article came as somewhat of a surprise. In fact, the "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>"
|
|
had taken a strong conspiracy stand when in 1967 it published a
|
|
long article excerpted from <ent type='PERSON'>Josiah Thompson</ent>'s book, "Six Seconds in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>," and featured it on the magazine's cover.
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation, however, turned the "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" around.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> became directly involved in the case, and in a sense was
|
|
more of an accessory than <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Sheridan</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent>. He
|
|
travelled to <ent type='GPE'>Louisiana</ent> from <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>, spent many hours with Perry
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> and other witnesses, and generally obfuscated the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial
|
|
picture.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> joined the efforts to persuade <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> to desert <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>
|
|
and to help destroy <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> and his case. According to a sworn
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> statement, <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> visited his house four times within a few
|
|
weeks. <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> told <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> he was working hand-in-hand with <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Sheridan</ent>, that they were in constant contact, and that they
|
|
were going to destroy <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> and the probe. <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> warned <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent>
|
|
that he should abandon his position and that <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> would be the
|
|
only one hurt as a result of the trial. <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> claimed <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>
|
|
would leave <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> alone, standing in the cold.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> offered to hire a $200000-a-year lawyer from <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
for <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> if he would cooperate against <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>. He asked <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent>
|
|
how he would feel about sending an innocent man (<ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>) to the
|
|
penitentiary. <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> left <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Baton Rouge</ent> and returned
|
|
to <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>, only to telephone <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> several times and offer to pay
|
|
Russo's plane fare to <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> to meet with him and discuss going
|
|
over to <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>'s side.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> was subpoenaed by Shaw's lawyers during a hearing in 1967
|
|
because his article attacked <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>. Sciambra welcomed the
|
|
opportunity to cross-examine <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> on the stand. He described the
|
|
article as being incomplete, distorted and tantamount to lying.
|
|
Sciambra said, "I guarantee that he (<ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent>) will be exposed for
|
|
having twisted the facts in order to build up a scoop for himself
|
|
and the 'Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>.'"
|
|
Sciambra went on to say that <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> had neglected the most
|
|
important fact of all in his article. It was that <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> had been
|
|
told by <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Baton Rouge</ent> that <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> and Sciambra had discussed
|
|
the plot dialogue (to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>) at their initial meeting.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Capital City Broadcasting</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> This organization owns several radio stations in the capitol
|
|
cities of various states and in <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. Their interests
|
|
in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination increased in 1967 and 1968 when the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> case made headlines. A producer at Capital City,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Erik Lindquist</ent>, decided to do a series of programs designed to
|
|
ferret out the truth. The author furnished various evidence for
|
|
scripts to be used in the programs. After several months of work
|
|
the project was cancelled, presumably by top management, and the
|
|
broadcasts never took place.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Newspaper <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> This newspaper chain, with papers affiliated in small
|
|
communities through the northern and eastern U.S., supported the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> findings as did all the other major newspaper
|
|
services and chains.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent> also became involved in the <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> case
|
|
and it circulated the syndicated column by the black writer and
|
|
reporter, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent></ent>, who had taken an interest in finding out
|
|
what really happened in the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> assassination.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent> located a man named <ent type='PERSON'>Stein</ent> who had taken a trip with <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent>
|
|
Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> from <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> to <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. The two retraced the
|
|
automobile trip of <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Stein</ent>, beginning in <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> and
|
|
heading through <ent type='GPE'>Arizona</ent>, New <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>. They were trying to
|
|
find the telephone booth from which <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> had called a friend named
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> somewhere along the route. <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent>, according
|
|
to <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>, was the man who actually fired the shot that killed <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Stein</ent> remembered that <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> told him he was going to meet <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and that <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> phoned <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> at someone's office. <ent type='PERSON'>Stein</ent>
|
|
couldn't remember exactly where the phone booth was because he and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> had been driving non-stop day and night.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent> wrote a series of articles depicting <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> as the killer
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> as the patsy. He sent them to the <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent>, a column each
|
|
day, from the places along the retraced trip he and <ent type='PERSON'>Stein</ent> took.
|
|
Finally, Lomax's column announced they had found the phone booth at
|
|
a gas station in <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> and that he was going to obtain the phone
|
|
number <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> had called in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. He presumably was planning
|
|
to visit the local telephone company office the next morning and
|
|
obtain the number.
|
|
That was the last <ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent> column ever to appear in the <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent>
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent> papers. He seemed to disappear completely. The
|
|
readers were left hanging, not knowing whether he obtained the
|
|
phone number or whether he discovered who it belonged to. The
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> to Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> located <ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent> several
|
|
months later and asked him what had happened.
|
|
He said he had been told by the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> to stop his investigation
|
|
and not to publish or write any more stories about it. He said he
|
|
found the phone number and where it was located in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. He
|
|
gave the number to <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. He
|
|
said he was afraid he would be killed and decided to stop work on
|
|
the case.
|
|
Whether <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Newspaper <ent type='ORG'>Alliance</ent> management knew about
|
|
any of this remains unknown. What is known, however, is that <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent> died in a very mysterious manner in 1970. He was traveling
|
|
at a very high speed and was found dead in a car crash, according
|
|
to the State police report. Lomax's wife says he was a very
|
|
careful driver and never drove at high speeds.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>From dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com Thu Jun 11 08:37:11 1992
|
|
Received: from pl122c.eecs.lehigh.edu by ns-mx.uiowa.edu (5.64.jnf/920408)
|
|
on Thu, 11 Jun 92 08:37:01 -0500 id AA02015 with SMTP
|
|
Received: from SGI.COM by PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU (5.61/1.34)
|
|
id AA17732; Thu, 11 Jun 92 09:22:19 -0400
|
|
Received: from [192.102.132.11] by sgi.sgi.com via SMTP (911016.SGI/910110.SGI)
|
|
for <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA19154; Thu, 11 Jun 92 06:24:54 -0700
|
|
Received: by ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (920110.SGI/920502.SGI.AUTO)
|
|
for @sgi.sgi.com:<ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA04892; Thu, 11 Jun 92 06:24:51 -0700
|
|
Date: Thu, 11 Jun 92 06:24:51 -0700
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 9206111324.AA04892@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</info>
|
|
To: <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (5/11)
|
|
Status: RO</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (5/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 5 of 11: second/last half of chapter 9
|
|
Lines: 908</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Newspapers</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The two newspapers in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, "The Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>" and "The
|
|
Morning News," became accessories after the fact. They suppressed
|
|
evidence of conspiracy and evidence concerning the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police
|
|
role in framing <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>. It was not immediately
|
|
established that the management policy of both papers supported the
|
|
official positions taken by the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police and district
|
|
attorney, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. During the first few
|
|
days immediately following the assassination, both newspapers
|
|
printed anything that came along. The editions on November 22
|
|
through 25 make very interesting reading for the researcher because
|
|
the stories were printed before anyone had any idea what to
|
|
suppress. (For example, there are stories about other people being
|
|
arrested, about other rifles being found near Dealey Plaza, and
|
|
about Oswald's rifle being a <ent type='ORG'>Mauser</ent> and a <ent type='NORP'>British</ent> 303 model.)
|
|
Editorial and management policy took over within a couple of
|
|
weeks and the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> story received all the attention from
|
|
then on. The two papers have not since made any independent
|
|
inquiries, have not been interested in any conspiratorial
|
|
discussions, and have remained completely faithful to the official
|
|
governmental position.
|
|
There were some inquiring reporters around (like <ent type='PERSON'>Ronnie Dugger</ent>,
|
|
for example, or <ent type='PERSON'>Lonnie Hudkins</ent>), but they were eventually silenced
|
|
by management or the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police. Photographers at the
|
|
two papers left town or were frightened out of talking about the
|
|
case or their photographs. Some of these photographs showed
|
|
evidence of conspiracy, including pictures of three conspirators
|
|
under arrest in Dealey Plaza. Other photographs proved that
|
|
members of the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police planted evidence in the Depository
|
|
building to frame <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.
|
|
Between the assassination and 1967, the management and owners of
|
|
the "<ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>" and "News" were not completely aware of the
|
|
significance of some of the evidence in their files. Nor were they
|
|
attempting to control their reporters and news staff. For example,
|
|
Hudkins found that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> had been a paid informer for the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>. He
|
|
even found what his pay number had been (S172). He took the
|
|
information to <ent type='PERSON'>Waggoner Carr</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> Attorney General, in January of
|
|
1964. <ent type='PERSON'>Carr</ent> brought it to the attention of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> denied it, and the matter died in secret executive sessions
|
|
of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>.
|
|
Several photographs taken by "<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Morning News" photographer
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Beers</ent> proved that the police created the so-called "sniper's
|
|
nest" from which <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> allegedly fired the shots. The pictures
|
|
show the positions of cartons in the sixth floor window before the
|
|
police moved them. Beers's photographs also indicate that the
|
|
police made the large paper bag found inside the Depository
|
|
building.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Beers</ent> was permitted to use his photographs commercially in a
|
|
book that he published jointly with R. B. <ent type='ORG'>Denson</ent>, called "Destiny
|
|
in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>." If it were not for that event, researchers would
|
|
probably never have seen Beers's photographs. Once the "Morning
|
|
News" editor, Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Krueger</ent>, discovered that the photographs
|
|
demonstrated both conspiracy and the complicity of some of the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police force, he locked them up. The pictures remain
|
|
suppressed to this date.
|
|
The "Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>"'s record is not much better. Through 1967
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Masiotta, the man in charge of the assassination photographs
|
|
taken by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent></ent>, made copies available on a very limited
|
|
basis. The basis in the author's case was that a total of twelve
|
|
pictures out of seventy-three taken by <ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent> could be purchased.
|
|
The author was allowed to examine 35mm contact prints (about 3/4 X
|
|
1/2 inches) of the rest, and the selection decision was extremely
|
|
difficult. Three of Allen's photographs showed the "tramps" under
|
|
arrest who were part of the conspiracy.
|
|
In 1968 the "Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>" management realized the implications
|
|
of some of Allen's pictures in pointing out the real assassins, and
|
|
locked their files. To date they have not permitted anyone to see
|
|
the photos again or to purchase copies.
|
|
One photograph taken by "<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>" photographer <ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son was so obviously in opposition to the official police
|
|
position that it was suppressed by late 1966. <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son was riding
|
|
in one of the news photographer's cars in the motorcade with
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Morning News" photographer, Tom <ent type='PERSON'>Dillard</ent>. As <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son's car
|
|
approached the Depository building and travelled north on <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent>
|
|
Street, between Main Street and Elm Street, <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son snapped a
|
|
picture (see map in May 1970 "Computers & Automation" article). At
|
|
the time, the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> car was already on Elm Street and was
|
|
probably close to the position where the first shot was fired.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son's car was eight cars behind Kennedy's (about twenty car
|
|
lengths).
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son can be seen taking this picture in the <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent>
|
|
film and in some of the TV footage taken by other photographers.
|
|
He also testified that he took the picture. When the author asked
|
|
Masiotta about the <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son photo in early 1967, he became very
|
|
flustered and claimed to know nothing about it. <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son himself
|
|
was finally located and, when asked about it, became very angry and
|
|
denied taking a picture. That photograph has never been seen by
|
|
anyone outside of the "Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>" staff. It's not difficult to
|
|
speculate about what it probably showed, since the <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> film, the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Weaver</ent> photo, the <ent type='PERSON'>Dillard</ent> photo and <ent type='ORG'>the Tom Alyea</ent> TV sequence all
|
|
show the same thing. <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son's photo, without doubt, showed
|
|
"Oswald's window" in the Depository building empty when <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>
|
|
should have been in it--an embarrassing counterpoint to <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son's
|
|
testimony that he saw someone in that window with a rifle. If
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son's photo (or anyone else's for that matter) showed <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in
|
|
the sixth floor window, the whole world would have heard about it
|
|
on November 22, 1963.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>Fort Worth</ent> "<ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>Star</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Telegram</ent></ent>"</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='GPE'>Fort Worth</ent> "<ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>Star</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Telegram</ent></ent>" shines like a light in the <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>
|
|
darkness. It made photographic evidence from five of their
|
|
photographers, <ent type='PERSON'>Joe</ent> McAulay, <ent type='PERSON'>Harry Cabluck</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jerrold Cabluck</ent>, George
|
|
Smith and <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> Davis available to everyone. Even though the
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Telegram</ent>"'s editorial stance was eventually pro-<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>,
|
|
the photographers, editors and the woman who ran the photo files
|
|
were all cooperative.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>George Smith</ent>'s photos showed the three members of the
|
|
assassination team under arrest. <ent type='PERSON'>Jerrold Cabluck</ent>'s aerial photos
|
|
were instrumental in establishing Dealey Plaza landmarks and
|
|
topography. <ent type='PERSON'>Joe</ent> McAulay's photos of a man arrested in Ft. Worth in
|
|
connection with the shooting might yet become valuable.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> TV Station <ent type='ORG'>WFAA</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The second shining light in <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> was TV station <ent type='ORG'>WFAA</ent>, an <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>
|
|
affiliate. <ent type='ORG'>WFAA</ent> was very cooperative (albeit expensive) in
|
|
providing copies of all their photographic evidence. TV sequences
|
|
by <ent type='PERSON'>Tom Alyea</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Malcolm Couch</ent>, A. J. L'Hoste and <ent type='PERSON'>Ron Reiland</ent> were
|
|
made easily viewable and the copies made available. Much of this
|
|
evidence demonstrating conspiracy was also sold to TV networks and
|
|
newsreel companies.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>WBAP</ent> -- Ft. Worth</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> affiliate in Ft. Worth, <ent type='ORG'>WBAP</ent>, was less cooperative.
|
|
Even though public statements were made that viewing of <ent type='PERSON'>Dan</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Owens</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Darnell</ent>'s footage was possible, many roadblocks were thrown
|
|
into the path of researchers. As mentioned in the section on <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>,
|
|
Darnell's footage of the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> and parking lot is very important.
|
|
It has remained unavailable at <ent type='ORG'>WBAP</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>KTTV</ent> -- <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Independent TV station <ent type='ORG'>KTTV</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> also suppressed, or lost,
|
|
valuable evidence of conspiracy. <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent> Cook's TV footage contained
|
|
twelve important sequences. One is a sequence of a man being
|
|
arrested in front of the Depository building at about 1:00 p.m.
|
|
From other evidence it is possible to determine that the man may be
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> Sharp, participant in the assassination. <ent type='PERSON'>Cook</ent> can be seen
|
|
in a picture taken by <ent type='PERSON'>Phil Willis</ent> pointing his 16mm TV film camera
|
|
directly at the man from about ten feet away.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Willis</ent>' photo does not show the man's face. For this reason,
|
|
Cook's close-up footage is very important. In 1967 the author
|
|
interviewed <ent type='PERSON'>Cook</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> and found that his film had been turned
|
|
over to the editor at <ent type='ORG'>KTTV</ent>. A phone call to the station resulted
|
|
in a statement being made to the author that Cook's footage had
|
|
been lost "on the cutting room floor" and was not available for
|
|
viewing. No further efforts have even been made to open up KTTV's
|
|
evidence in the assassination.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> Newspapers</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The only two publications in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States that printed the
|
|
truth about the <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> trial were the <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> "Times
|
|
Picayune" and the <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> "Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>."
|
|
Between 1963 and 1967 both <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> newspapers used AP and UP
|
|
stories on most of their coverage of the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination.
|
|
Suddenly, the papers found themselves deeply involved in the middle
|
|
of the sensational <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation, and in 1969 they
|
|
reported on the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial.
|
|
The papers took no editorial position on <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>, the
|
|
trial, the investigation, the assassination, or the guilt or
|
|
innocence of <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> until after the final verdict was delivered by
|
|
the jury. Then both papers savagely attacked <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> on the
|
|
editorial page. Off the record, the reporters and others at both
|
|
papers supported <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>. This was reflected in a book published
|
|
by the two "<ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>" reporters, Rosemary <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Wardlaw,
|
|
called "Plot or Politics."
|
|
The management and editors of the newspapers evidently paid more
|
|
attention to forces from <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> than they did to
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> citizens or the testimony at the trial.
|
|
But the verbatim proceedings at the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial, as well as all
|
|
of the detailed events for the two years that the Federal
|
|
Government successfully delayed the trial, were faithfully printed
|
|
in both the "<ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>" and the "Picayune." While you and I, dear
|
|
reader, were treated to a highly biased account for three years
|
|
concerning events in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> by "Time" magazine, "Newsweek,"
|
|
"U.S. News," "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>, UP, AP, etc., the
|
|
average <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> citizen was well aware that the Justice
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Department</ent>, under both <ent type='PERSON'>Ramsey Clark</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, was
|
|
responsible for continually delaying the trail. (You and I were
|
|
fed the impression that <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> delayed the trial.)
|
|
Mr. <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> citizen, let's call him <ent type='PERSON'>Joe</ent>, knew that Shaw's
|
|
lawyers were paid by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. You and I were told that <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> paid
|
|
his lawyers a lot of money and suffered financially because of it.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Joe</ent> knew that the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> was looking for <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> under his alias, Clay
|
|
Bertrand, before lawyer <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Dean</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Andrews</ent></ent> ever mentioned the name
|
|
associated with <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> just before he was killed by <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent>. You and I were told that <ent type='PERSON'>Andrews</ent> fabricated the name Clay
|
|
Bertrand out of whole cloth, and no mention was made to us of the
|
|
FBI's search.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Joe</ent> knew that twelve people saw <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> together with <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent> on many occasions, exchanging money on two
|
|
occasions. You and I were led to believe by "Time" and "The New
|
|
York Times" that only three people saw them together and that the
|
|
three were not credible witnesses.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Joe</ent> knows how <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> was hounded and framed by the Justice
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> in a fake pinball rap. More importantly, he knows the
|
|
government did not want Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> agent, and <ent type='PERSON'>Pierre Finck</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Army</ent> doctor at the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> autopsy, to testify at the trial.
|
|
Finck's testimony, however, was printed in the "Times Picayune"
|
|
but not in "Time" magazine. He said that an <ent type='ORG'>Army</ent> general gave
|
|
orders during the autopsy at Beth<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>a Naval Hospital. The
|
|
unidentified general told <ent type='ORG'>Finck</ent> and the other doctors not to probe
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>'s neck wound. We did not read about this or hear
|
|
about it.
|
|
The "Times Picayune" record of the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial was especially
|
|
accurate. The "<ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>"'s record was reasonably accurate, but
|
|
because the paper was printed by 3:00 p.m., the paper missed some
|
|
of the longer sessions.[9]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>WDSU</ent>-TV -- <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> As mentioned in the section on <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>WDSU</ent> became directly
|
|
involved in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination aftermath because of Rick <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Sheridan</ent>. Both were under indictment by <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> for
|
|
bribing witnesses and tampering with evidence. <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent>, on the
|
|
staff of <ent type='ORG'>WDSU</ent>, was close to the action with <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Andrews</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Perry Russo</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Layton Martens</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, Sergio
|
|
Arcacha Smith, <ent type='PERSON'>David Lewis</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>David Llewelyn</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Guy Banister</ent>, and many
|
|
other participants in the drama.
|
|
According to accounts in the <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> papers and repeated in
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Paris Flammonde</ent>'s book "The <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> Conspiracy," <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent> tried to
|
|
get <ent type='PERSON'>Perry Russo</ent>, Garrison's prime witness at the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial, to
|
|
change his testimony at the upcoming trial to make it seem that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> had hypnotized him and then asked leading questions to get
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> to testify against <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent> went to Russo's house twice, threatened to discredit him
|
|
and perhaps have him fired from his job, and offered him a chance
|
|
to work closely with <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> in their efforts to "destroy <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> and
|
|
his case". <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent> told <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> he could get Shaw's lawyer, F.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Irving</ent> Dymond, to go easy on him if he would alter his testimony.
|
|
He assured <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> that his employer, <ent type='ORG'>Equitable</ent> Life, had promised
|
|
the president of <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> that no retaliation would be taken against
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> if he cooperated with <ent type='ORG'>WDSU</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Walter Sheridan</ent> told <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> that <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>WDSU</ent> could set him up in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>California</ent> (where <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> always wanted to live) if he helped break
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> probe's back. <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> would pay his expenses there,
|
|
protect his job, obtain a lawyer for <ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> and guarantee that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> would never extradite him to <ent type='GPE'>Louisiana</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Sheridan</ent> told
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Russo</ent> that <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> had flown <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent> out of <ent type='GPE'>Louisiana</ent> to McLean,
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent> (home of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>) and had given Novel (an important
|
|
witness for Garrison's case) a lie detector test. <ent type='PERSON'>Sheridan</ent> said
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> would make sure Novel would never be extradited to <ent type='GPE'>Louisiana</ent> to
|
|
testify. (Novel never was extradited.)
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent> also tried to influence <ent type='PERSON'>Marlene Mancuso</ent>, former wife of
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, and an important <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial witness. He told her
|
|
that she should cooperate with <ent type='ORG'>WDSU</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> because <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> was
|
|
going to be destroyed and that <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> was not merely willing to
|
|
discredit the probe: he said <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> would go to jail.
|
|
On July 10, 1967, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Townley</ent> was arrested and charged with
|
|
attempted bribery and two counts of intimidating two witnesses. He
|
|
was also accused of serving as an intermediary to influence cross-examining trial attorneys that the character and reputation of
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Perry Russo</ent> not be damaged.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Sheridan</ent> was arrested on July 7 on the counts of intimidating
|
|
witnesses and attempted bribery. Both posted bond. Townley's
|
|
statements, however, did come true. The <ent type='ORG'>Federal Government</ent>, aided
|
|
and abetted by <ent type='ORG'>WDSU</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>, did crucify <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>.
|
|
The author's belief is that this kind of behavior in the face of
|
|
all the evidence gathered by the staffs of their own organizations,
|
|
on the part of 15 to 24 major news media management groups is
|
|
highly suspect. It might be that each major news organization shut
|
|
up about the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination because each was afraid of
|
|
losing face or influence, <ent type='ORG'>FCC</ent> licenses, business or advertisers, or
|
|
Government favors of one kind or another.
|
|
This theory is perhaps best exemplified by a story told by
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Dorothy</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kilgallen</ent></ent>, before she died, to a close friend. <ent type='PERSON'>Kilgallen</ent>
|
|
was writing several articles about the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination for the
|
|
newspapers who published her column. She strongly believed there
|
|
had been a conspiracy that included <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>. She interviewed
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> alone in his jail cell in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> (the only person outside of
|
|
the police who had this opportunity). She told her friend shortly
|
|
afterward that she was planning to "blow the case wide open" in her
|
|
column. She said the owner of the <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> newspaper where her
|
|
column appeared refused to let her print stories in opposition to
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. When the friend asked her why, <ent type='PERSON'>Dorothy</ent>
|
|
said, "He's afraid he won't be invited to White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> parties any
|
|
more".
|
|
Of the three possible motives for suppression in the news media,
|
|
the influence from the top and from high government places seems
|
|
the most probable. When will we, as <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns, learn the truth
|
|
about influence in the case of the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination?</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Conclusions</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The pattern of internal knowledge of conspiracy followed by the
|
|
complete suppression of such information is too strong to ignore.
|
|
Two conclusions suggest themselves as one reviews the evidence
|
|
regarding suppression and secrecy.
|
|
The first is that our national news media are controlled on the
|
|
subject of the assassination by some very high level group in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>. The orders to cease, desist, and suppress came from
|
|
the top in each case. To influence the very top level of all
|
|
fifteen major news media organizations would have taken a great
|
|
deal more than money, power, or threats. In fact, the only kind of
|
|
appeal which seems likely to have had a chance of shutting everyone
|
|
up is a "highly patriotic, national security," kind of appeal. It
|
|
was probably just such an argument that worked with the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>. Judging by the fact that <ent type='PERSON'>Lyndon</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son told Walter
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Cronkite</ent> there was a conspiracy and then successfully persuaded <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>
|
|
to edit this out of his remarks "on grounds of national security,"
|
|
this kind of an appeal obviously does work.
|
|
The second possibility, rather remote from a probability
|
|
standpoint, should nevertheless be considered. It is that all 15
|
|
to 24 news organizations reached a point of exasperation and
|
|
disbelief in 1968-1969. It's possible the top managers of these 24
|
|
organizations reached this exasperation point independent of one
|
|
another. Within a two to three-year period, culminating in the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial and discrediting of <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>, every one of these
|
|
managers might finally have said, "Stop, cease, desist, lock the
|
|
files, you're fired, shut up, I don't want to hear another word
|
|
about it."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1976</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> How, one may ask, could all of this have happened in the world's
|
|
greatest democracy? What has become of the principles of the
|
|
Founding Fathers, <ent type='PERSON'>Horace Greeley</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Will Rogers</ent> and others, in which
|
|
the "free" press is supposedly our best protection from the misuse
|
|
of governmental power. Didn't things change with <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>? What
|
|
about the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" and the "<ent type='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>," the
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>," <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Woodward</ent>, <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>, NBC's white
|
|
paper on <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent>, Sy Hersh and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> stories in the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
Times"?
|
|
The actions taking place in November-December, 1975 and on into
|
|
1976, proved the media were still influenced and controlled by the
|
|
same forces that controlled the media in 1968 and 1969. Some of
|
|
the names of the players were different: <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> for <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Colby</ent> for
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>, Kelley for J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>. But the forces were the same.
|
|
The chairmen of the boards and presidents of <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>, Time,
|
|
Inc., "Newsweek"-"<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>," "<ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> Times," "<ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent>
|
|
Tribune," <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>, AP, and the rest, were still very much controlled
|
|
and influenced by the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent>. Some of the
|
|
influence was by infiltration, as Fletcher Prouty so aptly
|
|
demonstrated.[10]
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> members were to be found everywhere at or near
|
|
the top. Other influence came from the <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> administration through
|
|
direct or indirect pressure. The <ent type='ORG'>FCC</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>IRS</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>the Department</ent> of
|
|
Commerce, the military and other government agencies had some
|
|
control over the media or the personal lives of the top managers.
|
|
(It must be remembered that Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> was and is one of the
|
|
cover-up conspirators in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case.)</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> What is the Evidence?</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> What is the evidence for this? One measures the influence by
|
|
results. In an era when all who have really examined the basic
|
|
evidence know there were conspiracies in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent>
|
|
assassinations, we still find the 15 organizations concluding there
|
|
were lone, demented gunmen in the two cases.
|
|
For example, <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> broadcast a two-part special on November 25 and
|
|
26, 1975, once again reinforcing their stand that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> acted
|
|
alone. Except for the substitution of <ent type='PERSON'>Dan</ent> Rather as chief narrator
|
|
in place of <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Cronkite</ent>, the cast was the same as in the 1967
|
|
four-part series. Leslie <ent type='ORG'>Midgely</ent> was the producer, <ent type='PERSON'>Bernie</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent>, the associate producer, and <ent type='PERSON'>Jane Bartels</ent>, Birnbaum's
|
|
girl-Friday. <ent type='PERSON'>Eric Sevareid</ent> and Eddie <ent type='PERSON'>Barker</ent> were missing. So was
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bob Richter</ent>, another 1967 associate producer who had discovered the
|
|
truth about the conspiracy and the way <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> handled it. (He now
|
|
manages his own film-making company, Richter-McBride, in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>.)
|
|
Richter's opinion about the 1967 <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> four-part special, as
|
|
expressed in an interview with <ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Policoff</ent> published in "New
|
|
Times" magazine in October 1975,[11] barred him from becoming a
|
|
consultant to <ent type='ORG'>Midgely</ent> on the November 25 and 26 programs.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Hard Evidence Never Mentioned</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Time, Inc., in their November 17, 1975 issue supported the lone
|
|
assassin myth as they have since 1964.[12] Since "Life" was no
|
|
longer in existence, Time management used "Time" and "People"
|
|
magazines to further the causes of the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in
|
|
the cover-up of the cover-ups. The November 3, 1975 issue[13] of
|
|
"People" magazine hand-picked a group of "researchers" and
|
|
portrayed them as obvious maniacs who believed in and furthered the
|
|
conspiracy theories being bandied about. One of the favorite
|
|
tricks of the media throughout the years has been to couple the
|
|
words "conspiracy" and "theory" together; never once did the major
|
|
media mention any of the hard evidence pointing to conspiracy in
|
|
any of the four major cases. The "Time" policy and article,
|
|
according to <ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Policoff</ent>, was commanded from the very top, above
|
|
Hedley <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ovan's level.[14]
|
|
The fine hand of <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent> can be traced in the "Time"
|
|
article. All of the 1964 arguments against conspiracy were aired
|
|
once again, as though they were brand new.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>The Forces</ent> of Good vs. <ent type='ORG'>the Forces</ent> of Evil:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> A Life and Death Struggle</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>: <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> shows up in several places. He constructed
|
|
a new <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> base on behalf of his superiors by personally
|
|
writing most of Chapter 19 of the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> Report on the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>. That material was used by <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> and others to try and
|
|
shore up <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> defenses.
|
|
The reader may ask, "Why did <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> appear on 'Face the Nation'
|
|
on November 23, 1975 and get himself on the front page of the 'New
|
|
York Times' on the same day by proposing the reopening of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
case?"[15] The answer lies in Belin's own explanation. He wants
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent> to see that a new investigation will confirm the findings
|
|
of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, thereby strengthening the country's faith
|
|
in its government. Just how did <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> manage to get on "Face the
|
|
Nation" and on the first page of the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times?" To answer
|
|
that you must analyze the life and death struggle that is going on
|
|
between the forces of evil who want to continue the cover-ups, and
|
|
the forces of good who want to expose the truth. Senators <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Hart</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> Committee's subcommittee
|
|
looking into the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination were not the push-overs that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Harold Weisberg</ent> and others once were. There were also
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> and their new resolutions in
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, not to mention <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent> Edwards' subcommittee and <ent type='ORG'>Bell</ent>a
|
|
Abzug's subcommittee.
|
|
The evil forces needed to muster the strongest counterattack
|
|
possible at this stage. For them it was a matter of life and
|
|
death. So they rounded up <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Joseph Ball</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Wes</ent>ley
|
|
Liebeler, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> J. McCloy, Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Lattimer</ent>, the old <ent type='PERSON'>Ramsey Clark</ent>
|
|
panel of doctors who secretly went into the <ent type='ORG'>Archives</ent> in 1968, and
|
|
some of the coterie of writers who were in their camp in the
|
|
1960's.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "I've Seen No New Evidence"</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Any doubts about Belin's recruitment by <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> and the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
|
|
disappeared with Gerald Ford's press conference on Wedn<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>ay,
|
|
November 26, 1975. A reporter asked <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> whether he would support
|
|
reopening the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> investigation.[16] He said, "I, of course,
|
|
served on <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. And I know a good deal about the
|
|
hearings and the committee report, obviously. There are some new
|
|
developments--not evidence--but new developments that, according to
|
|
one of our best staff members (<ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>), who's kept up to date
|
|
on it more than I, that he thinks just to lay those charges (of
|
|
conspiracy) aside that a new investigation ought to be undertaken.
|
|
He, at the same time, said that no new evidence has come up. If
|
|
those particular developments could be fully investigated without
|
|
reopening the whole matter that took us 10 months to conclude, I
|
|
think some responsible group or organization ought to do so. But
|
|
not to reopen all of the other aspects because I think they were
|
|
thoroughly covered by <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>."
|
|
Thus <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, in one of his own inimitable paragraphs, tried to
|
|
give the impression that he was following the lead of <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>-
|
|
-rather than the other way around--in the continued cover-up
|
|
efforts. Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> was always saying, "I've seen no new
|
|
evidence." <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> and the rest were forced to echo this
|
|
refrain, as though all of the things that have been learned since
|
|
1964 about the real assassins of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and their planners
|
|
and backers, were false rumors or stories and theories created out
|
|
of whole cloth by the researchers and later by <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>.[17]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Pure Coincidence?</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> One <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> lackey is <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent>, formerly a freelance
|
|
writer for the old "Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>." <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> was brought out
|
|
of mothballs to do a pro-<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> piece in the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
Times" <ent type='LOC'>Sunday</ent> magazine section.[18] By pure coincidence, it
|
|
happened to appear on the same day that Belin's arranged interview
|
|
was found on page one. The "Times" is one of the worst, if not the
|
|
worst, news media organization on the evil side of the battle.
|
|
An article in the July 1971 issue of "Computers and
|
|
Automation"[19] shows that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> control of the "Times" had for
|
|
years been directed through Harding <ent type='ORG'>Bancroft</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent>
|
|
member there. He controlled all stories and editorial positions on
|
|
domestic assassinations. He undoubtedly arranged for both stories
|
|
to appear on the same day.[20]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>. Cover-Up Broadcasting System</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> appearance on the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> show, "Face the Nation", was no
|
|
doubt timed to coincide with the first two parts of the new <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>
|
|
whitewash series. (The new name for <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> is "Cover-Up Broadcasting
|
|
System".) The men at the top made the decisions in 1967 and 1975
|
|
to support <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Leslie Midgeley</ent> carried them
|
|
out. In 1967 the entire program format was changed by top
|
|
management from pro-conspiracy to pro-<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> in the last
|
|
ten days before the first show went on the air.[21] By 1975 there
|
|
wasn't any doubt about the conclusions. Midgeley and Co. started
|
|
out with the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> thesis and, as <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>
|
|
did, merely sought witnesses, experts and explanations that would
|
|
back it up, while they totally ignored everything else.
|
|
The CIA's man at <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> who controlled this policy is not known.
|
|
Personal experiences and contacts within the organization by the
|
|
author have led to the conclusion that it is someone below the
|
|
level of <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> C. <ent type='PERSON'>Paley</ent> and above the level of Midgeley. That
|
|
leaves <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Salant</ent> and one or two other possibilities. <ent type='PERSON'>Salant</ent>
|
|
is known to have had intelligence connections through the decades
|
|
since <ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> II.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Too Perfect Timing</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> and the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" are sometimes simultaneously
|
|
orchestrated by the evil forces. One example was the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> show
|
|
preview by the "Times" on November 24 (the show was scheduled to
|
|
appear on November 25 and 26).[22] The article, written by <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> J.
|
|
O'Connor, was a reverse-psychology strategy by the top managements
|
|
of both organizations and was used to reinforce their pro-<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> policies. To quote O'Connor, "In bringing some facts to
|
|
bear on the feverish speculation, <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> News is less sensational but
|
|
more telling." This was in reference to <ent type='PERSON'>David Susskind</ent> and Geraldo
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Rivera</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Channel</ent> 5 in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>, and <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>, who the "Times" believed
|
|
provided no facts in disputing the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> conclusion.
|
|
How did O'Connor and the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" take a look at the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>
|
|
shows *two days in advance* while other publications and reviewers
|
|
had to wait and watch it with the rest of us? There goes the
|
|
orchestration again.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Newsweek" Editorial Position:
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>, Hart and <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> Misled by Kooks</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>"-"Newsweek" situation is a little more
|
|
mystifying. It is difficult to believe that Katherine <ent type='PERSON'>Graham</ent>,
|
|
owner of both publications, is a <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> member. The
|
|
"Newsweek" story on the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination, published in the issue
|
|
of April 28, 1975[23] was not as blatantly pro-<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> as
|
|
the "Time" article. Yet it left the impression with the readers of
|
|
"Newsweek" that editorial position regarded the researchers as
|
|
kooks who misled or talked Senator <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> and Representatives
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> into the wrong attitudes. "<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> did fire
|
|
the shots" is the "Newsweek" message. Individuals at "Newsweek"
|
|
like <ent type='ORG'>Evert Clark</ent> did not really believe this. So where did the
|
|
pressure come from? Mrs. <ent type='PERSON'>Graham</ent> herself, or <ent type='PERSON'>Benjamin Bradlee</ent> at
|
|
the "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>," or someone else near the top of "Newsweek?" With
|
|
reporters like <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Woodward</ent>, and Haynes <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son who later
|
|
moved into management, it is strange that the "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" supported the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>. Yet that has been the "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>"'s editorial stance
|
|
since 1964. It remains adamant in its continuing contention that
|
|
lone madmen assassinated our three leaders and attempted to
|
|
assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Eliminate</ent> Areas of Doubt</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Researcher <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Blickenstaff</ent>, disturbed by a "Newsweek" article
|
|
in April of 1975, wrote to the editors. <ent type='PERSON'>Madeline Edmundson</ent> replied
|
|
for them. "It was certainly not our aim to discredit those who
|
|
doubt the conclusions of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> or to express
|
|
opposition to a reopening of the investigation of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. Kennedy's
|
|
assassination."
|
|
Yet, "Newsweek" did exactly that and, in effect, took the same
|
|
editorial position it had taken in May, 1967, when <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> lackey Hugh
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Aynesworth</ent> was doing their dirty work. (<ent type='PERSON'>Aynesworth</ent> later did the
|
|
CIA's dirty work and supported <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> for the
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Times <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>.") The new position in favor of reopening the
|
|
investigation was the one taken by <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent>. It was expressed best by
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Harrison</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Salisbury</ent></ent>, the man at the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" who knew
|
|
better. <ent type='GPE'>Salisbury</ent> was quoted in "Newsweek" saying, "A new
|
|
investigation is needed to answer questions of major importance.
|
|
We will go over all the areas of doubt and hope to eliminate them."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>: Accessory After the <ent type='ORG'>Fact</ent> in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> Conspiracy Cover-Up</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> AP and <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> have not repeated their 1967-1968 performances
|
|
recently in which they sent out the longest stories ever broadcast
|
|
over their news service wires. They were so long that they were
|
|
divided into installments. The stories backed up the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> and attacked the researchers, especially <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent>, of course, became an accessory after the fact in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
conspiracy cover-up by suppressing the original 8mm color films by
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Marie Muchmore</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Orville Nix</ent>. It went even further by employing
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Itek Corporation</ent> to prove there was no one on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>.
|
|
In July of 1975 a <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> alumnus, Maurice <ent type='PERSON'>Schonfeld</ent>, published an
|
|
article in "<ent type='GPE'>Columbia</ent> Journalism Review"[24] that subtly contended
|
|
one of the riflemen on the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> as seen in the original Nix film
|
|
was either an illusion or a man without a rifle.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Expert" Opinions</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent>: <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent> is still at work helping out their friendly
|
|
employers, the U.S. government and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent> analyzed the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film and the <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> film on the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> program aired in
|
|
November of 1975, giving its "expert" opinion that all shots fired
|
|
in Dealey Plaza came from the sixth floor window of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>
|
|
Building.
|
|
Maurice <ent type='PERSON'>Schonfeld</ent>, perhaps unwittingly, did a favor for
|
|
researchers in his "<ent type='GPE'>Columbia</ent> Journalism Review" article that
|
|
revealed that two officials of <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent>, Howard <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Franklin</ent> T.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lindsay</ent>, were <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> members. So when <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Salant</ent> or whoever at <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> needed help, all they had to do was call
|
|
upon good old <ent type='GPE'>Itek</ent> and Howard <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. (Frank <ent type='PERSON'>Lindsay</ent> has since
|
|
departed.)</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> AP: Faithful to the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Associated <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent> has been editorially silent since 1969. They
|
|
have faithfully broadcast all of the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>-<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> cover or
|
|
planted stories without comment.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Keeping the Lid On</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "<ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> Times:" "The <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> Times," controlled by
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Norman Chandler</ent> who was strongly influenced by the <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>
|
|
administration, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Evelle Younger</ent> (the Attorney General of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>California</ent>), produced a complete cover-up effort in the <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination conspiracy. Younger, of course, was D.A. in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> County when <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent> was killed. He and Ed Davis, L.A.
|
|
Police Chief, teamed up with <ent type='PERSON'>Joseph Busch</ent>, assistant D.A., to cover
|
|
up the conspiracy evidence. The "Times" for a short, unguarded
|
|
period allowed reporter <ent type='PERSON'>Dave Smith</ent> to publish the truth about the
|
|
assassination. This stopped in 1974, after Al Lowenstein stirred
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Vincent Bugliosi</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Baxter Ward</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Bradley</ent>, and finally Governor
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Pat Brown</ent>, Jr. to take a new interest in the case.
|
|
Younger influenced <ent type='PERSON'>Chandler</ent> to shut off the flow of information
|
|
through the "<ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> Times." <ent type='PERSON'>Chandler</ent>, who contributed to the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> campaign, undoubtedly was strong-armed by both <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>
|
|
(or the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>) to support the position of the <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> police and
|
|
the D.A.'s office. Ronald Reagan and his immediate deputy at the
|
|
time also helped sway <ent type='PERSON'>Chandler</ent> and others in <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> to keep the
|
|
lid on.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> Film Broadcast on Two Occasions</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Broadcasting Corporation was the first of the
|
|
television networks to seemingly break away from <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
|
|
control. In the spring of 1975, after <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Groden, <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Gregory</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ralph Schoenman</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Policoff</ent> decided to release and publicize
|
|
a clear, enlarged, stop-action color copy of the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film, the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> show hosted by <ent type='PERSON'>Geraldo Rivera</ent>, "Good Night, <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>," showed
|
|
the film on two occasions. <ent type='PERSON'>Rivera</ent> might have made this move
|
|
against the wishes of top <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> management. <ent type='ORG'>Rumor</ent> had it during the
|
|
summer months that he was in hot water with high level people. All
|
|
doubts about ABC's position disappeared when they broadcast an
|
|
assassination special during the week of November 17, 1975 that
|
|
supported the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> theory.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Conspiracy Fever"</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Commentary:" One surprising newcomer to the cover-up
|
|
conspiracy group is "Commentary." The liberal, open-minded, non-government magazine "Commentary" broke their pattern in the October
|
|
1975 issue[25] when it published an article by Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Jacob Cohen</ent> from
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Brandeis University</ent> which attacked the researchers as paranoid
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>conspiratorialists</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Cohen</ent> has been writing these defenses for the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> for over ten years. This article was republished
|
|
in several other places in November, 1975, as part of the
|
|
orchestrated campaign by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> A Straight News Story</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "U.S. News and World Report:" "U.S. News" may be one of the few
|
|
media publications to change positions. On September 15, 1975 they
|
|
ran a story entitled, "Behind the Move to Reopen the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> Case". It
|
|
was a straight news story about Senator Schweiker's efforts and
|
|
list of uncovered evidence raising new questions. The article
|
|
closed with: "Numerous <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns who long have doubted the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> conclusions will be watching what the Senate does with
|
|
his (Schweiker's) idea." That is as close as any of the fifteen
|
|
organizations came to saying they believe <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> was
|
|
wrong.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> A Breath of Fresh Air</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>:" Like a breath of fresh air from the
|
|
heartland of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> in <ent type='NORP'>Indiana</ent>polis, <ent type='NORP'>Indiana</ent>, the revived
|
|
"Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>" (<ent type='PERSON'>Bobbs Merrill</ent> subsidiary) took an
|
|
editorial stance. The "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" not only published several strong
|
|
articles on the assassinations but also called for reopening all of
|
|
the cases, supported the <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> resolutions, and offered
|
|
a sizable reward for information leading to conviction of the
|
|
murderers of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.[26] Thus the "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" joined the ranks
|
|
of the "<ent type='ORG'>National Enquirer</ent>," "National Tattler," "<ent type='ORG'>National Insider</ent>,"
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Argosy</ent>," "Penthouse," "Gallery," "<ent type='ORG'>Genesis</ent>" and other publications
|
|
of this type, plus nearly all the "underground newspapers" in
|
|
calling for new investigations.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Operatives Are Serving as Journalists
|
|
For News Organizations Abroad</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "<ent type='ORG'>Variety</ent>:" On November 12, 1975, "<ent type='ORG'>Variety</ent>" published an article
|
|
on the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and Senate <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>s' suspicions about
|
|
relationships between the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and broadcasting organizations.[27]
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Variety</ent>" said the committees were probing the CIA's influence on
|
|
the media organizations, particularly management connections, and
|
|
commented, "A central issue in the investigations is reports of
|
|
financial dealings with the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and media firms with extensive
|
|
overseas staffs."
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Colby</ent> admitted that <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> operatives were currently
|
|
serving as journalists for news organizations abroad, and that
|
|
"detailmen" were assigned abroad to news organizations, often
|
|
without the knowledge of management. <ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Dellums</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>
|
|
representative asked <ent type='PERSON'>Colby</ent> in an open session of a <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> hearing if
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had ever asked a network to kill a news story. <ent type='PERSON'>Colby</ent> would
|
|
not answer specifics in open session, so the panel went immediately
|
|
behind closed doors to grill him for several hours.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Conclusions</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> It is to be hoped that all committees in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and Senate
|
|
will investigate the <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> members in the 15 media
|
|
organizations and their influence and control over editorial
|
|
policies on domestic assassination conspiracies. It is also to be
|
|
hoped that the committees will investigate the role of then-president Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> and his working relationship to various <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
people in the original cover-up of the <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
assassination conspiracy. Certainly, <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>'s relationship to
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and to <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> in the media cover-up campaign needs be
|
|
investigated.
|
|
Fletcher Prouty claimed in his November, 1975 article in
|
|
"Gallery Magazine," "<ent type='ORG'>The Fourth Force</ent>,"[28] that <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> is a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
operative. Prouty says, "The <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> did not look
|
|
into this (the <ent type='ORG'>Fourth Force</ent>-<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>) because it had been penetrated on
|
|
behalf of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> by <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>, its chief counsel and former
|
|
counsel of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. In fact, <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> still reports to
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>." If this is indeed true, it explains every move <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> has
|
|
made since 1964 and it also explains the mysterious way he appeared
|
|
and reappeared on the front pages and editorial pages of various
|
|
major newspapers, on choice television shows, and on the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>.
|
|
If the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> leaves the media-government-<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> link untouched-
|
|
-more serious than any of the other problems raised by the
|
|
assassination conspiracies and their cover-ups--<ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States
|
|
might, in fact, be headed for the real 1984.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>script</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> On April 27, 1976 "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" published a story on the
|
|
Senate <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> revelation that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> would be
|
|
keeping twenty-five journalist agents within the news media.[29]
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> disclosed that <ent type='PERSON'>George Bush</ent> planned to keep these
|
|
people in the media positions that they had occupied for a long
|
|
time.
|
|
The significant point about the story was a statement by a
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> staff member that many of the individuals were in
|
|
executive positions at <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n news organizations. <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> had
|
|
directed that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> stop hiring correspondents "accredited" by
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n publications and other news organizations. The "Times"
|
|
recognized that the pivotal word in Bush's directive was
|
|
"accredited." "Executives who do not work as correspondents are
|
|
apparently not covered by Mr. Bush's directive, nor are freelance
|
|
writers who are not affiliated with a specific employer." The
|
|
article also said that in most cases the media organization was not
|
|
aware of the individual's <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> connection.
|
|
This was yet the best confirmation that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had its Secret
|
|
Team members planted at the top of the media. Only one executive
|
|
is required at the top of a media organization to control it when
|
|
needed. Since the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had twenty-five executives planted, that
|
|
figure is more than enough to control the fifteen media
|
|
organizations mentioned in this chapter.
|
|
Who are they? The answer can be supplied by watching where the
|
|
decisions come from to halt or change the news about domestic
|
|
political assassinations.
|
|
The indications from the analysis in this chapter are that the
|
|
following media executives are among the twenty-five retained by
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>: Harding <ent type='ORG'>Bancroft</ent>, Jr. ("<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times"); <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Salant</ent>
|
|
(<ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>); <ent type='PERSON'>George Love</ent> (Time, Inc./"Life"); <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Sheridan</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>);
|
|
Lewis <ent type='PERSON'>Powell</ent>, lawyer (<ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>); and <ent type='PERSON'>Benjamin Bradlee</ent> ("<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>").</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [1] "Accessories After the <ent type='ORG'>Fact</ent>" is the title of a book by Sylvia
|
|
Meagher, published by <ent type='PERSON'>Bobbs Merrill</ent> in 1967, accusing the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> and the various government agencies of covering up the
|
|
crime of the century. This book accuses the national news media
|
|
of the same crimes. </p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [2] <ent type='ORG'>Black Star</ent> is a <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> based organization made up of free-lance photographers, called stringers, in every major city. They
|
|
do contract work for news media with <ent type='ORG'>Black Star</ent> acting as
|
|
contracting agent.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [3] <ent type='PERSON'>Samuel</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Thurston</ent>, "The <ent type='ORG'>Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent></ent> and 'The New
|
|
York Times,'" "<ent type='ORG'>Computers and Automation</ent>," July, 1971.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [4] <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>-TV Special on the Assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> -- June 25,
|
|
26, 27 and 28, 1972.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [5] "<ent type='ORG'>Computers and Automation</ent>," July, 1971</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [6] For a more detailed analysis of the "Times"' culpability and
|
|
selective bias in reporting the facts of the assassination, see
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Policoff</ent>'s October 1972 article in "The Realist:" "How All
|
|
the News About Political <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> In <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States Has
|
|
Not Been Fit to Print in 'The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times.'"</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [7] A detailed review of NBC's performance and <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Sheridan</ent>'s and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Townley's involvement is given in "The <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> Conspiracy"
|
|
by <ent type='PERSON'>Paris Flammonde</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [8] Those interested in more detail are referred to the map in the
|
|
May 1970 issue of "<ent type='ORG'>Computers and Automation</ent>" on the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
assassination. The <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> definition of "the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>" was the
|
|
area bounded by the picket fence, the stone wall, the top of the
|
|
steps on the south, and the cupola.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [9] For a comparison of <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> newspapers and all other media
|
|
coverage of the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> trial, see the author's unpublished book
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>The Trial</ent> of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> -- The <ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent> and the Fiction."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[10] Prouty, L. Fletcher, "The <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent>," <ent type='ORG'>Prentice Hall</ent>, 1973.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[11] Policoff, Jerry, "The Media and the Murder of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>", "New
|
|
Times," October, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[12] "Who Killed <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>? Just One Assassin," "Time" magazine, November
|
|
24, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[13] "Up <ent type='ORG'>Front</ent> -- Did One Man With One Gun Kill <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F, <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>?
|
|
Eight Skeptics Who Say No," "People," November 3, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[14] Author's discussion with <ent type='PERSON'>Jerry Policoff</ent>, November 29, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[15] "<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> Panel Aide Calls for 2nd Inquiry Into <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> Killing",
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," November 23, 1975, p. 1.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[16] Transcript of Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent> Conference "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times,"
|
|
November 27, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[17] For a summary of the evidence and scenario about what it shows
|
|
the reader is referred to two articles in "People and the
|
|
Pursuit of <ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent>:" "The Assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> the Involvement of the <ent type='ORG'>Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent></ent> in the
|
|
Plans and the Cover-Up," May 1975, and "Who Killed <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>?,"
|
|
October, 1975. Both by the author.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[18] <ent type='PERSON'>Phelan</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> R., "The Assassination," "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times Magazine
|
|
Section," November 23, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[19] <ent type='ORG'>Thurston</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Samuel</ent> F. (psuedonym for <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>), "The
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent></ent> and 'The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times'" "Computers
|
|
and Automation," July, 1971.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[20] <ent type='ORG'>Bancroft</ent> retired in early 1976. A successor has undoubtedly been
|
|
groomed by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. However, <ent type='ORG'>Bancroft</ent> still has a strong
|
|
influence at the "Times" on the subject of assassinations.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[21] Based on a discussion among the author, <ent type='PERSON'>Dan</ent> Rather, and <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
Richter at <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C., approximately ten days before
|
|
the first <ent type='GPE'>Cronkite</ent>-<ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> section of the 1967 four-part series on
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[22] O'Conner, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> J., "TV: <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> News is Presenting Two Hour-Long
|
|
Programs on the Assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>", "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
Times," November 24, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[23] "<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>: New Questions and Answers," "Newsweek," April 28, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[24] <ent type='PERSON'>Schonfeld</ent>, Maurice W., "The Shadow of a Gunman," "<ent type='GPE'>Columbia</ent>
|
|
Journalism Review," July-August, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[25] <ent type='PERSON'>Cohen</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>, "Conspiracy Fever," "Commentary," October, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[26] "Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>," September, October, November and
|
|
December, 1975 issues.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[27] "D.C. Digs Deep Into TV News Ties With <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>," "<ent type='ORG'>Variety</ent>," November
|
|
12, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[28] Prouty, L. Fletcher, "<ent type='ORG'>The Fourth Force</ent>," "Gallery," November,
|
|
1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[29] "<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Will Keep More Than 25 Journalist-Agents," "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times,"
|
|
April 27, 1976, p. 26.</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p>--
|
|
daveus rattus </p>
|
|
|
|
<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> ko.yaa.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
|
|
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
|
|
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>From dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com Fri Jun 12 09:16:33 1992
|
|
Received: from pl122c.eecs.lehigh.edu by ns-mx.uiowa.edu (5.64.jnf/920408)
|
|
on Fri, 12 Jun 92 09:16:18 -0500 id AA05588 with SMTP
|
|
Received: from SGI.COM by PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU (5.61/1.34)
|
|
id AA19548; Fri, 12 Jun 92 09:59:36 -0400
|
|
Received: from [192.102.132.11] by sgi.sgi.com via SMTP (911016.SGI/910110.SGI)
|
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for <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA20770; Fri, 12 Jun 92 07:02:12 -0700
|
|
Received: by ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (920110.SGI/920502.SGI.AUTO)
|
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for @sgi.sgi.com:<ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA14133; Fri, 12 Jun 92 07:02:10 -0700
|
|
Date: Fri, 12 Jun 92 07:02:10 -0700
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 9206121402.AA14133@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</info>
|
|
To: <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (6/11)
|
|
Status: RO</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (6/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 6 of 11: chapter 10 thru chapter 12
|
|
Lines: 1057</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 10
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Techniques and Weapons</ent> and 100 Dead Conspirators and Witnesses</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> As Chapter 1 made clear, one of the two fiendish stratagems used
|
|
by <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> to cover-up the truth and to fool the
|
|
people was the use of various intelligence techniques and weapons.
|
|
The use of such techniques in assassination and murder completely
|
|
conceals the real killer's presence or the real cause of death.
|
|
From the moment the crime occurs the public is led to believe that
|
|
there is either one lone madman assassin or that the death was
|
|
accidental, due to natural causes, or committed by natural enemies
|
|
of the victim. Some of the techniques are so unique that they are
|
|
nearly impossible for the average <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n to believe.
|
|
The intelligence forces of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States as well as those of
|
|
other countries have out-Bonded <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Bond. The development of
|
|
sophisticated murder methods and the control of humans for warfare
|
|
and spying in other countries came home to <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States,
|
|
effectively used by <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Penn Jones</ent>, Jr.
|
|
published a list of "mysterious deaths" in his series of four
|
|
volumes, "Forgive My Grief."[1] <ent type='PERSON'>Sylvia Meagher</ent> published facts
|
|
about the first eighteen witnesses at Dealey Plaza murdered through
|
|
the use of these techniques in the book, "Accessories After the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Fact</ent>."[2] Very few people other than researchers pay any
|
|
attention. Two movies with somewhat wider circulation, "Executive
|
|
Action" and "The Parallax View," covered the techniques fairly
|
|
well, but they were considered to be fiction by most viewers. So
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> goes on murdering where and when it is necessary, and it
|
|
covers up the murders where necessary.
|
|
In 1974 and 1976, two murders became necessary. Rolando
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Masferrer</ent>, mentioned as a <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> conspirator, became dangerous to the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, and he was eliminated in early 1976 with a non-sophisticated
|
|
weapon. A bomb was planted in his car in <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent>. The cover-up in
|
|
this case merely involved planting an informer who claimed
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Masferrer</ent> was killed by a rival anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n faction in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>.[3]
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> became quite nervous in 1974 after <ent type='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>'s
|
|
statements to the press earlier that year made it known that <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>
|
|
was a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract employee and that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> gave him assistance
|
|
and protection before his trial in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and after Jim
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> arrested him. <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> was murdered in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
and the murder covered-up by simply controlling his embalming and
|
|
burial and blocking any local investigation.[4] The reason for his
|
|
murder was to keep him from talking and from returning to the
|
|
public eye.
|
|
The techniques and weapons fall into several classes. First,
|
|
there are sophisticated weapons developed by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. An example
|
|
of this is the umbrella poison dart gun used in Dealey Plaza to
|
|
shoot <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> in the throat. Such a weapon was postulated by <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent> and the author in mid-1975 as the one that fired the first
|
|
shot from near the Stemmons Freeway sign.[5] This seemed
|
|
incredulous to most observers and so wild an idea that the author
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent> did not discuss it with many researchers. Then Mr.
|
|
Charles Senseney, a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> weapon developer at <ent type='PERSON'>Fort Detrick</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Maryland</ent>,
|
|
testified before the Senate <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> in September
|
|
1975 and described an umbrella poison dart gun he had made.[6] He
|
|
said it was always used in crowds with the umbrella open, firing
|
|
through the webing so it would not attract attention. Since it was
|
|
silent, no one in the crowd could hear it and the assassin merely
|
|
would fold up the umbrella and saunter away with the crowd. (That
|
|
is almost exactly what happened in Dealey Plaza. The first shot
|
|
had always seemed to have had a paralytic effect on <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. His
|
|
fists were clenched and his head, shoulders and arms seemed to
|
|
stiffen. There was a small entrance wound in his neck but no
|
|
evidence of a bullet path through his neck and no bullet was ever
|
|
recovered that matched that small size.)
|
|
Senseney testified that his Special Operations Division at Fort
|
|
Detrick had received assignments from the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> to develop exotic
|
|
weaponry. One of the weapons was a hand-held dart gun that could
|
|
shoot a poison dart into a guard dog to put it out of action for
|
|
several hours. The dart and the poison left no trace so that
|
|
examination would not reveal that the dogs had been put out of
|
|
action. The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> ordered about 50 of these weapons and used them
|
|
operationally. Senseney said that the darts could have been used
|
|
to kill human beings and he could not rule out the possibility that
|
|
this had been done by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. He said he had developed a dart-launching device that looked like an umbrella.
|
|
A special type of poison developed induces a heart attack and
|
|
leaves no trace of any external influence unless an autopsy is
|
|
conducted to check for this particular poison. The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> revealed
|
|
this poison in various accounts in the early 1970s.
|
|
Among the witnesses, important people and conspirators who might
|
|
have been eliminated this way are: <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>,
|
|
Earlene <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>s (Oswald's land-lady) and Adlai <ent type='PERSON'>Stevens</ent>on.
|
|
A second category, already discussed in the <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent> shootings, is the use of a "programmed" assassin.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The Manchurian</ent> Candidate always seemed to be a science fiction
|
|
story. It is now well known that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> has used hypnosis and
|
|
"programming" to achieve a number of objectives, including murder.
|
|
Certainly there is little doubt that <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent> was under
|
|
hypnosis when he wrote in his diary and when he fired the shots in
|
|
the general direction of <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.[7] There is also
|
|
evidence that <ent type='PERSON'>Arthur Bremer</ent> was "programmed" to shoot at George
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>. It is conceivable that one of the assassins in Dealey
|
|
Plaza could have been "programmed". A man surfaced after 1975
|
|
who--under deprogramming--remembered a firing situation resembling
|
|
Dealey Plaza. However, it is much less likely that the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had to
|
|
use hypnosis in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> murder.
|
|
It is completely untrue that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was programmed, as the book
|
|
"Were We <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent>led?" by <ent type='ORG'>Lincoln</ent> Lawrence (an alias for radio
|
|
commentator Art <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>) postulates. The evidence shows <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>
|
|
didn't fire a shot, that he was on the second floor of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>
|
|
Building at the time of the shots, and that he was very calm until
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent>rolman <ent type='PERSON'>Baker</ent> pointed a gun at him. Strangely enough, Ford's
|
|
thesis is true. We were controlled by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, although he had the
|
|
details wrong.
|
|
A third popular technique is, of course, the patsy. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> has
|
|
developed this to the level of a real science. The assassination
|
|
is allowed to be obvious, but the assassin is presented as a single
|
|
madman or criminal who acts alone. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Arthur Bremer</ent> have all been
|
|
patsies. They are not all exactly alike, nor is the way in which
|
|
they were used the same in each case. For example, <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>
|
|
did not fire any shots, while <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> did. <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> were "programmed", whereas <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> was talked into killing
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> by his friends in the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. Four of the five men were
|
|
framed; a lot of evidence was manufactured and planted to
|
|
implicate them, including fake diaries, fake photographs, planted
|
|
guns, bullets and shells, and men using their identities. The one
|
|
who did not fit this category was <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent>. It was not needed in his
|
|
case because he killed <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> before live television and believed
|
|
until the day he died of cancer that his friends were going to get
|
|
him out of jail in exchange for his "patriotic" act.
|
|
The use of "seconds", men who looked like the patsy and who used
|
|
his name (true of <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>) is a common intelligence
|
|
technique. The planting of fake photos in the case of <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>
|
|
required some relatively special photographic facilities, but the
|
|
job was not done well enough to avoid detection.
|
|
A fourth technique is the "accidental" death. Many witnesses
|
|
and conspirators have been murdered in this way. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Bowers</ent></ent>, the
|
|
railroad yard control tower man who saw the real assassins behind
|
|
the picket fence in Dealey Plaza, was killed when his car rammed
|
|
into a concrete abutment in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> (it was traveling at high
|
|
speed). The doctor who examined <ent type='PERSON'>Bowers</ent> prior to his removal from
|
|
the car, stated that he probably received an injection of some
|
|
kind prior to the crash. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent></ent>, the black author who was
|
|
getting close to the truth in the <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> case, was
|
|
killed in <ent type='GPE'>Arizona</ent> when his car was forced off the road after he
|
|
was made to drive at high speed. <ent type='PERSON'>Hale Boggs</ent> disappeared in an
|
|
airplane crash that left no trace of the plane. And of course the
|
|
classic "accident" occurred at Chappaquiddick.
|
|
A fifth technique is an induced death that produces another
|
|
finding of the cause either by disguising the true cause or by
|
|
controlling the coroner or those in charge of burial. Examples
|
|
are: <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>'s murder by means of a karate chop to the back
|
|
of his head, disguised as an embolism of the brain, <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>'s
|
|
murder by means unknown because there was no autopsy and complete
|
|
control of his removal and burial; <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>'s supposed death by
|
|
cancer in jail (real cause unknown because he was never out of the
|
|
PCG's hands until he was under ground).
|
|
Then there is a favorite sixth technique: mock suicide.
|
|
Examples of <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> murders that somehow became suicides are: Hank
|
|
Killam, a husband of one of Ruby's dancers, who committed suicide
|
|
by throwing himself through a plate glass window off the street in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent>; Betty <ent type='LOC'>Mooney</ent>, one of Ruby's girls who hung herself in her
|
|
jail cell by using her leopard-skin tights; <ent type='PERSON'>Roger Craig</ent>, who shot
|
|
himself; <ent type='PERSON'>Jesus Crispin</ent>, who knew <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>, supposedly killed himself
|
|
in his jail cell; <ent type='PERSON'>Grant Stockdale</ent>, who threw himself off the top
|
|
of a tall building in <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent>.
|
|
There are some on the list who were admittedly murdered, but
|
|
supposedly not by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. These include <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Perrin, Nancy
|
|
Perrin's husband; <ent type='ORG'>Buddy Walters</ent>, deputy sheriff under Sheriff
|
|
Decker, shot by a man he was trying to arrest; Eladio Del Valle, a
|
|
cohort of <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>, killed in <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent> by an axe on the same day <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>
|
|
was murdered; <ent type='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent>, blown up in his car; Eddy
|
|
Benevides, shot by an unknown assailant (he recovered). The
|
|
cover-ups in each of these cases were put into effect by
|
|
controlling the investigation or simply by not having one.
|
|
The complete list of deaths, including the eight major ones
|
|
(<ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent>, Mary Jo Kopechne, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>) numbers over a hundred. Here is a partial
|
|
list:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
2. <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
3. <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>
|
|
4. Mary Jo Kopechne
|
|
5. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>
|
|
6. <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>
|
|
7. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>
|
|
8. <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>
|
|
9. <ent type='ORG'>Buddy Walthers</ent>
|
|
10. <ent type='PERSON'>Roger Craig</ent>
|
|
11. Eladio Del Valle
|
|
12. <ent type='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent>
|
|
13. <ent type='PERSON'>Hank Killam</ent>
|
|
14. Rose Cherami
|
|
15. <ent type='PERSON'>Hale Boggs</ent>
|
|
16. J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>
|
|
17. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent></ent>
|
|
18. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Bowers</ent></ent>, Jr.
|
|
19. <ent type='PERSON'>Jesus Crispin</ent>
|
|
20. <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Koethe</ent>
|
|
21. Bill Hunter
|
|
22. <ent type='PERSON'>Tom Howard</ent>
|
|
23. Earlene <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>s
|
|
24. Betty <ent type='PERSON'>McDonald</ent>
|
|
25. <ent type='PERSON'>Eddy Benevides</ent>
|
|
26. <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Perrin
|
|
27. <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Underhill</ent>
|
|
28. <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Chesher</ent>
|
|
29. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Dorothy</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kilgallen</ent></ent>
|
|
30. <ent type='PERSON'>David Goldstein</ent>
|
|
31. <ent type='ORG'>Levens</ent> (first name unknown)
|
|
32. <ent type='PERSON'>Teresa Norton</ent>
|
|
33. <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent>
|
|
34. Harold <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent>
|
|
35. Marilyn Moore <ent type='ORG'>Wall</ent>e
|
|
36. <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> Whaley
|
|
37. <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Worrell, Jr.
|
|
38. Captain <ent type='PERSON'>Frank Martin</ent>
|
|
39. Mrs. Earl T. Smith
|
|
40. <ent type='PERSON'>Karyn Kupcinet</ent>
|
|
41. <ent type='PERSON'>Albert Guy Bogard</ent>
|
|
42. <ent type='PERSON'>Hiram Ingram</ent>
|
|
43. <ent type='PERSON'>Nicholas Chetta</ent>
|
|
44. <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Bledsoe</ent>
|
|
45. Jude <ent type='ORG'>Presto</ent>n Battle
|
|
46. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> M. <ent type='PERSON'>Crawford</ent>
|
|
47. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Carr</ent>
|
|
48. <ent type='PERSON'>Kathy Fullmer</ent>
|
|
49. Clyde <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son
|
|
50. Reverend A. D. W. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent>
|
|
51. <ent type='PERSON'>Carole Tyler</ent>
|
|
52. Dr. Mary Sherman
|
|
53. <ent type='PERSON'>Grant Stockdale</ent>
|
|
54. J. A. <ent type='ORG'>Milteer</ent>
|
|
55. Hugh Ward
|
|
56. <ent type='PERSON'>Perry Russo</ent>
|
|
57. <ent type='PERSON'>Maurice Gatlin</ent>, Sr.
|
|
58. W. <ent type='PERSON'>Guy Banister</ent>
|
|
59. Charles P. <ent type='ORG'>Cabell</ent>
|
|
60. <ent type='PERSON'>Dorothy</ent> Hunt
|
|
61. <ent type='PERSON'>Michelle Clark</ent>
|
|
62. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Roselli</ent>
|
|
63. <ent type='PERSON'>Sam Giancana</ent>
|
|
64. <ent type='PERSON'>Fred <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent>
|
|
65. <ent type='PERSON'>Carlos Prio Socarras</ent>
|
|
66. <ent type='PERSON'>Charles Nicoletti</ent>
|
|
67. <ent type='PERSON'>Jimmy Hoffa</ent>
|
|
68. George De Mohrenschildt
|
|
69. General <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson
|
|
70. <ent type='PERSON'>Lou Staples</ent>
|
|
71. <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> C. <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>
|
|
72. <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Chaney</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The large majority of these murders eliminated witnesses to,
|
|
participants in, or investigators of one of the assassinations.
|
|
People involved with the participants in one of the assassinations
|
|
or cover-ups were also listed above. The participants were: <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent>, J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>
|
|
(in the cover-up), and <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Perrin. There were four
|
|
investigators: <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Koethe</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Lomax</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Dorothy</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kilgallen</ent></ent> and Hale
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bogg</ent>s. The rest were witnesses or associates.
|
|
Two articles[8] written in 1976 analyzed some of these deaths
|
|
and concluded that they were not accidents unconnected with the
|
|
assassinations of our leaders. Another analysis by the authors
|
|
demonstrated that fifty of the first seventy murders met three
|
|
criteria for proving death by foul means. All involved people
|
|
directly or indirectly linked to the major assassinations. All met
|
|
death under violent or very strange circumstances. No autopsies
|
|
were performed in any of these murders.
|
|
The Charles Senseney dart weapon might have been used in some of
|
|
the murders. The injection given <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Bowers</ent></ent> produced such a
|
|
paralytic and terrorized expression on <ent type='PERSON'>Bowers</ent>' face that the doctor
|
|
examining his body exclaimed he had never seen such before. Grant
|
|
Stockdale was found to have died of a heart attack on his way to
|
|
the street from the top of a building (a dart might have killed
|
|
him).</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [1] "Forgive My Grief" Volumes I, II, III, IV, <ent type='PERSON'>Penn Jones</ent>, Jr., Self
|
|
Published, Midlothian, <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [2] "Accessories After the <ent type='ORG'>Fact</ent>," <ent type='PERSON'>Sylvia Meagher</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Scarecrow Press</ent>,
|
|
N.Y., 1976</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [3] "<ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>," March, 1976.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [4] "The Mysterious Death of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>," <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent>, "True
|
|
Magazine."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [5] "The <ent type='ORG'>Umbrella</ent> Man," R.B. <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent>, & R.E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, "Gallery
|
|
Magazine," June, 1978.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [6] "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," September 19, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [7] "<ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent> Must Die!," <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Kaiser, E.P. Dutton & Co. Inc., N.Y.C.,
|
|
1970.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [8] (a) Self published article by <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Schoener</ent> -- <ent type='GPE'>Minneapolis</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Minn</ent>. Researcher.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> (b) <ent type='ORG'>Assassination Information Bureau</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>AIB</ent>), <ent type='GPE'>Cambridge</ent>, Mass,
|
|
Research project and article.</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 11
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> -- The Pardon and the Tapes</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> As <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> grew larger and the number of murders
|
|
increased through the years, it became more and more difficult to
|
|
keep the veil of secrecy surrounding the takeover intact. As
|
|
Nixon's instability increased, the danger of revealing the secret
|
|
superstructure to the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people increased.
|
|
<ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> and Nixon's resignation from office nearly ruined
|
|
everything for <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>. A splinter faction in the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> began showing strength and all of the dirt might have been
|
|
leaked to the press and to the people. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> himself had pulled
|
|
the most dangerous boner in the history of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. He installed a
|
|
secret tape recording system that recorded a number of
|
|
conversations about the PCG's murders, assassinations and dirty
|
|
tricks. Even worse, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> did not destroy the tapes before the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> found out about them and went after them. As soon as it
|
|
became obvious that <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> would be forced to resign, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had to
|
|
use a desperation strategy.
|
|
Gerald R. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> pardoned <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> M. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> on September 8, 1974:
|
|
such was the PCG's strategy. Many skeptical U.S. citizens nodded
|
|
their heads knowingly and assumed <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> had made his "deal" with
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> when he nominated him for the vice presidency. <ent type='PERSON'>Evans</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Novak</ent>[1] assumed that Julie <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent> talked <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> into the
|
|
pardon on grounds that Nixon's health was poor. The Ford's fears
|
|
for Nixon's health didn't seem to convince very many news media
|
|
people who saw a rosy-cheeked, apparently robust ex-president in
|
|
San Clemente.[2]
|
|
The pardon seemed to most <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns and news editors a gross
|
|
error in judgment and a miscarriage of justice. But once again the
|
|
United States was fooled. This time, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>
|
|
managed to pull the wool over the eyes of the public and to
|
|
narrowly escape revealing what can be called "the entire rotten
|
|
crust at the top of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n power." Any reasonable hypothesis
|
|
about what actually happened, based on the evidence at hand, had
|
|
not been even remotely suggested by either <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> or the media by
|
|
1976.
|
|
Any explanation of the situation leading to the pardon begins
|
|
with the relationship between Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>. It
|
|
goes back to 1960, the year Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> planned the overthrow of
|
|
Castro's <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. As earlier chapters have made clear, the U2
|
|
incident and <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs was the beginning.
|
|
In 1960, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> action officer worked on the
|
|
plans for what was later called <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs invasion.[3] Prior
|
|
to that time the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> had accumulated plenty of reasons to
|
|
want <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> overthrown. The anti-<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> attitude was the
|
|
superficial reason. Beneath it were Nixon's connections with the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> and his friendships and financial holdings that were greatly
|
|
damaged when <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> closed the casinos run by the mob in <ent type='GPE'>Havana</ent>.[4]
|
|
When <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> debated about the <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n situation in the
|
|
1960 campaign, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> purposefully lied to the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people about
|
|
U.S. plans for an invasion.[5] When he narrowly lost to <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>,
|
|
it created a deep wound, and he and the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> spent much of the next
|
|
three years planning revenge.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> became a tool of a number of <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>ns and <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns, both
|
|
inside the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and outside, who agreed with him that casting out
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> was highly desirable. One of these men was E. Howard
|
|
Hunt.[6] Another was <ent type='PERSON'>Bernard Barker</ent>.[7] A third was Carlos Prio
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Socarras</ent>.[8] <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Bissell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent></ent> were
|
|
the three higher level men in the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
|
|
These <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> cronies and financial partners became involved with
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. They murdered <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.[9] Whether <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was
|
|
directly involved in the PCG's planning for the assassination is
|
|
still open to question, although one researcher believes that he
|
|
was.[10] There certainly is substantial evidence that <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was
|
|
out to at least politically sink <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son, and aimed to
|
|
do so in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> immediately before <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was killed. (See section
|
|
on evidence).[11]
|
|
Whether <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was directly involved in planning the
|
|
assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> does not have to be
|
|
settled here. What is important is that <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was directly
|
|
involved in covering up the truth about who did kill <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.
|
|
Evidence from the <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>-<ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> tapes of June 1972 indicated that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> knew the truth about the assassination when he suggested
|
|
Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> be part of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>.[12]
|
|
A close personal friendship had developed between <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
during their days together in the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>, when both were strong,
|
|
ultra-conservative, "red, white and blue", anti-<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent>,
|
|
"religious" members who thought and talked alike.
|
|
When <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> realized that <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> had been killed almost
|
|
under his nose in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> by some of his Bay of Pigs friends, the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> convinced him he had to do everything in his power to cover it
|
|
up and to bide his time until his powerful military and
|
|
intelligence friends could place him in the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>. It took
|
|
one more murder by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> (<ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>) to get him there, and
|
|
still another attempted murder to keep him there (<ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>).
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> over the investigations of these murders was essential
|
|
for <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. In order to guide a presidential commission
|
|
away from the truth, the closed small circle of people in the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
who knew what had happened to <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> had to be enlarged.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent></ent> was no problem. He knew the cause was an
|
|
intelligence/military one from the day it happened. Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
was a different matter. He had to be fooled and later talked into
|
|
remaining silent "for the good of the country."
|
|
A ringleader inside <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> was crucial. It had
|
|
to be someone the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> could trust, one who had an honest
|
|
and trustworthy appearance. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> called on Gerry <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, and he
|
|
convinced <ent type='ORG'>LBJ</ent> that <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> should be on the <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>.[13]
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> told <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> at some point prior to January, 1964 who killed
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and why. He convinced <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> that every effort should be made to
|
|
make sure <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was found to be the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> did an
|
|
excellent job. He not only steered the <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> away from the
|
|
facts[14] whenever a key witness was interviewed or an embarrassing
|
|
situation developed, but he also nailed Oswald's coffin shut
|
|
personally by publishing his own book on <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.[15] This, coming
|
|
from the chairman of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Armed Services <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, served to
|
|
firmly plant in the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n mind the idea that there was no
|
|
conspiracy, that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>, and that the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> had done a good job.
|
|
From the day Ford's book was published, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> became
|
|
totally beholden to each other. They also both became totally
|
|
beholden to the members of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> who were at or near the top of
|
|
things and who were part of the small knowledgeable circle. Other
|
|
members of the PCG's inner circle included J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>.
|
|
No one could be permitted by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> to come into power in the
|
|
White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, the Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> or the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> unless they
|
|
were part of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and willing to keep quiet and help suppress
|
|
the truth about the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. The PCG's membership
|
|
widened, of necessity, when <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was killed and <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
became president. The people involved in killing <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
and Nixon's top aides had to be told the truth. This included
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ehrlichman</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> (who had the job of
|
|
controlling Hoover's successors in continuing the cover-ups) and
|
|
possibly others. <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> was instrumental in stopping Jim
|
|
Garrison's investigation of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and other <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members and in
|
|
totally discrediting <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>.[16] He was aided by <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>
|
|
and others in the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> through <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> support in the <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> trial
|
|
cover-up efforts.[17]
|
|
The White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> plumber section of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> decided in 1972, with
|
|
or without Nixon's knowledge and approval, to assassinate George
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>, so that <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> would be assured of the conservative vote.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and its debts once again grew. E. Howard Hunt and Charles
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Colson</ent>, along with <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Tony</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Ulasewicz</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <ent type='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent> and others, were
|
|
in a position to make demands in exchange for their silence. The
|
|
Hunt million-dollar blackmail threat to reveal "seedy things" or
|
|
"hankypanky" was never explainable in terms of <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> or the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ellsberg</ent> break-ins. But three assassinations would certainly be
|
|
worth a cool million to keep Hunt silent. Again, the <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> June 23, 1972 tapes are revealing.[18]
|
|
When the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> crisis occurred, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was trapped by his own
|
|
tapes, and the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> was in grave danger. Discussions with <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> and others mention the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination conspiracy
|
|
and the <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> murder attempt on tape. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> was suddenly
|
|
threatened as a group. The tapes couldn't all be destroyed because
|
|
too many <ent type='ORG'>Secret Service</ent> people knew about them. <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
managed to erase one revealing 18 1/2 minute section about the
|
|
assassinations, but who could remember exactly what telephone calls
|
|
or <ent type='ORG'>Oval Office</ent> conversations might have mentioned the truth about
|
|
the three murders?
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> again sensed the need for a successor who
|
|
would keep quiet. They called on Gerry <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> when <ent type='PERSON'>Agnew</ent> was forced
|
|
out. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, bound inextricably together by their mutual
|
|
cover-up of the assassinations, worked out a deal. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> nominated
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> to be his Vice President. The Senate, completely bamboozled
|
|
by <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, never asked <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> any important questions about
|
|
the assassinations nor his performance on <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>.
|
|
When they asked <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> about his book, he committed perjury twice
|
|
before the Senate (see item # 15 in the list ennumerated below).
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> agreed that <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> would keep quiet if <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
remained silent and that <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> would succeed <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> if he were forced
|
|
to resign or be impeached. They agreed to a pardon afterward. But
|
|
the most critical part of the arrangement was that those tapes
|
|
revealing the truth about the assassinations be kept out of
|
|
circulation. When <ent type='ORG'>the Supreme Court</ent> ruled that the tapes must be
|
|
turned over, it was then time to implement their agreed-upon
|
|
strategy.
|
|
In addition, <ent type='PERSON'>Jaworski</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Colson</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ehrlichman</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, Hunt, <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> and anyone
|
|
else in the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had to be bought off, pardoned, protected or killed
|
|
to insure their silences.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Leon Jaworski</ent> resigned. People asked why. The real answer was
|
|
buried in the fact that <ent type='PERSON'>Jaworski</ent> knew what had been going on. He
|
|
knew because of information passed on to him by the Ervin <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='ORG'>Cox</ent> regarding the assassination and the cover-up. He was also
|
|
personally involved in 1964 in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> cover-up.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jaworski</ent> could have been a problem, even though he helped with
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> cover-up from the beginning.[19] Hunt was taken care of by
|
|
getting him out of jail, buying him a large estate in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> and
|
|
paying him a lot of money.[20] <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> could be counted on.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent> may have been a problem, but he finally agreed. His
|
|
wiretaps were ordered to find out who knew about the
|
|
assassinations. <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> was dead. <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> was murdered.[21]
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> was dead. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent> was dead. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Sherman <ent type='PERSON'>Cooper</ent>
|
|
was bought off (he received an important ambassadorship). <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> J.
|
|
McCloy was too old to worry about.
|
|
That left <ent type='PERSON'>Colson</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Ehrlichman</ent>, plus some
|
|
other small fry. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> strategy as planned with these men
|
|
involved pardons for all of them in exchange for their silence,
|
|
especially <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, who not only knew what happened
|
|
to <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, but who also took overt actions to cover-up. (<ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>
|
|
erased the 18 1/2 minutes of tape and <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> nailed Jim
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>.)
|
|
Newer members of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> may cause some problems. They all have
|
|
to know the truth by now. <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Alex Haig</ent> must know.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>George Bush</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Colby</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Edward Levi</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Clarence Kelly</ent> knew
|
|
because of their access to the records, and they must have agreed
|
|
to cover-up continuance. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> and his cronies in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> had to
|
|
continue to knock out any efforts by <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> to
|
|
start a new <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> investigation of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination.
|
|
They were very successful in their control of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Rules
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Haig</ent> seemed to have been bought off with the promise of
|
|
a top <ent type='ORG'>NATO</ent> post in exchange for his silence. And control over
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Frank Church</ent> and the Senate <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> was necessary.
|
|
Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> remained committed to the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and to <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.
|
|
The tapes had to be controlled and edited at all costs. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
no doubt required help in listening to the tapes after <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>
|
|
left and in sorting out those in which assassinations and cover-ups
|
|
were discussed. General <ent type='PERSON'>Haig</ent> was undoubtedly the man he selected
|
|
to do the dirty work. It was almost certain that no tapes would be
|
|
turned over to Judge <ent type='PERSON'>Sirica</ent> or to <ent type='PERSON'>Jaworski</ent> with any assassination
|
|
references left on them. One of the tapes demanded by <ent type='PERSON'>Jaworski</ent> had
|
|
such references. This is the recording made on June 23, 1972 in
|
|
which <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> are discussing <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> just six days
|
|
after the break-in.
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> transcript of that tape turned over to Judge <ent type='PERSON'>Sirica</ent>
|
|
upon orders of <ent type='ORG'>the Supreme Court</ent> showed many sections labelled
|
|
"unintelligible." It is a near certainty that the critical
|
|
sections were edited out by <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and General <ent type='PERSON'>Haig</ent> before they were
|
|
turned over to <ent type='PERSON'>Sirica</ent> and prior to their transcription. Judge
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Sirica</ent> was the only person in the chain of possession of that tape
|
|
who could have been counted on to make a scientific analysis of the
|
|
tape to see whether it was tampered with before he received it.
|
|
His near brush with death in 1975 must be viewed in that light and
|
|
in the light of the PCG's use of weapon-induced heart attacks.
|
|
The rest of Nixon's tapes that were still in Gerald Ford's
|
|
possession and control might have contained many references to
|
|
assassinations and cover-ups. Rather than go through all of them
|
|
and edit or erase the critical material, it was more likely that
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> would either turn them over to <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> for total destruction or
|
|
sit on them as long as he was president.
|
|
The evidence for <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>'s and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>/Nixon's
|
|
strategy is as follows:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> action officer on <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n invasion
|
|
plans in 1960.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 2. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was in contact with Hunt and others during the
|
|
Bay of Pigs planning.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 3. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> lied to the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people by his own admission
|
|
about <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent> of Pigs during his TV debates with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> in 1960.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 4. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was financially linked to the <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> and to <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n
|
|
casino operations before <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> took over.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 5. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was acquainted with Hunt, <ent type='PERSON'>Baker</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Martinez</ent>,
|
|
Sturgis, <ent type='PERSON'>Carlos Prio Socarras</ent>, and other <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>
|
|
people and anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> people in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>, and he was
|
|
financially linked to <ent type='PERSON'>Baker</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Martinez</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Socarras</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 6. Hunt, <ent type='PERSON'>Baker</ent>, Sturgis and <ent type='ORG'>Socarras</ent> were connected with
|
|
the assassination group in the murder of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 7. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> for three days, including the
|
|
morning of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. He was trying to
|
|
stir up trouble for <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 8. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> went to <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> under false pretenses. There was
|
|
no board meeting of <ent type='ORG'>the Pepsi Cola Company</ent> as he
|
|
announced his law firm had had to attend.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 9. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> did not admit being in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> on the day <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
was shot and did not reveal the true reason for his
|
|
trip. He held two press conferences on the two days
|
|
before the assassination, attacking both <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son and emphasizing the <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent> political
|
|
problems in <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 10. Research indicates that <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> either knew in advance
|
|
about assassination plans, or learned about them soon
|
|
after the assassination.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 11. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> proposed to <ent type='PERSON'>Lyndon</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son that Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> serve
|
|
on <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 12. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> led the <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> cover-up by controlling the
|
|
questioning of key witnesses and by several other
|
|
means.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 13. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> helped firmly plant the idea that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was the
|
|
only assassin and that there was no conspiracy by
|
|
publishing his own book, "<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>: Portrait
|
|
of the Assassin."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 14. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> purposefully covered up the conspiracy of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination and also covered up the fact
|
|
that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was a paid informer for the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>. He did
|
|
this by dismissing the subject in his book as worthless
|
|
rumor and by keeping the executive sessions of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> (where Oswald's <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> informer status was
|
|
discussed) classified Top Secret.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 15. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> continued the cover-up when he was questioned
|
|
before being confirmed by the Senate as Vice President.
|
|
He lied under oath twice to the Senate <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. He
|
|
stated that he had written his book about <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> with
|
|
no access to classified documents. He lied about this
|
|
because his book used classified documents about
|
|
Oswald's <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> informer status. He lied when he said
|
|
that the book was entitled, "<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>:
|
|
Portrait of *an* Assassin." This was significant in
|
|
1973 because the public by then had become very
|
|
skeptical about a <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>. By changing one word
|
|
in the title, <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> made the book seem a little less
|
|
like what it actually was--an effort to make <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> the
|
|
assassin.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 16. <ent type='PERSON'>Jaworski</ent> aided in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> cover-up by sitting on
|
|
evidence of conspiracy accumulated by <ent type='PERSON'>Waggoner Carr</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> Attorney General, who he represented in liaison
|
|
with <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. He also stopped the
|
|
critical testimony of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent> when he testified
|
|
before <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, and diverted attention
|
|
away from Ruby's intent to reveal the conspiracy to
|
|
kill both <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 17. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> became president in 1968 only because <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was killed by a conspiracy. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was well
|
|
aware of the conspiracy whether or not he approved of
|
|
it in advance.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 18. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> and J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent> joined <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the
|
|
lower level members of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> in covering up the <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent>
|
|
murder conspiracy. They classified the evidence "Top
|
|
Secret" and murdered several witnesses, controlled the
|
|
judge in the <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> trial and the district attorney and
|
|
the chief of police in <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> during and after the
|
|
trial. They still control these people and the Los
|
|
Angeles County Board of Supervisors. <ent type='PERSON'>Clarence Kelly</ent>
|
|
also became involved.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 19. The plumbers group ordered the assassination of George
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> in 1972 to insure Nixon's election by picking
|
|
up Wallace's vote (about 18%, according to polls).</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 20. J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> were aware of who
|
|
killed <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. They helped
|
|
cover-up both conspiracies.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 21. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> controlled the trial of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation and discredited <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> by
|
|
framing him in a <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> gambling case.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 22. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> discussed the assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, the conspiracy, Hunt's involvement, the
|
|
possibility that Hunt might talk, the cover-up, <ent type='ORG'>the Bay</ent>
|
|
of Pigs relationship between <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, Hunt and the other
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members, and the briefing <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> might have had to
|
|
give anyone running against him in 1972, on matters of
|
|
"national security".</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 23. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> discussed the assassinations and the
|
|
attempt to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>
|
|
executed orders to suppress the truth about these
|
|
events.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 24. Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> had possession of the most critical tapes
|
|
on which assassinations and cover-ups were discussed.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 25. <ent type='PERSON'>Jaworski</ent> could be counted on to keep the assassination
|
|
material under wraps even after his resignation. He
|
|
was aware of the conspiracy evidence and cover-up in
|
|
all three cases (<ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>).</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 26. Hunt was taken care of and will keep silent. He had
|
|
been out of jail and living on a beautiful $100000
|
|
estate in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> with plenty of money, across the
|
|
street from his Bay of Pigs friend, <ent type='PERSON'>Manuel Artime</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 27. <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> was murdered by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, undoubtedly to keep
|
|
him from talking once the truth about his <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> position
|
|
was revealed by <ent type='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>. He was embalmed
|
|
before the coroner could determine the cause of death.
|
|
Evidence indicates he was killed somewhere and then
|
|
brought back to his apartment.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 28. <ent type='PERSON'>Hale Boggs</ent>, a <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> member, was possibly
|
|
killed by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. Bogg's airplane disappeared in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Alaska</ent>. No trace of it was ever found and no
|
|
explanation of how the plane could have crashed has
|
|
ever been given. Mrs. <ent type='PERSON'>Bogg</ent>s has expressed doubts about
|
|
it being an accident.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 29. Four of the seven <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> members are dead:
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Bogg</ent>s. Of the remaining
|
|
members, <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> was President, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> McCloy is retired and
|
|
living in Connecticut, and <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> Sherman <ent type='PERSON'>Cooper</ent> was made
|
|
ambassador to East <ent type='GPE'>Germany</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 30. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Hale Boggs</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Cooper</ent> believed there
|
|
was a conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bogg</ent>s both said so publicly.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 31. <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> erased 18 1/2 minutes of a taped discussion
|
|
with <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>. This tape undoubtedly contained "national
|
|
security" matters. The fact that <ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> did the
|
|
erasing can easily be determined by tracing the trail
|
|
of possession of the tape from the day it was taken out
|
|
of the vault to the day the gap was discovered.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> had the tape with the recorder alone for
|
|
nearly 48 hours. No one else had the tape alone long
|
|
enough to do the erasing.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 32. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> contemplated pardons for <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ehrlichman</ent> and possibly others who know the
|
|
number one secret.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 33. Ford's statements to the sub-committee of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
|
|
Judiciary <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> concerning his pardon of <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
|
|
dodged the real issue. Only <ent type='PERSON'>Elizabeth Holtzman</ent> asked
|
|
questions coming close to the number one secret. When
|
|
she asked about a prior agreement, <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> said, "I have
|
|
made no deal, there was no deal, *since I became Vice
|
|
President*." Those last few words were not reported by
|
|
the press, but a large number of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns watched and
|
|
heard him say them. Of course he spoke truthfully
|
|
because the "deal" was made *before* he became Vice
|
|
President.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [1] <ent type='PERSON'>Evans</ent> & <ent type='ORG'>Novak</ent> column -- September 12. 1974.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [2] "<ent type='GPE'>Paris</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent> Tribune" -- September 12, 1974.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [3] "Compulsive Spy," <ent type='PERSON'>Tad Szulc</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Viking Press</ent>, 1974.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [4] "<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent>," <ent type='PERSON'>Jeff Gerth</ent>, "<ent type='LOC'>Sundance</ent>," December, 1972.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [5] "My Six Crises," <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> M. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [6] "Compulsive Spy."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [7] "<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent>."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [8] "<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, Bay of Pigs & <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>," -- R.E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, "Computers and
|
|
Automation," January, 1973.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [9] "<ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, Bay of Pigs & <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[10] Trowbridge <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Holy Cross College</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Boston</ent>, MA, Several papers and
|
|
articles.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[11] <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> Hearings & Exhibits -- Vol. 23, Pages 941-943.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[12] <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> Transcript of June 23 1972 tape -- "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," August
|
|
6, 1974.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[13] Trowbridge <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> -- Article on Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> & <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[14] Ibid.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[15] Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> "<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>: Portrait of the Assassin."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[16] "The Framing of <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>", R.E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, "Computers and
|
|
Automation," December, 1973.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[17] "The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> Assassination" -- Unpublished article by
|
|
R.E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[18] <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> tape, June 23, 1972.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[19] <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> Exhibits -- Testimony of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>, Vol. V,
|
|
Pages 181-213 and Vol. XIV, pages 504-571. Also Trowbridge <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>
|
|
article on <ent type='PERSON'>Jaworski</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[20] "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> Watch" and <ent type='PERSON'>Triss Coffin</ent> newsletter, August 10, 1974.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[21] Zodiac News Service release -- August 20, 1974.</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 12
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The Second Line</ent> of Defense and Cover-Ups in 1975 and 1976</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The mini-war waged by assassination researchers and a few
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men from 1964 to 1976 to reopen the major assassination
|
|
inquiries never really disturbed <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>. But in
|
|
1975, simultaneous with the revelations about all of the terrible
|
|
things the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> did, the researchers and a few of their
|
|
friends in the media and in <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> began to draw more attention
|
|
than was comfortable for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
|
|
A special renewed effort became necessary to extend the cover-ups. Part of this effort was a program to bring the media back
|
|
under control and to reinforce media support of the cover-ups.
|
|
This has been discussed in some detail in Chapter 9. Another part
|
|
of this effort was the expansion of the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> Commission's
|
|
assignment to reinforce the cover-up of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination
|
|
conspiracy. <ent type='ORG'>Separate</ent> new efforts were necessary to control the
|
|
courts and lawyers and other public officials in the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination conspiracies. These were brought
|
|
about by appeals for new trials by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> B.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>. The appeals were accompanied by new revelations. New
|
|
publicity was given to demands for an investigation into the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> shooting by prominent people, including <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> himself.
|
|
A minor success in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case was scored by researchers with
|
|
the assistance of <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Gregory</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Geraldo Rivera</ent> of <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Tom Snyder</ent>
|
|
of <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mort Sahl</ent> and others. They managed to have the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent>
|
|
film and other photographic evidence of conspiracy shown on local
|
|
and national television. No one of any intelligence outside the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> who has even seen the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film questions the fact that
|
|
shots came from two different directions in Dealey Plaza. This
|
|
breakthrough after eleven years of effort put new public and
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional pressures on the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. It was closely followed by a
|
|
grass roots campaign conducted by <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>'s Citizens <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>
|
|
of Inquiry to reopen the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case. <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>ure was brought to bear on
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men by their local constituents as a result of this
|
|
campaign. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> from <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> from
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent> introduced resolutions in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
calling for the reopening of all four cases and the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case, so
|
|
the public and <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> had a formal base to work with and a goal
|
|
to reach.
|
|
New revelations were made in 1975 about the FBI's and the CIA's
|
|
information withheld from <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. From <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> came
|
|
the admission that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> had been in closer contact with the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
|
|
than believed and that <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent> had been an <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> informer.
|
|
Perhaps the most dangerous development for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> was the
|
|
creation of a sub-committee under the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> committee to
|
|
investigate the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. This two-man subcommittee
|
|
formed by Senator <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Hart</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>Colorado</ent> and Senator <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Pennsylvania</ent> became a real threat when it was given authority by
|
|
the full Senate <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> to conduct their own
|
|
independent investigation with a staff of nine people. It would be
|
|
harder to control their efforts than to control the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent>
|
|
committee, where the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had several strong allies, including
|
|
Senators <ent type='PERSON'>Goldwater</ent> and Tower.
|
|
Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Colby</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> (from his faraway post
|
|
in <ent type='LOC'>Asia</ent>) and the other <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members developed a three-prong strategy
|
|
for the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case in order to cope with all of these new problems.
|
|
First came the reinforcement of the lone-assassin <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> scenario. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> selected <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent> to be chief of
|
|
staff of the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> admitted that <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> in
|
|
his <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> role--as well as in his advocacy to
|
|
reopen the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case in order to prove <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>
|
|
findings correct--was acting as "one of our best staff members."
|
|
This was necessary so that the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> could add a
|
|
new assignment to its original charter and investigate the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>. The new assignment was to prove that all of the new questions
|
|
about the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film and the evidence for assassins on the
|
|
grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> were answerable in support of <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>
|
|
conclusions.
|
|
The former <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> commissioner now President, who led the
|
|
cover-up and pardoned <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, nominated <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> staff
|
|
lawyer who led the cover-up at the working level as the new
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> chief of staff.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> did his job like a faithful dog. He personally called in
|
|
the most dangerous researchers, including <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Cyril</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Wecht</ent></ent> and Dick
|
|
Gregory's cohorts, <ent type='PERSON'>Ralph Schoenman</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Groden, who had been
|
|
making all of the noise on television. With the help (and possibly
|
|
the knowledge) of only one other staff man, <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> interviewed these
|
|
witnesses briefly, almost casually: then he misquoted them, edited
|
|
their statements, or left them out of the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> Report. He
|
|
purposefully did not call any researchers other than <ent type='ORG'>Wecht</ent> who
|
|
might have presented some embarrassing evidence of conspiracy. He
|
|
instead called a number of "experts" from the stable of <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> people,
|
|
including some of the <ent type='PERSON'>Ramsey Clark</ent> doctors panel that had examined
|
|
the medical evidence in 1968 to back up <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>
|
|
during the <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation and the <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> trial. He also
|
|
called on reliable Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Lattimer</ent>, the urologist, to testify again
|
|
about the bullet wounds above the navel.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> wrote the chapter of the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> Report
|
|
himself. It formed a base for controlled media presentations of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> scenario. <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> used much of the basic material in
|
|
its series in 1975. Others quoted liberally from the favorite
|
|
misquotes of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Cyril</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Wecht</ent></ent> and the statements of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> doctors
|
|
concerning the fatal shot at frame 313 of the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film. That
|
|
had always been a sticky point with <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> and the other <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> defenders and technical cover-up artists in the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> was nearly driven to distraction at times, trying to avoid
|
|
any discussion of the back-to-the-left acceleration of JFK's head
|
|
following the Z313 shot.
|
|
He was therefore delighted to be able to produce a medical
|
|
opinion that the back-to-the-left motion was consistent with a shot
|
|
directly from the rear. The fact that no ballistics experts or
|
|
physics experts were called to testify about Newton's second law of
|
|
motion and what happens to an object when struck by a rifle bullet
|
|
traveling at twice to three times the speed of sound was never
|
|
questioned by the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> panel or the media. <ent type='ORG'>Belin</ent> easily
|
|
eliminated the assassins on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> simply by persuading
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> to say the assassins weren't there at all.
|
|
Over a period of several months in the second half of 1975, the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> (through its control agents in the 15 media organizations, and
|
|
by using Belin's creation) hammered away again at the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>
|
|
thesis. They caused the wave of excitement and furor created by
|
|
Gregory, <ent type='ORG'>Lane</ent>, Groden, Schoenman and their friends to die out.
|
|
Lectures on university campuses, discussions on FM radio talk shows
|
|
late at night, and conspiracy books and articles in underground
|
|
newspapers appeared as always. But there was no more showing of
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film on <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> or <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>; nor was there any talk of
|
|
conspiracy in any of the major fifteen national news media
|
|
organizations.
|
|
The second part of the strategy was to create a fall-back, or
|
|
second line of defense in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case. If necessary the same idea
|
|
could also be applied in the other three cases when the situation
|
|
became too dangerous. There was less danger in 1975 in the <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> cases because the researchers and the media had not
|
|
yet consistently begun to tie in the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and other <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> high
|
|
level people. In 1976 a danger emerged in the <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> case when it was
|
|
revealed that J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> might be linked and that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> attempted to get <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> to commit suicide. However, that
|
|
development occurred several months after the implementation of the
|
|
strategy began in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case. Of course there had never been any
|
|
danger with the Chappaquiddick crime, because few researchers
|
|
realized what the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had accomplished in that event. No
|
|
suspicions existed in <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> either, beyond some curiosity about
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Tony</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Ulasewicz</ent></ent> and E. Howard Hunt's strange visits to the island
|
|
and to <ent type='LOC'>Hyannisport</ent>.
|
|
There may be several second lines of defense positions already
|
|
prepared for the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case. The one that has been implemented in
|
|
1975 and 1976 is the "<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> did it in revenge" position. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
realizes that while the media will behave like slaves to present
|
|
the first line of defense (<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> did it alone), the public isn't
|
|
buying it any more. In 1969, shortly after the <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> trial
|
|
ended, the percent of people disbelieving the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> theory
|
|
fell to its all-time low of just over 50%. By 1976 it had risen to
|
|
80%, despite the faithful efforts of <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>, "Time," "Newsweek," et
|
|
al. More importantly, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Hart</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent>, and a very large part of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and
|
|
Senate weren't buying the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> story any more either.
|
|
So, a good second line of defense story was needed. It had to
|
|
be one that the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and Senate and <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and
|
|
hopefully <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> would buy. It had to be one which could be
|
|
created out of existing facts and then shored up by planted
|
|
evidence, faked records, dependable witnesses lying under oath, and
|
|
once again, the control and use of the media. The "<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> did it
|
|
in revenge" story met these requirements. The media had already
|
|
helped to some extent by publishing information from <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lyndon</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>son and others about Castro's turning around various
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents or sending agents of his own, including <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, to
|
|
assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>. Perhaps even more importantly, Senator <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>
|
|
said he believed <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> might have been behind the assassination
|
|
and that this possibility should be investigated.
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> story strategy was implemented in 1975. Gradually at
|
|
first, a story appeared here or there in the press about the
|
|
assassins assigned to kill <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>. Then the media began to reprint
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent> story about Castro's turning around of some of
|
|
these agents. New authors of the story appeared. Anderson's
|
|
original story seemed to be forgotten. These articles never seemed
|
|
to have an identifiable source or any proof. <ent type='PERSON'>Hank Greenspun</ent> of the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Las Vegas</ent> newspaper circuit and the man involved with Howard
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent>, Larry O'Brien, released a story to the "<ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent> Tribune."
|
|
He said his information came from reliable sources.
|
|
The momentum began to build. More and more "leaked" information
|
|
about <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> and assassins and <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> being a pro-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>ite hit the
|
|
establishment media. The stories and the sequence of events began
|
|
to be predictable, if a researcher had understood the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and their
|
|
fight for survival in 1975 and 1976. Then the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> committee and
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> sub-committee issued statements that they were going
|
|
to investigate the "<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> did it" theory. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> began feeding
|
|
them information in various forms and various ways that would back
|
|
up the idea. The <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> sex scandal was released by Judith <ent type='PERSON'>Exner</ent>.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> provided her with an incentive to spice up the "<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> did
|
|
it" theory with a little sex involving <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and one of the assassins
|
|
assigned to <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Roselli</ent>.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> realized they had the double advantage of drawing
|
|
attention to <ent type='PERSON'>Roselli</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> and the turn-around assassin idea,
|
|
while at the same time gnawing away at JFK's image. There was
|
|
press speculation that <ent type='PERSON'>Exner</ent> was a <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> plant in the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
|
|
to find out how much <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> knew about the <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> assassination plans.
|
|
Since <ent type='PERSON'>Frank Sinatra</ent> had introduced Judith to both <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Roselli</ent>,
|
|
there was speculation about Sinatra's <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> friends linked to the
|
|
rat pack, to Peter Lawford, to JFK's sister and to <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> himself.
|
|
All of this was meat for the PCG's grinder. It certainly drew
|
|
Schweiker's attention away from <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>, Hunt, Gabaldin, <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> and all of the other operatives involved in JFK's
|
|
murder. In fact, the <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> staff, which had the names and
|
|
locations of several participants and witnesses that could pinpoint
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>-Hunt-<ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>-Gabaldin group as the real assassins as early
|
|
as September, 1975 did not interview more than one or two of them
|
|
and did not follow up on the rest at all. Their attention was
|
|
diverted by the second line of defense strategy and they were also
|
|
influenced by infiltration by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
|
|
Part three of the strategy was the control of the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and
|
|
the committees in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and the Senate concerned with
|
|
investigations of the intelligence community and the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
assassination. This subject will be covered in depth in Chapter
|
|
14. Suffice it to say here that the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> planted people on the
|
|
staffs of the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> committee and the <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> sub-committee.
|
|
They exercised control over the other committees in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and
|
|
Senate (Abzug, <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent> Edwards, <ent type='ORG'>Pike</ent> committees) and they controlled
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Rules committee, which effectively blocked the <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> resolutions for over a year.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> has always had its supporters in both <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and Senate.
|
|
So has the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>. So did J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent> (sometimes through
|
|
blackmail) and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>. There was a story published in the
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" about a dinner party given by Tom <ent type='PERSON'>Braden</ent>, former
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> man, at which all of <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>' old buddies rallied to his
|
|
defense. Several well-known <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men were there and Senator
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Symington</ent> gave a rousing speech supporting <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> in his hour of
|
|
need.
|
|
Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, of course, as then titular leader of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, had
|
|
many old friends in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> had many supporters in both
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and Senate and still has to this day. Thus, control by the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> over <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and committees is not all that difficult.
|
|
Specific examples will be given in Chapter 14 of how this really
|
|
works. So the cover-ups continue. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is still in the
|
|
driver's seat. The three parts of their strategy work very well.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> story is repeated at least once a month in some
|
|
media source or other. The "<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> did it" story will no doubt
|
|
make its official appearance again.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> is under control. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> was not under control,
|
|
nor was <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent>. But they couldn't do much without the Rules
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, which was controlled.
|
|
The people are left with no effective way of doing anything
|
|
about the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and their crimes. What is worse, there is no way the
|
|
people can elect the man of their choice.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>--
|
|
daveus rattus </p>
|
|
|
|
<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> ko.yaa.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
|
|
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
|
|
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>From dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com Mon Jun 15 08:55:21 1992
|
|
Received: by icaen.uiowa.edu ( 5.52 (84)/1.1) id AA02287
|
|
on Mon, 15 Jun 92 08:55:17 CDT.
|
|
Received: from pl122c.eecs.lehigh.edu by ns-mx.uiowa.edu (5.64.jnf/920408)
|
|
on Mon, 15 Jun 92 08:56:56 -0500 id AA14903 with SMTP
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|
Received: from SGI.COM by PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU (5.61/1.34)
|
|
id AA23617; Mon, 15 Jun 92 09:43:09 -0400
|
|
Received: from [192.102.132.11] by sgi.sgi.com via SMTP (911016.SGI/910110.SGI)
|
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for <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA12463; Mon, 15 Jun 92 06:45:55 -0700
|
|
Received: by ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (920110.SGI/920502.SGI.AUTO)
|
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for @sgi.sgi.com:<ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA01518; Mon, 15 Jun 92 06:45:54 -0700
|
|
Date: Mon, 15 Jun 92 06:45:54 -0700
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 9206151345.AA01518@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</info>
|
|
To: <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (7/11)
|
|
Status: RO</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (7/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 7 of 11: chapter 13 thru chapter 14
|
|
Lines: 326</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 13
|
|
The 1976 <ent type='ORG'>Elect</ent>ion and Conspiracy Fever</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> To dramatize what might happen and probably did happen in 1976,
|
|
this chapter has been prepared by assuming the attitude typical of
|
|
today's innocent <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns. A new disease is sweeping <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>.
|
|
No, it's not the flu; it's conspiracy fever.[1]
|
|
People afflicted by the disease imagine conspiracies everywhere.
|
|
They believe, for example, that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> arranged for the takeover
|
|
in <ent type='GPE'>Chile</ent> and the assassination of Salvador <ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent>de. They even
|
|
think <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent> had something to do with it. These poor
|
|
feverish devils have the strange idea that J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent> was a
|
|
fiend rather than a public hero. They imagine that he ordered a
|
|
vicious campaign against Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and a conspiracy
|
|
against most of young <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> called Cointelpro. Some even think
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> had <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> killed. There are some <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>ns with the west
|
|
coast strain of this bug who imagine that the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>California</ent> authorities created a conspiracy in <ent type='GPE'>San Diego</ent> and Los
|
|
Angeles against black citizens. The <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> group also think
|
|
there was something strange about <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald DeFreeze and the
|
|
Symbionese Liberation <ent type='ORG'>Army</ent>. They suspect an <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> or <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>
|
|
state authority conspiracy, complete with police provocateurs,
|
|
double agents, faked prison breaks, and a <ent type='PERSON'>Patty Hearst</ent>, alias
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Tania</ent>, all thrown in by our own government to create a climate that
|
|
would make the public accept the prevalence of terrorism and demand
|
|
a police state.
|
|
The disease spread to <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men as well. It does not seem to
|
|
be limited, as it was before <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>, to people under the age of
|
|
30. There are even <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men with a more virulent form of the
|
|
malady who are convinced their telephones are still being tapped.
|
|
They, along with thousands of others who suffer, no doubt reached
|
|
this conclusion just because they were told by a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-controlled
|
|
media that hundreds of telephones were tapped a few years ago.
|
|
Early forms of conspiracy fever are no longer considered to be
|
|
dangerous. For example, all those sick citizens who imagined
|
|
conspiracies in the incidents at <ent type='LOC'>Tonkin Gulf</ent>, Songmy, <ent type='ORG'>Mylai</ent>, the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Pueblo</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>Black Panther</ent> murders are now considered to be more
|
|
or less recovered, since it turns out it was not their imaginations
|
|
working overtime after all. Even the special variety of the fever
|
|
which caused the impression that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> murdered a series of
|
|
foreign heads-of-state is no longer on the danger list.
|
|
There is still one form of the illness, however, that is
|
|
officially considered to be very dangerous, virulent, and to be
|
|
stamped out at all costs. It is the version producing the illusion
|
|
that all of America's domestic assassinations were conspiracies.
|
|
Those infected believe the conspiracies are interlinked in a giant
|
|
conspiracy to take over the electoral process in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States
|
|
and to conceal this from the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people. Some citizens are
|
|
known to have this worst form of the fever. They include a
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>man or two. Others have come down with a milder form in
|
|
which they imagine separate conspiracies in four assassination
|
|
cases (<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent>, and the attempted
|
|
assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>).
|
|
Members of the <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> Administration, particularly <ent type='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>,
|
|
Mr. Ford's staff member on the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>, went along
|
|
with an analysis made by Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Jacob Cohen</ent>, a professional fever
|
|
analyst, that the disease has been spreading rapidly because of a
|
|
small group of "carriers" traveling around the country who are
|
|
infecting everyone else. Some of these carriers, called
|
|
assassination "buffs", were thought to have contracted the fever as
|
|
many as twelve years ago.
|
|
In the disease's worst form, the patient imagines that there
|
|
exists a powerful, high level group of individuals, some of whom
|
|
have intelligence experience. The highest level of fever in these
|
|
patients produces the idea that this high level group, usually
|
|
called the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, will eliminate presidential candidates not in their
|
|
favor or under their control. Others imagine that <ent type='PERSON'>Jimmy Carter</ent> has
|
|
been brought into the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> by threats against his children and
|
|
careful briefings by <ent type='PERSON'>George Bush</ent>.
|
|
It is worth analyzing the sick people with this domestic
|
|
assassination conspiracy fever to see how far their imaginations
|
|
take them. They calculate that the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, fearing exposure if any
|
|
president is not under their control and influence, will go to
|
|
whatever lengths are required to insure the election of the man
|
|
they do control. The idea is that Gerald <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> was nicely in the
|
|
PCG's pocket because he has been covering up for them ever since
|
|
1964. He has continued to help them through 1975 and 1976 by
|
|
maintaining a steady cover-up effort on all four cases. Jimmy
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent> was perhaps brought under control. The feverish "buffs"
|
|
figure that the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> would have been sure to eliminate <ent type='PERSON'>Jimmy Carter</ent>
|
|
unless he could be controlled.
|
|
The scenario continues into the future. The more control
|
|
exercised by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, the stronger they become and the more people
|
|
in the executive branch become beholden to them to continue
|
|
covering up the cover-ups.
|
|
So, wake up <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>. Wipe out this disease. It's just as
|
|
dangerous as Communism, if not more so. Like the general in "Z",
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns must realize that such a disease has to be eliminated
|
|
whenever and wherever it appears.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[1] "Conspiracy Fever" is derived from an article with that title by
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jacob Cohen</ent>, a psychologist, in "Commentary" magazine, October,
|
|
1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 14
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>the People</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The last hope of the people to take back their government from
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is through <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>. The executive branch is a captive of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. The legislative branch has no power in the situation.
|
|
Where courts or judges do have some small measure of power, as in
|
|
the hearings and appeals for a new trial for <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>, they
|
|
have been controlled by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. The ruling of the judge in the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> appeals case, for example, was obviously a decision made for
|
|
him by someone higher up. He ruled that <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> could not have a new
|
|
trial after hearing a vast amount of evidence of conspiracy and
|
|
solid evidence that <ent type='PERSON'>Percy Foreman</ent> had duped <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> into pleading
|
|
guilty.
|
|
Unless a people's revolution comes along, and that hardly seems
|
|
likely, the only possibility left is to hope that <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> can do
|
|
it. What are the odds? From what has been pointed out so far, it
|
|
is obvious that if <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> is to expose the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, throw the rascals
|
|
in jail, and wipe the slate clean to seize the country back for the
|
|
people, a tremendous battle will be required. All of the forces of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, including their friends in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and Senate, will be
|
|
focussed on preventing this from happening. A power base within
|
|
both houses would have to be created that could not only do battle
|
|
with the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> but that would not be fooled by their myriad of
|
|
fiendishly clever techniques, methods and stratagems. It would
|
|
have to be a power base that protected itself from infiltration and
|
|
usurpation of its own resources. It would have to somehow conquer
|
|
the media control problem; otherwise, no <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n citizen would
|
|
know what it was doing or what the battle was about.
|
|
How would such a battle start and such a power base be
|
|
constructed? An important step would be to purify the special
|
|
committee created by either resolution and to purify the staff.
|
|
Preventing infiltration of staff by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is especially
|
|
important. As mentioned in Chapter 12, the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> staff
|
|
and the <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> sub-committee staff were infiltrated by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>,
|
|
and specifically the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. A leading assassination researcher and
|
|
former intelligence officer in the Defense <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> who
|
|
knew many, many <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents discovered two of them in the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> staff offices in the fall of 1975. The other staff
|
|
members had not been aware that these two men were <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents
|
|
because they were "deep cover" agents.
|
|
This problem is rather complex because there is always great
|
|
pressure from the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> or Senate to create a balance on any
|
|
appointed committee. Thus the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> committee was hamstrung by
|
|
several of the Senators appointed to be on it: they were close
|
|
friends and supporters of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>. Senators <ent type='PERSON'>Goldwater</ent> and
|
|
Tower, for example, fought very hard to block any efforts to have
|
|
the entire committee investigate potential <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> or <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> involvement
|
|
in domestic assassinations. This does not necessarily mean that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Goldwater</ent> and Tower are members of the inner circle of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
|
|
But it does mean that <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members who know who killed <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
and why can influence <ent type='PERSON'>Goldwater</ent> and Tower to block such efforts.
|
|
The first step in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> or Senate might be floor voting
|
|
because of the tight control exercised by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> over the
|
|
committee procedure on resolutions. In the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, for example, the
|
|
Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> is all-powerful in determining which resolutions
|
|
are brought to the floor.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> introduced his resolution HR204 in 1975 and sent
|
|
it to the rules committee. Nearly a year passed. On March 18,
|
|
1976 Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, together with Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent>, was tired of waiting
|
|
for some action by Chairman <ent type='PERSON'>Madden</ent> and they took the issue to the
|
|
floor of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> for discussion.[1] By this time the two
|
|
representatives had 125 co-sponsors for their two resolutions (an
|
|
unusually large number). <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> had taken over the
|
|
floor of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> for two hours and had several supporting
|
|
speakers. No one rose in opposition. Prior to that time,
|
|
Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Sisk</ent> from <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> and Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Bolling</ent> from
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wes</ent>t <ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent> had been vehemently outspoken in the Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
against both resolutions. <ent type='PERSON'>Madden</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Sisk</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Bolling</ent> all left the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>House</ent> before <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> started speaking.
|
|
As a result of Gonzalez's and Downing's efforts, <ent type='PERSON'>Madden</ent> was
|
|
forced by Speaker <ent type='PERSON'>Albert</ent> and other members of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and by some
|
|
of his own constituents to hold a formal hearing on the two
|
|
resolutions on March 31, 1976. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> controlled the hearing
|
|
through <ent type='PERSON'>Sisk</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bolling</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Lott</ent>. The resolutions were tabled,
|
|
subject to future recall by the chairman. The vote was nine to
|
|
six. Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Bolling</ent> was called into the hearing from the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>House</ent> floor to cast the ninth vote at the last minute. He heard
|
|
none of the arguments. He didn't have to. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had instructed
|
|
him on how to vote.
|
|
This event is described to illustrate how difficult it would be
|
|
to overcome the control advantages on the side of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. Only on
|
|
the Senate or <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> floor might it be possible to equalize things.
|
|
The two events, the two hour discussion on the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> floor on March
|
|
18, reported by the "<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional Record," and the hearing by the
|
|
rules committee on March 31 illustrate another problem <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> has
|
|
combatting the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. Not one of the major news media organizations
|
|
reported either event. Two hours on the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> floor is an
|
|
incredibly long time for any subject. There were many reporters
|
|
present from television, radio, newspapers and press services. Mark
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Lane</ent> saw to that. But nothing appeared on <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>, or in
|
|
"Time," "Newsweek," or the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times." Why? The answer is
|
|
obvious. Very tight control over the news from the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> is
|
|
exercised by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
|
|
The larger implication is there for all to see who want to open
|
|
their eyes. Seeing it and believing it are two different things.
|
|
For nearly all <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men who still have faith in <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, the
|
|
whole point of this book, and the existence of a <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> which included <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, the
|
|
fifteen major news media management level people, plus nearly
|
|
anyone else of importance in the executive branch and many
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men, is too much to swallow. They would rather have the
|
|
whole thing go quietly away than face up to something that
|
|
gigantic. And that is the real source of the PCG's strength, the
|
|
unbelievability of it all.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Addendum to Chapter 14</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Several truly historic and highly encouraging events occurred in
|
|
the months of September and October, 1976 that could indicate a
|
|
change in the tide and power and control described in earlier
|
|
chapters.
|
|
First, on September 15, a coalition of representatives from the
|
|
Black Caucus, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> managed to get
|
|
Resolution H1540 through the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>,
|
|
Coretta <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and others were responsible for creating pressures
|
|
that finally convinced Speaker Carl <ent type='PERSON'>Albert</ent>, Chairman Tom <ent type='PERSON'>Madden</ent> of
|
|
the Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> and others that this was necessary and
|
|
desirable. The new resolution, made up of parts of the <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> resolutions plus input from Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Fauntroy</ent>
|
|
from <ent type='ORG'>the Black Caucus</ent> called for a special 12-person committee to
|
|
reopen the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> cases and any other deaths that the
|
|
committee might decide to investigate.
|
|
The Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> voted nine to four in favor. Representative
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bolling</ent>, who perhaps unknowingly had lent his support to the
|
|
opposition in the earlier vote, was an important swing vote and
|
|
actually introduced the resolution in the meeting. The position of
|
|
the nine who voted for the resolution was more than vindicated two
|
|
days later, when the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, by the extraordinary vote of 280 to 64,
|
|
passed the resolution. History was made. On that day cheers
|
|
should have gone up from several hundred dedicated researchers
|
|
around the world, and <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> should have begun
|
|
looking for rocks to crawl under.
|
|
The real war was only beginning, however. The "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times"
|
|
barely reported the event, did not mention the vote, and buried the
|
|
story in the middle of another story with one-half inch in one
|
|
column. The "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Star</ent>" and "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" carried larger stories
|
|
and the "<ent type='ORG'>White Plains Reporter</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Dispatch</ent>" made it a first page
|
|
headline story. The PCG's media control slipped a bit.
|
|
The next hurdle was for <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Fauntroy</ent> to
|
|
convince <ent type='PERSON'>Albert</ent> that the chairman of the new committee for 1977
|
|
should be Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> since Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> had announced his
|
|
retirement. Because elections were being held in November, Mr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Albert</ent> named Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> as chairman for the balance of 1976, with
|
|
Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> as next in line. He also let it be known to the press
|
|
that Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> would be the best choice to head the committee
|
|
next year.
|
|
Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Albert</ent> then named ten other members of the committee for the
|
|
1976 period. Four of them, <ent type='ORG'>Fauntroy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Burke</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, were
|
|
members of <ent type='ORG'>the Black Caucus</ent>. Stewart McKinney, Representative from
|
|
Connecticut, is a well known supporter of the truth. Those five,
|
|
together with <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, could probably be counted on to
|
|
try to arrive at the truth. The other five representatives--<ent type='PERSON'>Dodd</ent>
|
|
from Connecticut, <ent type='PERSON'>Preyer</ent> from <ent type='GPE'>Tennessee</ent>, Devine from <ent type='GPE'>Ohio</ent>, Thone
|
|
from <ent type='GPE'>Nebraska</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Talcott</ent> from <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>--were unknown quantities.
|
|
If the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> theory holds up, at least one of them, and perhaps two,
|
|
will turn out to be <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> representatives.
|
|
The next event of significance occurred on October 4 when Mr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> named <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, former district attorney from
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Philadelphia</ent> and fearless prosecutor of the <ent type='PERSON'>Yablonski</ent> murderers, as
|
|
executive director of the committee's staff. The main significance
|
|
of this event was who was not named. <ent type='PERSON'>Bernard Fensterwald</ent>, Jr., was
|
|
in strong contention, but he was not selected because of suspicions
|
|
that he might be a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent and also because of conflicts of
|
|
interests among his clientele. <ent type='PERSON'>Fensterwald</ent> represented Otto
|
|
Otepka, <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> McCord, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> and Andrew St. George, among
|
|
others. There is certainly a strong <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> flavor and <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> influence
|
|
among his clients. Whether or not <ent type='PERSON'>Bud Fensterwald</ent> himself works
|
|
for the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> or the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, his rejection as executive director was a
|
|
healthy sign that the committee might be able to go through the
|
|
purification process described as essential in Chapter 14.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> had his hands full attempting to separate <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
applicants for staff positions from non-<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>,
|
|
during the same time period (September and October) these historic
|
|
events were taking place, was very active in spreading its second
|
|
line of defense information. "<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> did it in revenge" stories
|
|
began popping up everywhere. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent> was revived to back up
|
|
the strategy by publishing another of his "<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> did it" columns.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[1] <ent type='ORG'>House Resolution</ent> 204 -- <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>House Resolution</ent> 498 -- <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p>--
|
|
daveus rattus </p>
|
|
|
|
<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> ko.yaa.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
|
|
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
|
|
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>From dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com Tue Jun 16 09:54:48 1992
|
|
Received: by icaen.uiowa.edu ( 5.52 (84)/1.1) id AA04897
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on Tue, 16 Jun 92 09:54:42 CDT.
|
|
Received: from pl122c.eecs.lehigh.edu by ns-mx.uiowa.edu (5.64.jnf/920408)
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Received: from SGI.COM by PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU (5.61/1.34)
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for <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA17886; Tue, 16 Jun 92 07:42:10 -0700
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Received: by ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (920110.SGI/920502.SGI.AUTO)
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for @sgi.sgi.com:<ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA00714; Tue, 16 Jun 92 07:42:08 -0700
|
|
Date: Tue, 16 Jun 92 07:42:08 -0700
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 9206161442.AA00714@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</info>
|
|
To: <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (8/11)
|
|
Status: RO</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (8/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 8 of 11: chapter 15
|
|
Lines: 1172</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 15
|
|
The Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The Intelligence Community</ent> and the News Media</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Part I</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Top Down vs. The Bottom Up Approach
|
|
To Assassination Investigations</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Two vastly different views have been held by both assassination
|
|
researchers and members of <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> during the last three years
|
|
about the best way to arrive at the truth concerning political
|
|
assassinations in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States. The conservative view
|
|
dictates we must build an investigative base from the ground
|
|
upward, beginning with the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination, and use "hard"
|
|
evidence in each assassination case. This view assumes that any
|
|
grand, overall conspiracy to cover up the cover-ups would be
|
|
detected and made public following exposure of the first layer of
|
|
cover-ups.
|
|
The less conservative view holds that the political processes
|
|
underlying the original assassinations and the massive cover-up
|
|
superstructure should be attacked and exposed simultaneously.
|
|
The resolutions to establish a Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> to Investigate
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>, introduced by <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> in
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives in 1975, were somewhat related to both
|
|
views. The conservative <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> resolution called for a sole
|
|
investigation of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case. Gonzalez's resolution called for
|
|
the reopening of all four major cases--<ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent>, Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>--and more importantly, it called for an
|
|
investigation of the possible links among all four. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>
|
|
stated that he believed the country might be experiencing an
|
|
assassination-controlled electoral process. His approach was
|
|
clearly allied with the less conservative view.
|
|
Research groups, such as <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>'s Citizen's <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> of
|
|
Inquiry (<ent type='ORG'>CCI</ent>), <ent type='PERSON'>Bud Fensterwald</ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> to Investigate
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>CTIA</ent>), and <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Katz</ent>'s Assassination Information
|
|
Bureau (<ent type='ORG'>AIB</ent>) were also divided in their views. <ent type='ORG'>CCI</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>CTIA</ent> took
|
|
the bottom-up approach and tended to support <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>AIB</ent> took the
|
|
overview political approach and tended to support <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>. The
|
|
Black Caucus, Coretta <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and others were primarily interested in
|
|
a broad overview of the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> assassination.
|
|
The coalition formed by <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>the Black Caucus</ent>
|
|
finally brought about the creation of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, which represents a mixture of these
|
|
views and approaches.
|
|
The work of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> will produce results if it is
|
|
recognized that the bottom-up approach alone cannot be used
|
|
successfully against the group of powerful individuals that
|
|
currently controls the environment in which any investigation
|
|
attempts are to be made. The best way the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> can
|
|
succeed against this group is to use what will be labelled the "top
|
|
down" approach to investigating and exposing the truth as a
|
|
supplement to the bottom up approach.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The earlier part of this book described a group of individuals
|
|
in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States and labelled them the "<ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent>."
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is that group of individuals or organizations that
|
|
knowingly participated in one or more of the assassination
|
|
conspiracies or related murders or attempted murders, plus the
|
|
individuals who knowingly participated or are still participating
|
|
in the cover-ups of those conspiracies or murders. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
includes any people in the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent>, Secret
|
|
Service, local police departments or sheriffs offices in Los
|
|
Angeles, <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> or <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>, judges, district
|
|
attorneys, state attorneys general, other federal government
|
|
agencies, the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives, the Senate, the White
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>, or <ent type='ORG'>the Department</ent> of Defense as well as any
|
|
people in the media who are under the influence of any of the
|
|
above, who participated or are participating in the cover-ups or
|
|
the cover-ups of the cover-up. There are indications that people
|
|
in every one of the above organizations or groups belong to the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Hard Evidence of Conspiracy</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Anyone who has honestly and openly taken the time to examine a
|
|
few pieces of hard evidence in any one of the four major cases has
|
|
no trouble deciding there were individual conspiracies in each. In
|
|
the face of this situation, the layman wonders why the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>
|
|
continually demands hard evidence of conspiracy. Statements
|
|
continue to appear in the media to the effect that, "I've seen no
|
|
evidence of conspiracy." Or, "We are not sure whether there were
|
|
others involved in addition to <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Arthur Bremer</ent>." These statements are made in
|
|
spite of the fact that even the most casual analysis clearly shows
|
|
that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> did not fire any of the shots that
|
|
struck <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent>, and that they were all patsies. <ent type='PERSON'>Bremer</ent>
|
|
fired some of the shots in the <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> case, but there is evidence
|
|
that another gun was fired.
|
|
The hard evidence is all old evidence. It goes back at least to
|
|
1967 and 1968 in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case, and back to 1970 through 1972 in the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> cases. The <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> evidence is a little fresher, but
|
|
nevertheless convincing. The people who demand new evidence are
|
|
either members of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, or they are brainwashed by the media
|
|
members of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> into ignoring the old evidence. They do not
|
|
choose to see or to hear the old evidence, even when it is
|
|
literally placed before their very eyes and ears. Thus the words
|
|
"hard evidence" are merely substitutes for the words "no
|
|
conspiracy".</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Bottom Up Approach</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The bottom up approach is doomed to failure no matter how the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> tries and no matter how much effort any official
|
|
body puts into attempts to offer that "bombshell" that Tip O'<ent type='PERSON'>Neill</ent>
|
|
and others look for to prove conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> cases.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is in complete control of the situation. It controls the
|
|
media and the media controls the minds of most citizens and the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is a living, dynamic body right now. They can
|
|
eliminate an investigation or investigators right now. They can
|
|
eliminate a member of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> or a member of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
right now.
|
|
The bottom up approach will never get off the ground because the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> will not allow it. As long as the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> controls all the sources
|
|
of evidence that might contain the hard evidence in the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
and local police files, as long as it controls the courts, and as
|
|
long as it controls the media, no one will be allowed to prove hard
|
|
evidence before the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, the Senate, <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>, or any one in
|
|
the Executive Branch.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Events of 1976 and 1977</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> That the PCG's control exists is more clearly evident now than
|
|
it has ever been before. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is operating in an almost blatant
|
|
fashion. Any observer who keeps his eyes wide open and assumes
|
|
that such a group exists, can see it operate almost every day.
|
|
The prime objectives of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> in 1976 and 1977 were:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. To block and eliminate the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 2. To firmly implant the idea that the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination
|
|
was a <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> plot.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 3. To block any <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional attempts to investigate the
|
|
four assassination cases.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 4. To control the <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent> Administration in such a way as
|
|
to permit only an executive branch investigation that
|
|
will conclude there was a <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>-based <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> conspiracy
|
|
and no conspiracy in the other cases.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The 1977 activities of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> lent themselves to a new
|
|
approach, the "top down" approach to exposing the truth.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Exposing the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The top down approach obviously begins with exposing the PCG's
|
|
immediate, present activities. The following examples are
|
|
illustrative. The Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> is certainly in a better
|
|
position to know which individuals and actions taken by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
since the formation of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> in September, 1976 would be
|
|
most easily attacked. The first example is the leaked Justice
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> report on the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> Report</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members' actions were leaked in the February 2, 1977
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> report and released a few weeks later. To review the list of
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members involved in the cover-up of the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case: J. Edgar
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent>, the <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent> <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Phil Canale</ent> (<ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent> D.A.), <ent type='PERSON'>Fred Vinson</ent>
|
|
(State <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent>), Judge Battle, <ent type='PERSON'>Percy Foreman</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> Bradford
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gerald Frank</ent> (author), <ent type='PERSON'>Frank Holloman</ent> and other members of
|
|
the <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent> police and judges at the state and federal court
|
|
levels.
|
|
One of the judges who became a <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> member in later years was
|
|
Judge McCrea. He heard <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>'s plea for a new trial.
|
|
Solid evidence of the conspiracy to frame <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was introduced at
|
|
that hearing.
|
|
Everyone who read or heard the evidence, with the exception of
|
|
Judge McCrea and his law clerk, reached the conclusion that <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was
|
|
framed and that his lawyer, <ent type='PERSON'>Percy Foreman</ent>, deliberately mishandled
|
|
the case. Nevertheless, McCrea decided that <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> would not get a
|
|
new trial. The case was appealed all the way to <ent type='ORG'>the Supreme Court</ent>
|
|
with no reversals of the decision.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>Leaking the</ent> Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> Report on the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> Case</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Attorney General <ent type='PERSON'>Levi</ent> some years later ordered a review by the
|
|
Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> of the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> assassination and the FBI's handling
|
|
of its investigation. A report was prepared by Michael J. <ent type='PERSON'>Shaheen</ent>,
|
|
who did most of the Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> work. No public
|
|
announcement was made in 1976 upon completion of the report.
|
|
Suddenly, on the exact day that the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> was debating whether to
|
|
reconstitute the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> (February 2, 1977), the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent>
|
|
report was leaked to the <ent type='NORP'>Republican</ent> minority leader of the
|
|
opposition, Representative Quillen of <ent type='GPE'>Tennessee</ent>. He announced he
|
|
had a copy of the report. Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Yvonne Burke</ent> from
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>California</ent>, a member of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> and also a member of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> responsible for oversight of the Justice
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Department</ent>, took strong issue with Quillen over the leak. She said
|
|
she had unsuccessfully tried to obtain the report that day from the
|
|
Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent>. Quillen stated at first he did not have the
|
|
report, but had an Associated <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent> release describing the report.
|
|
About an hour later, he said he had received a copy of the report.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Burke</ent> stated that was very strange; not even the proper committee
|
|
of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> had received a copy.
|
|
The report was quoted to say that the Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> had
|
|
closed the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case and concluded <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> was the lone
|
|
assassin. Placed in the hands of the opposition to the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, the statement was strategically useful. Quillen argued
|
|
against continuing <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> on the strength of the conclusions
|
|
reached in the report.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Releasing the Report</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> On February 19, 1977, the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> report was released by the
|
|
Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent>. Blaring headlines again emphasized no
|
|
conspiracy and exonerated the FBI's conduct in their investigation.
|
|
A showdown meeting was scheduled for February 21 between <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and Tip O'<ent type='PERSON'>Neill</ent>, to be followed the same day by a meeting
|
|
of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> to determine whether they would continue
|
|
with <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> as chief counsel.
|
|
The absurd report was published in the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" on
|
|
February 19, 1977. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> 's tactics became somewhat obvious on
|
|
that date. Attorney General <ent type='PERSON'>Griffin Bell</ent>, having inherited the
|
|
report from Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Levi</ent>, let slip an important opinion on the <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>
|
|
program, "Face the Nation" on the <ent type='LOC'>Sunday</ent> before the report was
|
|
described as "still secret" by the <ent type='GPE'>UPI</ent> news release quoting Mr.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Bell</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Bell</ent> said he believed there were questions the report did not
|
|
answer. <ent type='ORG'>Bell</ent> clarified his concerns after the February 19 release
|
|
of the report by stating on the 24th that he might want to
|
|
interview <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> to find out where <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> obtained all of the money he
|
|
had before and after <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> was shot, and whether anyone helped him
|
|
obtain false passports or make travel arrangements. Perhaps <ent type='ORG'>Bell</ent>
|
|
was troubled by one of the report's conclusions--that one of Ray's
|
|
motives in killing <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> was to make a "quick profit."
|
|
This indicates that Mr. <ent type='ORG'>Bell</ent>, and presumably Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent>, are not
|
|
members of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> cover-up on the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case. It also seems
|
|
obvious that Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Levi</ent> and the people preparing the report and
|
|
conducting the review had become members of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. The timed
|
|
release and leaking of that report and the total whitewash of the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> conspiracy are too patently obvious to be coincidental. This
|
|
is one area in which the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> has an excellent chance
|
|
to expose a raw nerve of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Michael Shaheen</ent> -- <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> Member</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> A key <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> member in the situation would appear to be Mr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Shaheen</ent>, Judge McCrea's law clerk mentioned earlier in the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
cover-up in <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Shaheen</ent> was deeply involved in the old
|
|
cover-up as well as the new cover-up. He is from <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent> and part
|
|
of that closed circle of people in <ent type='GPE'>Tennessee</ent> who know very well
|
|
what happened to <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and how <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was framed. Mr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Shaheen</ent> is now planning to become a judge in <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent> with the help
|
|
of all his co-conspirators and <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members.
|
|
Who called the shots in this Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> effort? Was it
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Levi</ent>? Was it the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members left over from the <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>-<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>
|
|
administration? Was it members of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> still in the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>? Was
|
|
it the <ent type='GPE'>Tennessee</ent> wing of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> that includes Judge McCrea, Phil
|
|
Canale, Howard <ent type='PERSON'>Baker</ent>, Mr. Quillen and <ent type='PERSON'>Bernard Fensterwald</ent>, Jr.?
|
|
The Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> should find out. The report itself is easily
|
|
attacked. It quotes the fake <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Charlie</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stevens</ent></ent> testimony all over
|
|
again, as if no one knew he had been bought off by <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> to
|
|
identify <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Stevens</ent> was dead drunk and saw nothing on the day of
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> assassination.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Ignoring or Suppressing Conspiracy and Framing Evidence</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Shaheen's review did not touch upon any of the evidence
|
|
regarding the framing of <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> that was introduced at the hearing
|
|
that Judge McCrea and <ent type='PERSON'>Shaheen</ent> knew so very well. The witnesses who
|
|
had seen <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> at a gas station several blocks from the assassination
|
|
site when the shot was fired were ignored. <ent type='PERSON'>Grace</ent> Walden <ent type='PERSON'>Stevens</ent>
|
|
saw <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> (<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent>) in the rooming house, identified <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> as the
|
|
man she saw, and knew <ent type='PERSON'>Charlie</ent> had seen nothing. She had to be
|
|
ignored. The witnesses who saw <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent> move away from the
|
|
bushes from which he had fired the shot had to be ignored. <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Fred Vinson</ent>'s use of Stevens's false testimony to extradite <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>
|
|
from <ent type='GPE'>London</ent> had to be ignored. The FBI's role in <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent>,
|
|
including its instructions to the witnesses who had seen <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> to
|
|
keep quiet was to be kept a dark secret. The similarity between
|
|
Frenchy's photograph and the sketch of <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> and Ray's subsequent
|
|
identification of <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> as <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> had to be kept quiet.
|
|
More ignored evidence was turned up by <ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent>. He found three
|
|
witnesses who had seen <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> together both in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Atlanta</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Montreal</ent>. They confirmed Ray's claim that he was
|
|
framed. All of the evidence involving <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent> and <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>,
|
|
uncovered by <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Livingston</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wayne</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Chastain</ent></ent> and published in
|
|
"Computers and People" in 1974, was omitted.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Livingston</ent> was Ray's attorney in <ent type='GPE'>Tennessee</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>Chastain</ent> is a
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent> reporter. <ent type='PERSON'>Livingston</ent> and Chastain's sighting of <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> at the <ent type='GPE'>Detroit</ent> airport during a meeting between <ent type='PERSON'>Livingston</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Chastain</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bud Fensterwald</ent> and the intermediary representing <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>
|
|
(in an attempt to obtain immunity for him in exchange for revealing
|
|
the identity of the <ent type='NORP'>Tennesseans</ent> and <ent type='NORP'>Louisianians</ent> who had hired him)
|
|
was ignored.
|
|
Exposure of this segment of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> would have done more to
|
|
bolster the 1977 efforts of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> than any
|
|
presentation of conspiracy evidence in the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case itself.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The PCG's Tactics With the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> In the early days of the formation of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> in September
|
|
1976, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> might have taken <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> very lightly. The
|
|
PCG's efforts to stop an investigation from beginning in the spring
|
|
of 1976 through its control of the Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> had been
|
|
successful. <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> had given up. But when the
|
|
three-way coalition suddenly brought about a reversal of their
|
|
earlier Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> vote, and the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> quickly and
|
|
overwhelmingly passed a resolution to set up <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
was forced to go back to the drawing boards for retaliation.
|
|
Before the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had time to react, <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> hired
|
|
Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> as chief counsel. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> very rapidly hired the
|
|
equivalent of his own <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>. He sensed from the start that he might
|
|
be up against both the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, so he carefully screened
|
|
his investigators, lawyers, researchers and other personnel to
|
|
prevent intelligence penetration of the staff. However, some
|
|
personnel were "handed" to him by both <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent>.
|
|
It goes almost without saying that the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> would have tried to
|
|
infiltrate the staff. What they learned by their early
|
|
infiltration was that <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and his crack team were not only on
|
|
the right track in both the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> investigations, but also
|
|
that the tactics used by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> in those weeks were making the
|
|
staff and some of the committee members suspicious about the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
itself.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> of Prior Investigations</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> It became imperative for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> to either eliminate the entire
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> or to gain control of it and to rid it of Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
|
|
and the senior staff people who were loyal to him. It was no
|
|
longer possible to turn the investigations around and bury the
|
|
information that had been gathered as the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had done with six
|
|
prior <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional investigations. In each of the prior
|
|
investigations (five Senate investigations and one <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
|
|
investigation of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination) the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had controlled the
|
|
results, disbanded the staffs and buried the evidence. The six
|
|
groups were:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. 1968--A Senate subcommittee under Senator Ed Long of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Missouri</ent> conducted a <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> investigation. Bernard
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Fensterwald</ent>, Jr., was in charge of a six-person team.
|
|
|
|
2. 1974--The Ervin <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> investigated the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case
|
|
during the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> period. <ent type='PERSON'>Samuel</ent> Dash headed a team
|
|
of four that included <ent type='PERSON'>Terry Lenzer</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Barry Schochet</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wayne</ent> Bishop.
|
|
|
|
3. 1975--The <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. A six-person team reported
|
|
to <ent type='ORG'>FAO Schwartz III</ent>. It included <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Kelley</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Dan</ent>
|
|
Dwyer, Ed Greissing, Paul <ent type='ORG'>Wall</ent>ach, <ent type='PERSON'>Pat Shea</ent> and David
|
|
Aaron.
|
|
|
|
4. 1975--The <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>-Hart subcommittee under the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> had a team headed by <ent type='PERSON'>David Marston</ent>, that
|
|
included <ent type='PERSON'>Troy Gustafson</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gaeton Fonzi</ent>, and Elliott
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Maxwell</ent>.
|
|
|
|
5. 1975--<ent type='ORG'>Pike</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> in <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>. People unknown.
|
|
|
|
6. 1976--Senate <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> under <ent type='PERSON'>Dan</ent>iel
|
|
Inouye.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> In addition, both Howard <ent type='PERSON'>Baker</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Lowell Weicker</ent> conducted
|
|
their own investigations of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case during the <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>
|
|
period.
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and his senior staff people are professionals compared
|
|
to the amateurs listed above. <ent type='PERSON'>Wayne</ent> Bishop was the only
|
|
professional investigator in all of the staff groups. It was easy
|
|
for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> to cut off or alter the directions of the prior
|
|
investigations. Thus, the one with the greatest hope, the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> subcommittee, wound up not mentioning any of the
|
|
important evidence uncovered in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> and elsewhere in their
|
|
final report. The <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and the public were left with the
|
|
impression that there might have been a <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> conspiracy to
|
|
assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> Strategy</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Faced with the new committee and Sprague's staff, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had
|
|
devise a strategy that included:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. Attacking Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> to discredit him with dirt and
|
|
print it in the media.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 2. Using the media to spread <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> propaganda and control
|
|
the sources of all stories concerning the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 3. Using <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men to provide biased, distorted
|
|
quotes to the media for its use.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 4. Trying to discredit the entire committee by making it
|
|
appear to be disorganized and unmanageable.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 5. <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent>ling the voting and lobbying against the
|
|
continuation of the committee in January and February.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 6. Influencing members of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> to vote against the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> through a massive letter and telegram
|
|
campaign.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 7. Exaggerating the emphasis placed on the size of the
|
|
budget requested by <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> without considering the
|
|
need for such a budget.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 8. Demanding that the committee justify its existence by
|
|
producing new evidence.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 9. Splitting the committee and attempting to create
|
|
dissension; creating a battle between <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and between <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 10. Hamstringing the staff so they could not receive
|
|
salaries, could not travel, did not have subpoena
|
|
power, could not make long distance telephone calls;
|
|
blocking access to the key files at the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, Justice
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Department</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Secret Service</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 11. Trying to insert their own man at the head of the
|
|
staff.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 12. Brainwashing <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> into believing that <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
|
|
and others were agents.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 13. Sacrificing <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> when it became obvious the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> could not control him as their chairman.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 14. Leaking stories that seemed to make the committee's
|
|
efforts unnecessary.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Media <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The primary technique used by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is its nearly absolute
|
|
control of the media. This is not as difficult to achieve as one
|
|
might imagine. Since most of the stories about the committee
|
|
originate in <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> under rather tightly-knit conditions, it is
|
|
necessary to control only a small number of key reporters and their
|
|
bosses. The rest of the media follow along like sheep.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> trotted out some of their old-timers in the media to
|
|
initiate the public and <ent type='ORG'>congress</ent>ional brainwashing program against
|
|
the committee. They used the same tactic against <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>
|
|
between 1967 and 1969. The old-timers included Jeremiah O'<ent type='PERSON'>Leary</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>George Lardner</ent>, Jr., and <ent type='PERSON'>David Burnham</ent>. Jeremiah O'<ent type='PERSON'>Leary</ent> of the
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Star</ent>" was on the CIA's list of reporters exposed the
|
|
year before. <ent type='PERSON'>George Lardner</ent> Jr. had been in <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>'s
|
|
apartment until 4 AM on the morning he was murdered. <ent type='PERSON'>Lardner</ent> was a
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> member in 1967, while he worked as a reporter for the
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" (he is still with the "<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>"). <ent type='PERSON'>David Burnham</ent> at
|
|
the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," one of the several reporters in <ent type='PERSON'>Harrison</ent>
|
|
Salisbury's and Harding <ent type='ORG'>Bancroft</ent>, Jr.'s stable of <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> workers, was
|
|
called upon to carry the brunt of the "Times"' attack.
|
|
There were, of course, others. As in 1967 and at other times
|
|
during the first decade of media cover-ups, the major TV, radio,
|
|
wire service, magazine and newspaper media acted as a cover-up
|
|
unit. <ent type='PERSON'>Ben Bradlee</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> chieftain at the "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>,"
|
|
made sure that "Newsweek" did their hatchet jobs. Time, Inc., <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>
|
|
(with <ent type='PERSON'>Eric Sevaried</ent>, Dick <ent type='PERSON'>Salant</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Leslie Midgeley</ent>), <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> (with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>David Brinkley</ent>), and <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> (with <ent type='PERSON'>Bob Clark</ent> and Howard K. Smith) all
|
|
went on the attack. The overall theme was that the committee would
|
|
soon die out.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Media Tactics</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The tactics first used were to create the impression that the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> was not going to find anything of importance. Then Dick
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> became the chief target. One of the dirty tricks used
|
|
against him portrayed him as arrogant, flamboyant, power-mad, and
|
|
as a man who usurped the powers of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>. The writers and
|
|
editors of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> are very good at this sort of thing. The "New
|
|
York Times," with <ent type='PERSON'>Burnham</ent> writing and <ent type='GPE'>Salisbury</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Bancroft</ent>
|
|
directing, did a real hatchet job on <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. These techniques
|
|
convinced <ent type='ORG'>congress</ent>men and much of the public. <ent type='ORG'>Sqrague</ent> was forced
|
|
to stay very quiet and away from reporters and cameras. That did
|
|
not deter the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> people. Once an image of a man has been created
|
|
by the media, it is not necessary for him to appear in public. He
|
|
could even disappear for several weeks, but the flamboyant, noisy
|
|
image would go on uninterrupted. This technique is much less
|
|
obvious than murder, but it works nearly as well. When the time
|
|
comes to destroy or eliminate the man, all the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> has to do is
|
|
create an image.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Vote to Continue</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The man chosen to eliminate <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was the new chairman of the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>. Before setting up a classic
|
|
"personality conflict" between <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> used
|
|
another tactic. It attempted to kill <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> with a vote not
|
|
to continue it in the 1977 <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and media <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members overemphasized the large budget
|
|
requested by Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, the use of the polygraph, the use of the
|
|
psychological stress evaluator and the telephone monitoring
|
|
equipment. Rather than telling the truth about the budget,
|
|
describing how the money would be spent, and describing why and how
|
|
the equipment was going to be used, the media (aided and abetted by
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> itself) made it seem as though the budget
|
|
was totally out of line and that citizen's rights would be violated
|
|
by the use of such equipment. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> planted false information
|
|
that led <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent> Edwards of <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> to play into their hands on the
|
|
equipment issue.
|
|
The year-end report of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>, which they and the staff
|
|
hoped would make these subjects clear, countered the media attacks.
|
|
*But*, of course, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> controls the media, and the report was
|
|
completely blacked out. Most citizens do not even know it exists.
|
|
Almost every U.S. citizen has heard and seen Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> called a
|
|
rattlesnake and an unscrupulous character. However, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> lost
|
|
the vote against continuing <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> and used a new method to
|
|
try to kill it.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The New Tactic</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> decided to use <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> to control <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>. The
|
|
stage was set for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> to knock off <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and to install one
|
|
of their own men. The plan was to do this by brainwashing <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> into distrusting <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and selected members of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> and the staff.
|
|
The idea was to use <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> in this way to install a <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> man
|
|
(the fact that he was a <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> man was unknown to <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>) as chief
|
|
of staff. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> would fire <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and the key staff members,
|
|
first blocking their access to important files and witnesses. The
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> would then have been in a position to either fold up the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> by March 31, or to direct its efforts toward finding a
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>-did-it conspiracy in JFK's case and no conspiracy in the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Tactic Backfires</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> did not forecast one important effect their tactics
|
|
would have. By the time <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> became chairman, the other
|
|
eleven members of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> and its staff had begun to smell a
|
|
rat. They noted with curiosity all of the strange coincidences
|
|
that occurred. During the floor debate on February 2, 1977 over
|
|
continuing <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>, Representatives Devine, <ent type='PERSON'>Preyer</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Burke</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Fauntroy</ent> let the rest of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> know that they believed
|
|
something peculiar was happening to them. The appearance of the
|
|
Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> report on that same day disturbed them very
|
|
much. The attacks on <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> upset them also.
|
|
The staff were even more disturbed. Most of them had assumed
|
|
they were being asked to conduct a thorough and unbiased
|
|
investigation of two homicides. The power of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> became
|
|
obvious to them over a period of several weeks. The effect of this
|
|
on both <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> and its staff was to drive all eighty-four
|
|
people (73 staff and 11 <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> members) into a solid block (the
|
|
only exceptions were Gonzalez's people on the staff), more
|
|
determined than ever to get at the truth. Some staffers began
|
|
using their own money for travel. All of them took pay cuts. Many
|
|
of them decided they would work for nothing if necessary to keep
|
|
going. The PCG's strategy had backfired. The eighty-four loyal
|
|
people were like one giant lion backed into a corner, spurred on to
|
|
greater heights to fight back.
|
|
For this reason, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> tactic to use a brainwashed <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> failed. The eighty-four people resisted that <ent type='ORG'>manuever</ent> by
|
|
threatening to resign en masse. Tip O'<ent type='PERSON'>Neill</ent> and others were forced
|
|
to go against <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> resigned. The <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> voted by a
|
|
large majority to accept his resignation and Tip O'<ent type='PERSON'>Neill</ent> appointed
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> as the new chairman. At this point, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> decided
|
|
to abandon <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and to try another tactic, signalled by an
|
|
article in the "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Star</ent>" on March 3, 1977. Written by
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Star</ent>" staff writer Lynn <ent type='PERSON'>Roselli</ent>ni, the article was entitled,
|
|
"<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>' Action Stuns Panel but Not the Home Folks." It was
|
|
manufactured by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> to discredit <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and his final demise.
|
|
(It was the first anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> article to appear.) The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had
|
|
obviously decided to throw <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> to the wolves. The significant
|
|
quote was supposedly from a "source familiar with <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>' career"
|
|
that said "<ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> focuses in on conspiracies, the weird angle of
|
|
things. Once he gets involved in something, he shakes it by the
|
|
throat until it's dead." That was a dead giveaway that the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> no
|
|
longer wanted <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> around.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Next Tactic -- Death By Acclamation</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The PCG's next tactic was to convince a majority of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
|
|
that <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> had had it because of the feuding as portrayed
|
|
in the press. They hoped to either eliminate <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>
|
|
altogether or eliminate the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> investigation or to force <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
|
|
to resign. (After all, the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> conspiracy can always be blamed on
|
|
J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>, if it comes down to that. There is no particular
|
|
spillover from the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case into <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>RFK</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>, provided
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> can be kept out of the limelight.) It might have been
|
|
possible for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men to propose dropping the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case
|
|
or to propose postponing it in favor of continuing just the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent>
|
|
case with a reduced budget. Prior to March 31, a <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> floor vote
|
|
or a vote in the Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> could have been proposed that
|
|
might have limited the investigations and <ent type='ORG'>the authority</ent> of the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> in this way. The rules under which the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> would operate were not passed by <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> due to the
|
|
conflict between <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> and the rest of the members, so the
|
|
proposal could have included restrictive rules. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> media
|
|
could have boosted this idea with the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> loyalists in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jim Wright</ent> appeared to be the new leader of the opposition to kill
|
|
the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. More ground was being laid every day for a
|
|
negative vote on continuation. The hint was that <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>
|
|
must come up with a bombshell or that it will die.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> fought off this tactic by diverting the attention
|
|
of the media through a series of very rapidly developing activities
|
|
and a substantial reduction in the proposed budget, which plummeted
|
|
to 2.8 million for the remainder of 1977. The <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> finally voted
|
|
to continue <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> by a very narrow margin, with a swing of
|
|
25 votes determining the result.
|
|
The final weapon used to obtain a vote to continue <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>
|
|
on March 30 was the resignation of Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Exposing the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The best way to expose the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is to demonstrate that it has
|
|
been influencing or controlling the media and attempting to control
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>. How can this be done? It will be necessary to show who
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members are in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> and the media and exactly what
|
|
they have been doing while they are doing it. Getting this kind of
|
|
information out to the public will be very difficult, since the
|
|
entire media group seems to be controlled. Live TV is not easily
|
|
controllable. If unannounced exposures of <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members are made on
|
|
live TV there would be no way for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> to stop it. About the
|
|
only way to set up such a situation would be to hold public
|
|
hearings with live TV coverage.
|
|
Exposing the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> to <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> might be accomplished on the floor
|
|
of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>. Evidence of the clandestine activities of <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
members in the tactics described above could be introduced on the
|
|
floor without media coverage. This happened to a minor extent on
|
|
March 30 when some of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> members began to accuse the
|
|
media of improper influence.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Who Are The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> Members</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members presently attempting to control the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> must be clearly identified.[1] There are, no doubt, some
|
|
media people and Representatives who sincerely believe that there
|
|
were no conspiracies and who have been playing into the hands of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> without realizing it. Other Representatives, and media
|
|
people by the definition of the term <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, are purposefully
|
|
controlling the situation. It may be difficult to distinguish
|
|
between these two groups without tracing back some <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> connection
|
|
of the culprits. Any <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> or <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> clandestine relationship or any
|
|
direct connection with any of the assassination cases would be a
|
|
tip. An example of this is <ent type='PERSON'>George Lardner</ent>, Jr.'s direct connection
|
|
with the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case ten years ago. (<ent type='PERSON'>Lardner</ent> was in <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>'s
|
|
apartment for four hours after the midnight time of death estimated
|
|
by the <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> coroner. <ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent> was killed by a karate chop to
|
|
the back of his neck.) <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> interrogated <ent type='PERSON'>Lardner</ent> at some
|
|
length, but he never received a satisfactory explanation of what he
|
|
had been doing there.
|
|
While it may be difficult to tell which <ent type='ORG'>congress</ent>men are sincere
|
|
and which are knowingly trying to extend the cover-ups, the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> must turn its attention to any member of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> who
|
|
throws up roadblocks or who speaks out strongly against the
|
|
continuation of the investigations. On this basis, one must
|
|
suspect every one of the Representatives cited below.
|
|
Many questions should be asked of this group. For example, who
|
|
encouraged Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Bauman</ent> during that autumn and on March 30, Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Sisk</ent>
|
|
last spring and Mr. Quillen in February to suddenly become so
|
|
vehement about stopping investigations of the assassinations?
|
|
Their stated reasons were that the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s were opposed, costs,
|
|
the lack of new evidence, <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, etc. But these
|
|
reasons can no longer be their own true beliefs. On whose behalf
|
|
were they acting? How did Trent <ent type='PERSON'>Lott</ent> find out that <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>
|
|
staff made a telephone call to <ent type='GPE'>Cameroon</ent>, which he discussed on
|
|
March 28 at the Rules meeting?
|
|
Who talked <ent type='PERSON'>Frank Thompson</ent> into a campaign to shut off the Select
|
|
Committee's financial resources? (The <ent type='ORG'>Thompson</ent> efforts cannot be
|
|
explained away by the ordinary controller's motivations.) Who
|
|
convinced <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Wright</ent> that <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> was doomed and that he
|
|
should personally intervene in the <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
members' battle? And, most importantly, who brainwashed both <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gail Beagle</ent> into mistrusting the people they had
|
|
always trusted? Answer these questions and publicize the answers,
|
|
and the top-down approach to exposing the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and solving the
|
|
assassination conspiracies will be well along the path to success.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Part II</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Hard" and "Soft" Propaganda in 1977</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> When the time approached for the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> to ask the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives for its 1978
|
|
budget, it was interesting to once again examine the PCG's control
|
|
over the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n news media and the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>. To those who
|
|
observed the assassination scene with blinders removed, it was
|
|
patently obvious that the December 1977 date for the Select
|
|
Committee's budget approval was a target. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> attempted to
|
|
defeat <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>'s efforts to get at the truth underlying the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> assassinations and the cover-up
|
|
crimes associated with them.
|
|
An all-out effort was mounted by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> to influence the
|
|
thinking of citizens and the votes of the members of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>.
|
|
This effort manifested itself in the major news media--over the
|
|
three TV networks, the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>,"
|
|
"Newsweek," "Time," book publishers, book reviewers, TV talk shows,
|
|
etc.
|
|
This massive campaign is a useful test to prove the validity of
|
|
contentions made by this author and others in 1976 and 1977
|
|
concerning the relationships between <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> and
|
|
the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n news media, as utilized in the continuing cover-ups of
|
|
the domestic assassinations, and in the PCG's efforts to destroy
|
|
the reputations of assassination researchers[2] and the two
|
|
official investigations of the <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassinations.[3]
|
|
New evidence surfaced in 1977 to support these contentions: a
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> document released under the Freedom of Information Act and an
|
|
article by a new potential ally for assassination truth seekers,
|
|
Carl <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent>. Both of these documents were provided to the
|
|
author by <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> Gandolfo in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>, who now has his own weekly
|
|
cable TV show on Friday nights on <ent type='GPE'>Manhattan</ent> TV entitled,
|
|
"Assassination <ent type='GPE'>USA</ent>."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Evidence of Media <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Carl <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> wrote an article exposing the CIA's methods of
|
|
controlling the news media.[4] The basic technique dictates
|
|
planting a <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> member at the top of each major media
|
|
organization, or obtaining tacit agreements from the top man to use
|
|
reporters working for the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, and to use <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people, stories, and
|
|
policies on the inside of the organization. <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> named men
|
|
above the level named by this author as <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people in certain
|
|
organizations. For example, the author's claim was that Harding
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Bancroft</ent>, Jr. has been the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> control point at the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
Times." <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> named <ent type='PERSON'>Arthur Hays Sulzberger</ent>, the owner of the
|
|
"Times" and Bancroft's boss, as the CIA's man at the "Times." At
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>, the author named <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Salant</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> names <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> C.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Paley</ent>. At the "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" and "Newsweek" <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> names
|
|
Philip <ent type='PERSON'>Graham</ent>, Katherine Graham's husband, former owner of the
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" and "Newsweek," and by inference, Mrs. <ent type='PERSON'>Graham</ent> since her
|
|
husband's death. The author named <ent type='PERSON'>Ben Bradlee</ent>. But Bernstein's
|
|
information confirms the author's contention that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> controls
|
|
the 15 news media organizations in the U.S.
|
|
The other <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> top level individuals named by <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> are as
|
|
follows:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "<ent type='ORG'>Louisville Courier Journal</ent>"--<ent type='PERSON'>Barry Bingham</ent>, Sr.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>--<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Wald
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>--<ent type='PERSON'>Sam Jaffe</ent>
|
|
Time, Inc.--<ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> Luce
|
|
Copley News Service--<ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Copley
|
|
Hearst--<ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> Freiden</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, through their prime intelligence members, are today
|
|
still controlling what the media do and say about the subject of
|
|
assassinations and the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>.[5] They
|
|
do this by influencing the heads of each organization who determine
|
|
media editorial policies that are carried out by their
|
|
subordinates. In some cases, however, lower level people are also
|
|
planted as reporters, editors or producers to execute the policies,
|
|
write the stories, produce the programs, review the books, or write
|
|
or publish the books. The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> also owns and controls many
|
|
publishing houses, freelance writers or reviewers who can also be
|
|
used in this massive campaign.
|
|
However, the reader should not immediately jump to the
|
|
conclusion that all of the media people knowingly continue to
|
|
cover-up of the assassination conspiracies. It is only necessary
|
|
that they actually believe the CIA's stories and positions against
|
|
conspiracies. For example, <ent type='PERSON'>Anthony Lewis</ent> at the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times"
|
|
participates in this entire fraud, actually believing that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>
|
|
was the lone madman assassin.
|
|
It is inconceivable, however, that men intelligent enough to
|
|
rise to the top of <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>, the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times et al." could
|
|
actually believe that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>. Some or most
|
|
of them must be cooperating fully in the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> cover-up efforts.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Proof of <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Efforts to Discredit Researchers</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> A recently released <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> document[6] was a dispatch issued from
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> headquarters in April 1967 to certain bases and stations to
|
|
mount a campaign through media contacts (called assets) against
|
|
certain assassination researchers. The targets included <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Joachim Joesten</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Penn Jones</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Edward Epstein</ent> and Bertrand <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent>.
|
|
The document describes an entire program to be used to discredit
|
|
the "critics." Many of the exact expressions that were used by the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-controlled media to attack the researchers can be found in this
|
|
document. One example is: "The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> should use this argument in
|
|
general. Conspiracy on the large scale often suggested (by
|
|
critics) would be impossible to conceal in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States,
|
|
especially since informants could expect to receive large
|
|
royalties, etc." Another argument suggested is: "Note that <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, Attorney General at the time and <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. Kennedy's
|
|
brother, would be the last man to overlook or conceal any
|
|
conspiracy."
|
|
How many times did we hear that between 1967 and 1969?
|
|
The document also suggests using an article by <ent type='PERSON'>Fletcher Knebel</ent>
|
|
to attack Ed Epstein's book and to attack it rather than Mark
|
|
Lane's book because "Lane's book is much more difficult to answer
|
|
as a whole, as one becomes lost in a morass of unrelated details."
|
|
The timing of this document is particularly important. April 1,
|
|
1967 was approximately two months after <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s
|
|
investigation surfaced, and only shortly after <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> found David
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent> murdered in his own apartment and had <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> arrested.
|
|
Since we now know that both men were contract agents for the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
and that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> went to great lengths under <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>'
|
|
direction to protect <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and to keep his true identity from
|
|
being revealed, the chances are good that this document was
|
|
triggered by Garrison's investigation.
|
|
The names of the authors of the document have been blacked out
|
|
of the copy that was released. Further research might reveal who
|
|
actually wrote it and "pulled it together" (as a note in hand print
|
|
at the top states).</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='ORG'>The Trial</ent> of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The top level media control was demonstrated by the <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>-TV
|
|
program, "<ent type='ORG'>The Trial</ent> of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>", whose co-director,
|
|
Lawrence <ent type='PERSON'>Schiller</ent>, had to have been selected at the suggestion of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Schiller</ent>, one of the worst people in the PCG's stable of
|
|
freelancers, is best known for his book supporting the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> and attacking the researchers, called "The
|
|
Scavengers."[7]
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Schiller</ent> is perhaps the biggest scavenger ever created. He
|
|
supposedly obtained a "deathbed" statement from <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent> by
|
|
illegally and unethically sneaking a tape recorder into his
|
|
hospital room. He then parlayed this into a wide-selling record
|
|
with distasteful and untruthful propaganda. More recently he
|
|
seized the opportunity to interview <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Gilmore</ent> before his
|
|
execution, practically holding a mike to his mouth while the
|
|
commands were being given to the firing squad.
|
|
How, the reader may ask, could <ent type='PERSON'>Schiller</ent> become a co-producer of
|
|
a major <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> television show? The answer is simple. He is
|
|
available to attack and ridicule the assassination researchers and
|
|
reinforce the no-conspiracy idea for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> production crew had the full cooperation of the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>
|
|
police in re-enacting the assassination event in Dealey Plaza.
|
|
There is no way that could have happened without <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> influence.
|
|
The <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police, quite guilty of cover-up in the case and having
|
|
some individual members on the assassination team, would not permit
|
|
anyone to film a reenactment of the assassination showing
|
|
conspiracy or the truth. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> had to assure them that the
|
|
program's editorial position would be anti-conspiracy.
|
|
The "Trial of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>" was given extensive publicity
|
|
on TV, in magazines, in newspapers. In <ent type='GPE'>England</ent>, a special article
|
|
about it appeared in the <ent type='LOC'>Sunday</ent> magazine section of a <ent type='GPE'>London</ent>
|
|
newspaper complete with photographs from the shooting sequence as
|
|
filmed.[8] The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> spent an enormous amount of money on the
|
|
program and a publicity campaign. There is no way <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>-TV could
|
|
have done that on their own. More than 80% of the people believe
|
|
there was a conspiracy: why wouldn't <ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> go along with the 80% of
|
|
their viewers and portray the truth? The answer again is simple:
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent> is controlled from the very top, probably much higher than the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Sam Jaffe</ent> level, by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Other TV Shows</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Both <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> are planning major TV specials on the
|
|
assassinations. <ent type='ORG'>CBS</ent> is planning a show on <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>. The
|
|
theme will be that <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> was right and that both
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> were lone nuts. Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Paley</ent> and Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Salant</ent> are the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> people calling the shots. <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent> is planning a show on Martin
|
|
Luther <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> which will have a section on the assassination. Even
|
|
though Abbey Mann is directing the show and he would like to bring
|
|
out some of the facts, it is certain that the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> members of <ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>,
|
|
including <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Wald, will not permit any conclusions about Ray's
|
|
innocence or information about <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent>
|
|
(the real assassins) to be included.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent> McMillan--<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Agent</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> One of the more remarkable things about the massive 1977
|
|
campaign of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is their blatant use of freelance
|
|
writers and news reporters who are well known <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents to nearly
|
|
anyone who has taken the time to pay attention. Three agents are
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent> McMillan and her husband, George McMillan, and Jeremiah
|
|
O'<ent type='PERSON'>Leary</ent> of the "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Star</ent>." <ent type='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent> (in particular) is so
|
|
obviously an agent that even <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Cavett</ent> indirectly accused her of
|
|
being one when she appeared on his show with <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> to plug
|
|
her new book.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> decided the perfect time to publish McMillan's book[9],
|
|
which had been completed for several years. A publisher under <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
control was selected, and the book was published in time for the
|
|
December committee budget vote. The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> arranged that <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent>
|
|
appear with <ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent> on several national TV shows. <ent type='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent> had <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent>
|
|
well rehearsed for these shows--she even retold the old lies about
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> shooting at <ent type='ORG'>General Walker</ent>. The commentators selected to
|
|
interview both women, including <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Cavett</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>David Hartmann</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>ABC</ent>),
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Tom Snyder</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>NBC</ent>) had their orders to deal delicately with them
|
|
and not to ask any embarrassing questions. <ent type='PERSON'>Cavett</ent> came closest
|
|
with his essentially accusatory question about whether <ent type='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent>
|
|
was a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent.
|
|
No one asked <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> the one embarrassing question she would have
|
|
had the greatest difficulty answering regarding the picture of
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> holding the rifle and the <ent type='NORP'>communist</ent> newspaper that <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent>
|
|
claimed she took of him: "How was it possible for you to have
|
|
taken a photograph that since has been demonstrated to be a
|
|
composite of three photographs, with your husband's head attached
|
|
to someone else's body at the chin line?" (flashing on the screen
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Fred Newcomb</ent>'s slide showing the chin level discontinuity). <ent type='PERSON'>Cavett</ent>
|
|
actually flashed the fake photograph on the screen at the beginning
|
|
of his show, but he never mentioned it.
|
|
This monumental <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> effort that involved controlling at least
|
|
three TV networks, a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> publisher, <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent> McMillan, an enormous amount of time and money, and a
|
|
special book review by the "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times"[10] demonstrates how
|
|
much power the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> has.
|
|
Some of those people who watched "Good Morning <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>" and the
|
|
"Tomorrow Show" and the "<ent type='PERSON'>Dick Cavett</ent> Show" (three different types
|
|
of national viewing audiences) who believe the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> theory
|
|
and <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> had those beliefs reinforced by <ent type='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent>
|
|
McMillan and <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>. It is wise for researchers, the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> and others who know what is really
|
|
going on, not to underestimate this power of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Fensterwald's Book</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> A book by <ent type='PERSON'>Bud Fensterwald</ent> appeared in 1977 under the sponsorship
|
|
of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.[11] This clever effort on the part of one of the CIA's
|
|
best agents was designed to throw people off the track who have a
|
|
somewhat deeper interest in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. It was meant to
|
|
divert attention away from the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> by omitting at least twelve of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> conspirators who were in the files of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
|
|
Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> (co-founded by <ent type='PERSON'>Fensterwald</ent> and the
|
|
author in 1968).
|
|
No excuse can be given for leaving these key people out of the
|
|
book, because the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had extensive files on most of them. Bud
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Fensterwald</ent> even had a personal correspondent relationship to the
|
|
key informant of the group, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>. The twelve are:
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>, Manuel Garcia <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, Guy
|
|
Gabaldin, <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Hope</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent>, Ronald
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Augustinovich</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Beckham</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Fred <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent>, <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>
|
|
Lawrence. All of them were included in a description of the
|
|
details of the assassination team earlier in this book and in an
|
|
article by the author.[12]
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Zebra Books</ent>, the publisher of Fensterwald's book, is a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-controlled organization that has also published another
|
|
disinformation book, "Appointment in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>," by Hugh
|
|
Mac<ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald.[13] In both cases, the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> intended to misdirect
|
|
attention away from the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> participants while at the same time
|
|
admitting conspiracy. There is no way the story in Mac<ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald's
|
|
book can be true. It maintains that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> at least planned to
|
|
fire from the sixth floor window of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> Building. As all good
|
|
researchers know, the photographs of the window, inside and
|
|
outside, prove there was no one firing from that window that day.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The de Mohrenschildt Murder</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Murder Inc. branch of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> killed George de Mohrenschildt
|
|
when he became too dangerous for them. The media branch of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
then undertook a campaign to discredit <ent type='PERSON'>Willem Oltmans</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>NOS</ent>-TV
|
|
(in <ent type='GPE'>Holland</ent>) who happened to be in possession of a series of video
|
|
and audio tapes of de Mohrenschildt that will be very damaging for
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
|
|
The de Mohrenschildt murder has so far been concealed by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
with the help of the media and portrayed as the suicide of a man
|
|
who had become insane. As <ent type='PERSON'>Willem Oltmans</ent>' book clearly
|
|
demonstrates[14] de Mohrenschildt was quite sane when he
|
|
disappeared from <ent type='GPE'>Belgium</ent>. He was in the process of giving Ed
|
|
Epstein a story about his involvement in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination when
|
|
he was murdered in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson's Disappearance</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> General <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson, alias <ent type='PERSON'>Dimitri Dimitrov</ent> alias Jim
|
|
Adams, was intimately acquainted with the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people who planned
|
|
JFK's assassination. He was in <ent type='GPE'>Holland</ent> to tell his story to <ent type='ORG'>NOS</ent>-TV
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Willem Oltmans</ent>. He told <ent type='NORP'>Oltmans</ent> that <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent></ent> was the key
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> man in planning JFK's assassination. (<ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson had been
|
|
brought to the U.S. as a double agent during <ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> II by
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Franklin</ent> Roosevelt.) He held back his knowledge of the
|
|
assassination conspiracy until the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> was formed. He
|
|
then took his information to <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent>, who brought him to President
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> rather than having him questioned by the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> or
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> sub-committee. <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson had a
|
|
meeting in which <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> talked both of them into keeping <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson's
|
|
information under wraps.
|
|
When de Mohrenschildt was killed, <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson decided it was time
|
|
to make his information public and to offer it to the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. He approached <ent type='NORP'>Oltmans</ent>, asked that his identity be kept
|
|
secret, told <ent type='ORG'>NOS</ent> his story, and then remained in <ent type='GPE'>Holland</ent> while
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Oltmans</ent> attempted to tell the story to President <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent>. <ent type='NORP'>Oltmans</ent>
|
|
revealed <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson's identity on <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n TV and to the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> when <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent> refused to listen to the story. <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson
|
|
then moved to <ent type='GPE'>England</ent>, and subsequently disappeared from a <ent type='GPE'>London</ent>
|
|
hotel, leaving large unpaid bills at both his <ent type='GPE'>London</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Amsterdam</ent>
|
|
hotels. The possibility is very good that he has gone the same
|
|
route as de Mohrenschildt, murdered by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Attacks on the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> One of a series of attacks on the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> in November
|
|
and December, leading up to the December vote on the 1978 budget,
|
|
took place in the form of an article by probable <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent George
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lardner</ent>, Jr., one of the Select Committee's biggest enemies. He is
|
|
one of the PCG's stable of reporters. <ent type='PERSON'>Lardner</ent> wrote an article for
|
|
the <ent type='LOC'>Sunday</ent> "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>" on November 6, 1977, portraying the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> as engaging in random, uncoordinated activity,
|
|
interrogating witnesses from the <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation (which
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lardner</ent> labelled, "the zany <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation", and "the
|
|
fruitless investigation"). The "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Star</ent>"
|
|
and other media can be expected to open up all barrels under <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
direction. The general theme will no doubt be that <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>
|
|
has done nothing at all and that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> acted alone.[15]
|
|
If <ent type='PERSON'>Council Blakey</ent> or Chairman <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>, or <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> subcommittee
|
|
Chairman <ent type='PERSON'>Preyer</ent> try to respond to these attacks they will be ripped
|
|
to shreds by the PCG's media people. As the author pointed out in
|
|
part I of this chapter, the only chance <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
|
|
have to keep the investigation going is to expose the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and their
|
|
media control, from the top down. Otherwise <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> cannot
|
|
win the battle.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [1] <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>) defined in prior articles and one book
|
|
by the author, as follows:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> includes all organizations and individuals who
|
|
knowingly participated in any of the domestic political
|
|
assassinations or attempted assassinations, or in any of the
|
|
efforts to cover-up the truth about those assassinations. This
|
|
includes a large number of murders of witnesses and participants.
|
|
The assassinations involved include, but are not necessarily
|
|
limited to the following:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>, George
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> and Mary Jo Kopechne.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> is a much larger group than just the clandestine parts
|
|
of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, or the <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> as defined by L.
|
|
Fletcher Prouty. It would however, include all those members of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> or the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> or the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> falling under the
|
|
definition.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [2] The author's contentions about media control by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> have
|
|
appeared in one self-published book and several articles:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> (a) Book: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3," R.E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>,
|
|
self-published, <ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, N.Y., 1976. (First Edition. This
|
|
Third Edition contains chapters 15-17 plus the Appendix which
|
|
were written after 1977. --Editor)
|
|
(b) Articles: "The <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n News Media and the Assassination of
|
|
President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>: Accessories After <ent type='ORG'>Fact</ent>," R.E.
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>Computers and Automation</ent>," June, July, 1973.
|
|
(c) "The <ent type='ORG'>Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent></ent> and the 'The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
Times,'" R.E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. (Using pseudonym <ent type='PERSON'>Samuel</ent> F. <ent type='ORG'>Thurston</ent>)
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Computers and Automation</ent>," July, 1971. Republished in "People
|
|
and the Pursuit of <ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent>," May, 1977.
|
|
(d) "<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional Investigation of Political <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States: The Two Approaches: From the Bottom Up vs.
|
|
From the Top Down," R.E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>People and the Pursuit</ent> of
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent>," May, 1977.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [3] The two official investigations of the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination
|
|
referred to here are:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> (a) The investigation by the office of the district attorney of
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Orleans</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Paris</ent>h, <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>, La. 1966 to 1969 (<ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>).
|
|
(b) The investigation by the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
of the U.S. <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives 1976-1977.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The investigations by the <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>-Hart subcommittee of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> committee and the Ervin <ent type='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> committee were never
|
|
really approved by <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>, and so lacked the power and
|
|
influence to become a threat to the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [4] "The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>," Carl <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent>, "Rolling <ent type='ORG'>Stone</ent>," October
|
|
4, 1977. A copy of the full unedited manuscript of this article
|
|
was also made available to the author. The "Rolling <ent type='ORG'>Stone</ent>"
|
|
version had selected names omitted.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [5] Bernstein's article also describes the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> influence over several
|
|
other media organizations without naming the top executives.
|
|
These are:
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent> Tribune"
|
|
"Saturday <ent type='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>"
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Scripps Howard</ent> Newspapers"
|
|
"Associated <ent type='ORG'>Press</ent>"
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>United Press</ent> International"
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Reuters</ent>"
|
|
"<ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Herald</ent>"
|
|
And a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> official told <ent type='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent>, "that's just a small part of
|
|
the list."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [6] The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> document was obtained by <ent type='PERSON'>Harold Weisberg</ent> under the
|
|
Freedom of Information Act. It is dated 4/1/67 and labelled
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Dispatch</ent> to Chiefs, Certain Stations and Bases." Document
|
|
Number 1035-960 for "FOIA Review" on September 1976. Object:
|
|
Countering Criticism of the "<ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent>."</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [7] "The Scavengers and Critics of the <ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent>," Lawrence
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Schiller</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Dell Publishing</ent> Co., <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>, 1967.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [8] "The Big If," "<ent type='GPE'>London</ent> <ent type='LOC'>Sunday</ent> Times," September 18, 1977.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [9] "<ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent>," <ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent>ricia McMillan, Harper & Row, 1977.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[10] A review of the McMillan book appeared in the "<ent type='LOC'>Sunday</ent> <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
Times" book review section on November 6, 1977. It praised the
|
|
book to the skys, backed up <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, and severely
|
|
attacked the researchers and the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[11] "Coincidence or Conspiracy," <ent type='PERSON'>Bernard Fensterwald</ent>, Jr., Zebra
|
|
Books, <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>, 1977.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[12] (a) "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3," <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>,
|
|
self-published, 1976.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> (b) "The Assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>: The
|
|
Involvement of the <ent type='ORG'>Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent></ent> in the Plans
|
|
and the Cover-Up", <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> -- "People and the
|
|
Pursuit of <ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent>," May, 1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[13] "Appointment in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>," Hugh C. <ent type='PERSON'>McDonald</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Zebra Books</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>,
|
|
1975.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[14] "George de Mohrenschildt," <ent type='PERSON'>Willem Oltmans</ent>, Published in The
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Netherlands</ent>, Unpublished in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[15] This chapter originally appeared as the article "<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional
|
|
Investigation of Political <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States:
|
|
The Two Approaches: From the Bottom Up vs. From the Top Down,"
|
|
by the author in "<ent type='ORG'>People and the Pursuit</ent> of <ent type='ORG'>Truth</ent>," May, 1977.
|
|
Since the original article was written, in November 1977 the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> decided that the budget money approved in 1977
|
|
was sufficient to carry over a few months into 1978. No budget
|
|
request was made in December 1977. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> can now be expected
|
|
to continue its attacks until the spring of 1978 when the
|
|
budget request will be made. (January 4, 1978)</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p>--
|
|
daveus rattus </p>
|
|
|
|
<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> ko.yaa.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
|
|
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
|
|
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>From dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com Wed Jun 17 07:55:35 1992
|
|
Received: by icaen.uiowa.edu ( 5.52 (84)/1.1) id AA07136
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|
on Wed, 17 Jun 92 07:55:31 CDT.
|
|
Received: from pl122c.eecs.lehigh.edu by ns-mx.uiowa.edu (5.64.jnf/920408)
|
|
on Wed, 17 Jun 92 07:57:09 -0500 id AA07930 with SMTP
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|
Received: from SGI.COM by PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU (5.61/1.34)
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id AA29041; Wed, 17 Jun 92 08:43:40 -0400
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Received: from [192.102.132.11] by sgi.sgi.com via SMTP (911016.SGI/910110.SGI)
|
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for <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA13139; Wed, 17 Jun 92 05:46:23 -0700
|
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Received: by ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (920110.SGI/920502.SGI.AUTO)
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for @sgi.sgi.com:<ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA07406; Wed, 17 Jun 92 05:46:21 -0700
|
|
Date: Wed, 17 Jun 92 05:46:21 -0700
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 9206171246.AA07406@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</info>
|
|
To: <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (9/11)
|
|
Status: RO</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (9/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 9 of 11: chapter 16
|
|
Lines: 867</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1979: The <ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> (1)</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 16
|
|
1984 Here We Come</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> George <ent type='PERSON'>Orwell</ent> undoubtedly did not realize how accurate his 1984
|
|
scenario would be by the year 1979. As 1978 drew to a close,
|
|
events in <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> made Orwell's descriptions of such concepts as
|
|
Newspeak and a supposedly open but actually closed society, very
|
|
close to reality. By 1984, now only five short years away,
|
|
Orwell's scenario will apparently be right on the nose.
|
|
Any doubts about who is in charge of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> and how effective
|
|
they have become in creating our actual version of Newspeak,
|
|
disappeared as the <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent> administration, <ent type='ORG'>congress</ent>, the courts, and
|
|
the media, all combined their coordinated efforts to cover up and
|
|
distort our current history. The hopes of thousands of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns
|
|
that their only true representatives in government, the members of
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, would expose the fabric of lies about our recent history
|
|
and <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>'s activities were dashed to smithereens
|
|
by the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representative's Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. The hopes that <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent> might be on our side, faded
|
|
away in 1978 and the intentions of the executive branch were made
|
|
quite clear by the new directors of the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>.
|
|
The murder incorporated group within <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>
|
|
continued to murder people in 1978, with efficiency and dispatch.
|
|
The presidential race in 1980 has been foreclosed to <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
for a long time, but the chances that any candidate, not willing to
|
|
extend the assassination cover-ups, could be nominated and elected,
|
|
are close to zero.
|
|
The <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people, by and large, do not understand or
|
|
appreciate very much of this. The Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> teamed with the
|
|
media and by holding public hearings with almost no live coverage
|
|
they convinced the majority of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns that there was no
|
|
conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case and that <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> shot Martin
|
|
Luther <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> although he might have had help from his brothers. The
|
|
public has never heard of most of the eight men assassinated in
|
|
1977 and 1978 by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, nor do they appreciate the fact that
|
|
future assassinations will be carried off by the same bunch.
|
|
How the hell did the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> control <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>? It wasn't easy and they very nearly didn't.
|
|
There may also be another explanation about the committee's
|
|
actions in which the word "control" is too strong. Influence,
|
|
intimidation by throwing out implied warnings or threats, or just
|
|
plain making it obvious that personal danger could be involved,
|
|
might have been used. The process was very involved and it made
|
|
use of a number of techniques and approaches, including some we can
|
|
only guess at in 1979. However, a number of the PCG's methods are
|
|
known and will be described herein.
|
|
The executive branch control by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> was exposed even before
|
|
Carter's election by those whose eyes were open wide enough to see
|
|
it. This author frankly admits to partially closed eyes until
|
|
1978. The significance of <ent type='ORG'>the Bilderberg Society</ent> and the
|
|
Trilateral <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> was not obvious until <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent> had been in
|
|
office for a couple of years. Now, it is very obvious that he is
|
|
under the complete domination of the men who really run the U.S.A.,
|
|
and that he will never do anything to expose the truth about the
|
|
political assassinations or their cover-ups.
|
|
The latest indication of where the <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent> administration stands
|
|
was the testimony given by <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> director <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> H. <ent type='PERSON'>Webster</ent> to the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on December 11, 1978. He said that the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> would
|
|
freeze the scene and take full immediate control of the
|
|
investigation of any future presidential assassination or that of
|
|
any other elected U.S. leader.
|
|
In case anyone has any doubt about what he meant by "freeze the
|
|
scene", <ent type='PERSON'>Webster</ent> went on to say, "One purpose of the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
|
|
investigation would be to lay to rest untrue conspiratorial
|
|
questions that have a way of rising, and avoid the sort of mistakes
|
|
that followed the assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>."[1] In other
|
|
words, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> will suppress or destroy any evidence of conspiracy
|
|
even if they were not involved in the assassination itself. One
|
|
such "mistake" in the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> murder surfaced in December 1978 when
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Earl Golz</ent> of the "<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Morning News" found a movie that the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
|
|
failed to "freeze". It was taken by a man named <ent type='PERSON'>Bronson</ent> and it
|
|
shows two men, not one, in the sixth floor window of the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> just
|
|
five minutes before the shots were fired. One of the men is
|
|
wearing a red shirt. That filmed evidence matches the still photo
|
|
taken by an unknown photographer earlier that morning, and
|
|
developed at a <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> photo lab by Ed <ent type='PERSON'>Foley</ent>, the lab owner. The
|
|
author found the photo and obtained a print of it in 1967. The
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Foley</ent> photo, as it became known, shows two men in the sixth floor
|
|
window, one with a black shirt and one with a bright red shirt.
|
|
Mr. red shirt matches the description of the man in the <ent type='PERSON'>Bronson</ent>
|
|
film. He is not <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>. Neither is the man in the
|
|
black shirt. He was most probably Buel <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wes</ent>ley <ent type='PERSON'>Frazier</ent></ent>, the man who
|
|
drove <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> to work on November 22, 1963. The facial profile and
|
|
black shirt match photos of <ent type='PERSON'>Frazier</ent> and another man entitled to be
|
|
on that sixth floor, were there around 10 AM and at 12:25, five
|
|
minutes before the shots were fired. Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Webster</ent> has in mind
|
|
rounding up all such evidence and destroying it right away in the
|
|
next assassination.
|
|
The evidence discussed in earlier chapters of this book, also
|
|
not "frozen" by the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, proves that the "snipers nest" was no
|
|
snipers nest at all, but just an area where workers on that floor
|
|
were piling cartons to allow the floor laying crew at the west end
|
|
of that floor to do their job.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Webster</ent> would like the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> to grab such evidence the next time,
|
|
and destroy it before "conspiracy rumors" get started. The <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
|
|
came much closer to doing this in <ent type='GPE'>Memphis</ent>, but after all, they were
|
|
involved directly in the planning and execution of the
|
|
assassination of Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent>. They had a much greater incentive for
|
|
cover-up in that murder. <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> Sullivan's Division Five, at the
|
|
behest of J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>, carried out the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> assassination using
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent> plus others.
|
|
Returning to the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, I must switch over to a more
|
|
personal tone because of my direct involvement with the group from
|
|
its inception. I helped <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> in the early days of 1975
|
|
and 1976 when the committee was just a wild dream for most people.
|
|
I made a presentation to <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent>'s staff members who
|
|
eventually became part of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> staff. <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>
|
|
arranged that in the summer of 1976. The photographic evidence of
|
|
conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case was as overwhelming to them and to <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
|
|
as it was to anyone who has taken the five or six hours or so to
|
|
look at it. I then became an advisor to <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> when the committee was formed and spent the months from
|
|
November 1976 to July 1977 helping them with the photographic
|
|
evidence and with evidence collected by <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
|
|
Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> including <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s evidence.
|
|
If <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, or <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> had
|
|
stayed with the committee their work would not have been
|
|
controlled. Sprague's loyal deputy counsels, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent>, in
|
|
charge of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> investigation and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Lehner</ent></ent> in charge of the <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent>
|
|
investigation had already begun to get at the real evidence of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and CIA's involvement in the two
|
|
cases and in the cover-ups. The committee members were already
|
|
becoming very suspicious of the two agencies. <ent type='PERSON'>Walter Fauntroy</ent>,
|
|
chairman of the <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> sub-committee, even dared to speak out about
|
|
the CIA's influence. He was beaten into the ground by the PCG's
|
|
members in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>.
|
|
So <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Lehner</ent> and others who dared
|
|
take on the intelligence portions of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, had to go. They were
|
|
forced out by one of the ancient techniques employed by the <ent type='NORP'>Romans</ent>
|
|
known as divide and conquer. Once <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> became convinced
|
|
that <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was working for the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, he
|
|
attacked <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> bitterly. <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> knew there was a <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and he knew
|
|
who had murdered <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and why. <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> had to go. He was
|
|
made to look like a paranoid fool and forced out by the key <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
members of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>. Two <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> agents, Mr. Z and Harry <ent type='PERSON'>Livingston</ent>e,
|
|
helped convince him that <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> man.
|
|
Mr. Z was brought in by <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> as a lawyer for his committee and
|
|
worked on Henry's beliefs about <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. Over some
|
|
weeks he convinced <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> that <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
operative. He was supported in this activity by Harry <ent type='PERSON'>Livingston</ent>e
|
|
(later author of "High Treason"). Harry <ent type='PERSON'>Livingston</ent>e engaged in
|
|
various plagiaristic activities and scams, and over quite a period
|
|
of time he worked on <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> to convince him that <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
|
|
was a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> operative. At the same time <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> was developing his
|
|
beliefs with the help of Mr. Z and Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Livingston</ent>e, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A.
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and his staff were developing skepticism about Henry's
|
|
integrity. The net result was both men resigned. In the next
|
|
year, 1978, the author appeared with <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> on a cable
|
|
television broadcast hosted by <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> Gandolfo in <ent type='GPE'>New York City</ent>,
|
|
named "Assassionation <ent type='GPE'>USA</ent>," and the three of them had a detailed
|
|
discussion about Sprague's reasons for resigning from the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. To some extent his thinking was influenced by his
|
|
skepticism about <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>'s integrity.
|
|
Once <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> took over as chairman, Sprague's men were
|
|
gradually calmed down, and the so-called search for the right chief
|
|
counsel was underway. It is difficult to detect what was going on
|
|
during that spring of 1977. Suffice it to say that the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> was
|
|
undoubtedly pulling out every stop to get their own chief counsel
|
|
into the committee and to build up the case for getting rid of
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Lehner</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ovan <ent type='PERSON'>Gaye</ent>, and others who knew too much or
|
|
who had the gall to go up against the agencies.
|
|
The result of all this hard work by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> was the installation
|
|
in July 1977 of Dr. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent> as chief counsel. <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>
|
|
resigned almost immediately, making Blakey's job a little easier,
|
|
but <ent type='PERSON'>Lehner</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gaye</ent> had to be fired by <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>. Many others were
|
|
also weeded out. We may never know exactly what they all knew or
|
|
how they were forced out, because of the use of one of the PCG's
|
|
cleverest techniques and one of the most insidious.
|
|
Each committee staff member, each consultant and each committee
|
|
member was required to sign, as a condition of continuing
|
|
employment or membership on the committee, a nondisclosure
|
|
agreement. Now, nondisclosure agreements are nothing new,
|
|
especially in classified situations or in sensitive or patent or
|
|
copyright situations. The committee's nondisclosure agreement was
|
|
however, very unusual. Many well-known attorneys have pronounced
|
|
it illegal. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> saw it and said he would absolutely
|
|
never have required the staff to sign anything like it. He said it
|
|
was illegal and unenforcable in several of its clauses. The worst
|
|
thing about it, or the best thing, from the viewpoint of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>,
|
|
are the paragraphs giving control over the committee to the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>.[2]
|
|
The committee, under <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, planned to investigate the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in regard to both assassinations and the cover-ups. In
|
|
fact, <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> had put both agencies on notice to that effect.
|
|
Subpoenas were being prepared for access to all of their withheld
|
|
information. Investigations of the CIA's role in the <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City
|
|
part of the assassination conspiracy, as well as Oswald's and
|
|
Ruby's connections with both agencies were under way.
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> agreement automatically put a stop to all of that.
|
|
Here is one excerpt from the agreement.
|
|
"I (the staff member, committee member, or consultant) hereby
|
|
agree never to divulge, publish or reveal by words, conduct or
|
|
otherwise, . . . any information pertaining to intelligence sources
|
|
or methods as designated by <ent type='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>,
|
|
or any confidential information that is received by the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> or that comes into my possession by virtue of my position
|
|
with the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, to any person not a member of the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, or, after the Select Committee's termination, by such
|
|
manner as the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives may determine or, in the
|
|
absence of a determination by the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, in such manner as the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> or <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> from which the information originated may
|
|
determine."
|
|
In other words if the committee or an individual staff member,
|
|
or a consultant discovered that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> or part of it, was involved
|
|
in the assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, or that the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> was in part
|
|
or in whole responsible for the death of <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>, or
|
|
that either agency was guilty of covering up the conspiracies in
|
|
both cases, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> would have the right to prevent
|
|
these findings from being revealed to anyone outside the committee.
|
|
Furthermore, those agencies are still in existence today while the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> is not, so that the nondisclosure agreement which
|
|
goes on in perpetuity, gives both the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> continuing
|
|
complete control over the individuals who signed it.
|
|
Another excerpt reads as follows:
|
|
"The Chairman of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> shall consult with the
|
|
Director of Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> for the purpose of the Chairman's
|
|
determination as to whether or not the material (any material
|
|
obtained by the signer of the agreement) contains information that
|
|
I pledge not to disclose." If that sounds like Catch-22, it is.
|
|
The interpretation that could be placed on that clause is that the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> has the right to decide what evidence in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent>
|
|
assassinations should be withheld on grounds that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> itself
|
|
determines.
|
|
How could the committee possibly have investigated the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> under
|
|
those terms and conditions? The answer is, they could not and did
|
|
not.
|
|
Can anyone doubt that the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> prepared the agreement, implanted
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, and coerced or blackmailed or threatened the Chairman and
|
|
the rest of the committee until they agreed to have everyone sign
|
|
it!
|
|
The most insidious part of the agreement is the clause that
|
|
could be described as the threat, or blackmail clause. It is
|
|
perhaps this clause that has closed the mouths and pens of all the
|
|
ex-staff members who knew what was going on, but who signed the
|
|
agreement. That clause reads as follows:
|
|
"In addition to any rights for criminal prosecution or for
|
|
injunctive relief <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> Stated Government may have for
|
|
violation of this agreement, <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States Government may file
|
|
a civil suit in an appropriate court for damages as a consequence
|
|
of a breach of this agreement. The costs of any civil suit brought
|
|
by <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States for breach of this agreement, including court
|
|
costs, investigative expenses, and reasonable attorney fees, shall
|
|
be borne by any defendant who loses such suit." . . . "I hereby
|
|
agree that in any suit by <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States Government for
|
|
injunctive or monetary relief pursuant to the terms of this
|
|
agreement, personal jurisdiction shall obtain and venue shall lie
|
|
in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States District Court for <ent type='GPE'>the District</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>Columbia</ent>,
|
|
or in any other appropriate United States District Court in which
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States may elect to bring suit. I further agree that
|
|
the law of <ent type='GPE'>the District</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>Columbia</ent> shall govern the interpretation
|
|
and construction of this agreement."
|
|
Those readers who have followed the performance of the U.S.
|
|
courts in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> cases through the years, will recognize
|
|
the trap in those last two sentences. Any ex-staffer or
|
|
consultant, or even a <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>man would have about as much chance
|
|
against a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>/<ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>-directed suit in a court of their choice, as the
|
|
man in the moon. <ent type='GPE'>The United</ent> States Government, in this clause, is
|
|
not your government or mine. It is <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='ORG'>Power</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>. You
|
|
can bet they would select a court already programmed for decision.
|
|
The clause is incredible on the face of it.
|
|
This was a mighty powerful weapon and the committee used it to a
|
|
maximum extent in carrying out a masterful job of continuing the
|
|
two cover-ups. It was masterful in the sense that they were not as
|
|
bold and bald about it as <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> or the <ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> or the Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> and the courts have been in
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> case. Their conclusions are inconclusive; sort of. They
|
|
say that to determine whether or not there really were conspiracies
|
|
in the two cases was beyond their means and the time they had
|
|
available. Nevertheless, the preponderant weight of the public
|
|
testimony before the committee was toward no conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
case and a, "<ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> shot him, but might have been helped," conclusion
|
|
in the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case. But the hold they exercised over the staff and
|
|
consultants in directing their investigations away from conspiracy
|
|
was very smoothly done, with the nondisclosure agreement always
|
|
lurking in the background as a possible threat.
|
|
The agreement was used as an excuse by the committee to avoid
|
|
answering questions. For example, I wrote to <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> on April
|
|
5, October 30, and November 24, 1978 asking why the committee had
|
|
not called several important witnesses in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case, including
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> had told me in a letter written on May
|
|
15, 1978, that the suggestion that <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> be called was being
|
|
followed and that the staff was being alerted about him. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>
|
|
took no action and did not contact <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent>, the
|
|
only person who knew where <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> was to be found.[3]
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> sent me this reply to my inquiries about the witnesses on
|
|
December 41978.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "Dear Mr. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>:
|
|
Thank you for your letter of November 24, 1978. I am aware of
|
|
the amount of time you have spent analyzing the assassination of
|
|
President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and your interest in the work of the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> since its inception. However, I
|
|
regret that *under our Rules*, it is impossible for us to respond
|
|
to your letter in a manner which would reveal the substance or
|
|
procedure of our investigation, or the names of those persons who
|
|
will be called to testify before the committee. The committee is,
|
|
of course, grateful for your suggestions and those of the many
|
|
other concerned citizens who have taken the time to write."
|
|
(Underlining for emphasis is the author's)
|
|
Sincerely,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>
|
|
Chairman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> "The Rules" <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> refers to include the nondisclosure
|
|
agreement. This letter implies that subsequent to December 4,
|
|
1978, the committee might be calling more <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> witnesses. Of
|
|
course, that didn't happen. Except for some high level <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, Secret
|
|
Service and other government officials testifying about
|
|
Presidential safety and future assassination investigations, the
|
|
committee's show was already over, and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> was well aware
|
|
of that. I'm sure <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> had his own personal reasons, not
|
|
necessarily sinister, for making that reply.
|
|
The committee had no intention of risking the appearance of any
|
|
of the more knowledgeable or involved witnesses whose names I had
|
|
given them in October 1978 as well as in May 1978 and November
|
|
1978. A list of these names appears later in this chapter.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>The <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> proved how easy it is to avoid finding a
|
|
conspiracy if you don't look for one, even one that seems to jump
|
|
up and smack you in the face. The Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> did this in
|
|
spades. The procedure was orchestrated by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent> by various
|
|
means. One of his methods was to split up the hard core Dealey
|
|
Plaza evidence and investigations into sections. He formed an
|
|
advisory panel of outside "experts", for each section; one on
|
|
medical evidence, photographic evidence, ballistics evidence,
|
|
trajectory evidence, etc. Then he made sure there was almost no
|
|
coordination, cross talk, or feedback among the panels or even
|
|
among the staff members assigned to each section, except at his
|
|
level.
|
|
There was a great amount of internal complaining about this, but
|
|
to no avail. Again, the nondisclosure agreement worked wonders.
|
|
An investigating team, in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, headed by the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
task force leader <ent type='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent>, was never allowed to surface either
|
|
publicly or internally to other staff people or the committee.
|
|
Their findings alone would have blown Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and his <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>/<ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
|
|
friends right out of the water. They spent a lot of time with Jim
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>, and with many of the witnesses and the assassination
|
|
participants described in Chapter 5 of this book. The public does
|
|
not even know who these staffers are, and undoubtedly will not hear
|
|
or see what they discovered either in the committee's final report
|
|
or in the public hearings.
|
|
The separation of assignments worked wonders in explaining away
|
|
much of the hard evidence of conspiracy. Some of it during the
|
|
public hearings was like watching a magic show, for knowledgeable
|
|
researchers. For example, the medical panel and staff members
|
|
determined that the path of bullet 399 through JFK's body rear to
|
|
front was slightly upward, given that he was sitting erect. But
|
|
since the medical panel and the photographic panel were never
|
|
permitted coordination, the medical panel never realized that <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
was sitting erect at the time bullet 399 supposedly struck.
|
|
Neither panel was allowed to communicate with the trajectory panel,
|
|
so that their representative <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Canning</ent> testified that bullet
|
|
399's trajectory backward from JFK's body, passed through the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>
|
|
sixth floor window. That erudite gentleman, a government employee
|
|
from <ent type='ORG'>NASA</ent>, was forced to make up his own medical evidence, which he
|
|
proceeded to do. He merely moved the exit wound in JFK's throat
|
|
down somewhat and the back of the neck wound up somewhat from where
|
|
Dr. <ent type='GPE'>Baden</ent> of the medical panel had placed them. He then tilted <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
forward at about 17 or 18 degrees based on his personal observation
|
|
of one photograph, rather than on the photographic panel's
|
|
conclusions. <ent type='ORG'>Presto</ent>; the trajectory tilted upward and leftward
|
|
enough to pass through the sixth floor window.
|
|
Another bit of magic was presented by <ent type='PERSON'>Canning</ent> to support the
|
|
single bullet theory. He drew a straight line between governor
|
|
Connally's back entry wound position and JFK's back entry wound
|
|
position and found that the line also passed through the sixth
|
|
floor window. To do this he moved Connally on the seat to his left
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> to his right, and lifted <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> up a bit on the rear seat.
|
|
Again he did this without consultation with the photographic panel.
|
|
Some hard evidence was not dealt with at all and other hard
|
|
evidence of conspiracy was presented without identifying it as such
|
|
and then just left dangling. An example of the former is all of
|
|
the photographic evidence cited earlier in this book and in my
|
|
"<ent type='ORG'>Computers and Automation</ent>" magazine articles, showing that the
|
|
sniper's nest was not a sniper's nest, that no one was in the
|
|
window, and that no one could have fired shots from that position
|
|
that day. I showed pictures of the nest from the inside and the
|
|
window from the outside to the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> sub-committee in July 1977 and I
|
|
reviewed them at length for their evidenciary value with the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
staff, notably <ent type='PERSON'>Ken Klein</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jackie</ent> Hess,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ovan <ent type='PERSON'>Gaye</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent> Orr, <ent type='PERSON'>Chellie Mason</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>.
|
|
So <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> cannot claim they didn't know about these
|
|
photos. They saw the <ent type='PERSON'>Foley</ent> photo over a long period of time, and
|
|
were no doubt quite embarrassed by the unexpected appearance of the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bronson</ent> film. Not one word about the sixth floor window, the
|
|
cartons, the planted shells, the planted rifle, and the extra rifle
|
|
found on the roof, the impossible shot, no one in the window when
|
|
the shots were fired; not one word was mentioned in the public
|
|
hearings about the photos and other evidence. Where was the
|
|
photographic panel? Asleep? Frightened by the agreement they
|
|
signed?
|
|
An example of evidence of conspiracy left dangling was the
|
|
testimony given by the photographic panel spokesman, Calvin S.
|
|
McCamy. The panel examined all of the photos of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> during the
|
|
early part of the shot sequence, and took a vote on when the first
|
|
shot struck <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>. It came out as around Z189 to Z196.
|
|
Perfect. That matches. But no one asked the trajectory panel or
|
|
the ballistics spokesman how <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was able to fire bullet 399
|
|
right through the center of that big oak tree at Z189-Z196. Not
|
|
even <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> would make that claim, preferring to put
|
|
the timing at Z210 or later after <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> came out from behind the
|
|
tree.
|
|
There were some anxious moments for the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, even
|
|
as well orchestrated as the whole farce was. Dr. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Cyril</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Wecht</ent></ent> was
|
|
his usual grand self. He blasted the committee. They said he was
|
|
part of the medical panel and therefore was asked to present a
|
|
minority view. <ent type='PERSON'>Cyril</ent> said they weren't planning to call him until
|
|
he demanded to be allowed to testify. They tried to bamboozle him,
|
|
to discredit him (a tough assignment), to attack him and to knock
|
|
down his testimony. Lawyer <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Cornwell</ent> was particularly
|
|
obnoxious in his questioning of Dr. <ent type='ORG'>Wecht</ent>. Favorable witnesses
|
|
testifying to no conspiracy were handled with kid gloves and
|
|
treated politely or dragged through an obviously rehearsed series
|
|
of questions. It was <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> revisited. Two
|
|
witnesses they couldn't mistreat were Governor and Mrs. Connally.
|
|
They politely and calmly presented believable testimony destroying
|
|
the single bullet theory. That didn't bother the committee any
|
|
more than it bothered <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. They resurrected the
|
|
theory a few days later when the trajectory panel testified.
|
|
Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Barger</ent> of <ent type='PERSON'>Bolt Baranek</ent> & <ent type='ORG'>Newman</ent> shook them up a little with
|
|
his acoustical analysis of the police radio tape that reveals the
|
|
sounds of four, not three, shots. If Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Barger</ent> had been given all
|
|
of the facts initially, he probably could have helped prove where
|
|
the shots came from. Except for the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> position behind
|
|
the fence and the sixth floor <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> window, he was not told about
|
|
any other possible firing points. For example, he knew nothing
|
|
about the <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> building, the west end roof or high floor of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent>, or other positions on the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. In fact, <ent type='PERSON'>Barger</ent> did
|
|
not know the location of the motorcycle where the microphone had
|
|
been left open, picking up the sound of the shots. His assignment
|
|
included a determination of where the motorcycle was, from the
|
|
sounds on the tape and sounds made during a re-enactment of the
|
|
firing in Dealey Plaza. The only test shots <ent type='PERSON'>Barger</ent> had fired were
|
|
from the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> sixth floor window and from behind the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>
|
|
fence. The net result was that he decided the motorcycle was
|
|
trailing <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>ial limousine by 120 feet. No one on the
|
|
committee or the photographic panel ever showed <ent type='PERSON'>Barger</ent> the <ent type='PERSON'>Altgens</ent>
|
|
photo, the <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> film, the Martin, Nix, Couch, <ent type='NORP'>Weigman</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Bell</ent> or
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Muchmore</ent> films or any other pictures showing there was no
|
|
motorcycle anywhere near 120 feet behind the limousine.[4] Again,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> divided and conquered. <ent type='PERSON'>Barger</ent> told me that if he had known
|
|
about the motorcycle trailing the limousine by a few feet, driven
|
|
by policeman D.L. <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>son, who disappeared completely after the
|
|
assassination, he could have altered his analysis completely. The
|
|
sounds of the last two shots may well have been from the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>
|
|
behind the wall, and from the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> roof or the <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> second
|
|
floor. Barger's analysis shows that the last shot sound, made by a
|
|
rifle occurred just a faction of a second after the next to the
|
|
last shot, possibly made by pistol. This would fit a pistol shot
|
|
from behind the fence fired almost simultaneously with a rifle shot
|
|
from either the <ent type='ORG'>TSBD</ent> west end or <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent>. The delay of the sound
|
|
traveling from <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> is about right so that the <ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> shot
|
|
would strike at Z312 and the pistol or rifle shot from the right
|
|
front would strike at Z313. Prof. <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Weiss</ent> of <ent type='ORG'>Queens College</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Barger</ent> were called into an executive session on December 20 after
|
|
the hearings were finished. They testified that there were
|
|
definitely four shots fired, at least one of which was from the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>.
|
|
This new analysis was conducted by <ent type='ORG'>Weiss</ent> independently from the
|
|
one done by <ent type='PERSON'>Bolt Baranek</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Newman</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>Weiss</ent> said that his work
|
|
proved to a 95% certainty that the third shot was a rifle shot from
|
|
a position on the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. He said the data pinpointed the position
|
|
to within two feet. The position was behind the fence, which
|
|
eliminates man number two at the corner of the wall and also
|
|
eliminates a pistol. However, the photos show man number two did
|
|
make a puff of smoke, whether or not he fired a shot.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>man <ent type='PERSON'>Sawyer</ent> broke the news about <ent type='ORG'>Weiss</ent>' testimony during
|
|
a radio broadcast in <ent type='GPE'>Michigan</ent>, his home state. A furor broke
|
|
loose. The committee went into an executive session Friday
|
|
December 22 to discuss what to do since there were only nine days
|
|
left to the end of their existence. The radio tape and the <ent type='PERSON'>Bronson</ent>
|
|
film seemed to shake them up considerably. Or was it all rehearsed
|
|
and planned this way by the committee. It seems incredible that
|
|
the 12 members of the committee would be shaken by the sounds from
|
|
a tape when they weren't bothered at all by photos of the <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>
|
|
window showing that no one was there when the shots were fired.
|
|
The committee members could see those photos with their own eyes.
|
|
They had to take the word of experts about the sounds on the tape,
|
|
which cannot be heard because of the noise of the engine of the
|
|
policeman's cycle where the microphone was stuck open.[4] This was
|
|
the most blatantly dishonest stunt pulled by <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> during
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> period. Yet, the research community cannot complain too
|
|
much because it did produce a conspiracy conclusion.
|
|
The committee's distortions and omission respecting the hard
|
|
Dealey Plaza evidence is overshadowed by the key witnesses that the
|
|
committee did not call. None of the players listed in Chapter 5
|
|
were called, nor ever mentioned. One key witness, <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent>,
|
|
insisted that he testify about Oswald's <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> involvement, but was
|
|
turned down. <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent> told the "<ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Morning News," "They don't
|
|
want to hear what I have to say."
|
|
He might have told them the same story he told the author,
|
|
through an intermediary in 1971. Namely, that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was reporting
|
|
to <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent> on the assassination plans of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> group based in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City. <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> agent witness, Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> might have given
|
|
private interview evidence, but he was killed the day before he was
|
|
to meet with the committee.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, Mary
|
|
Hope, Guy Gabaldin, Manuel Garcia <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, Emilio
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Santana</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence, Major L.M. <ent type='GPE'>Bloomfield</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Sergio Arcacha Smith</ent>, Harry <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent>s, <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Hicks</ent>, Sylvia
|
|
Odio, <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> Du Brueys, <ent type='PERSON'>Louis Ivon</ent>, E.
|
|
Howard Hunt and <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> were not called and no interest was
|
|
shown in having them as witnesses. Some key witnesses who were
|
|
called were not asked any important questions, or cross examined at
|
|
all. <ent type='LOC'>Marina</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> Porter was one of these. Another was Gerald
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> told his standard lies, and no one asked him
|
|
about <ent type='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>'s statement about <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> protecting Clay
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>, or about E. Howard Hunt and Guy Gabaldin in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City in
|
|
October, 1963, or about Harry William's statement that he, <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>,
|
|
Hunt, and <ent type='PERSON'>Lyman Kirkpatrick</ent> were reconsidering another <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n
|
|
invasion at the moment <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> was shot, in a <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C., <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
location.
|
|
With respect to the assassination of Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent>, the committee
|
|
also performed admirably for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, in this case, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> wing.
|
|
They failed to deal with the important evidence of conspiracy,
|
|
failed to call the prime witnesses, and distorted or omitted
|
|
evidence. They spent a great amount of time trying to prove,
|
|
rather unsuccessfully except for media accounts, that <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was guilty and that he had help from his family and was
|
|
possibly financed by some wealthy sountherners.
|
|
Briefly, here is the evidence they did not cover. The witnesses
|
|
who saw a man in the rooming house--all of whom said it was not
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>--were not called. <ent type='PERSON'>Charles Stephens</ent>, who was bribed
|
|
and coerced by the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> into identifying the man as <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>, but who was
|
|
dead drunk, and saw nothing, was not put on the stand with his
|
|
common law wife <ent type='PERSON'>Grace</ent> and a cab driver who saw how drunk he was.
|
|
Confronting his testimony by cross examination and by using counter
|
|
witnesses should have been done.
|
|
The three bar maids in <ent type='GPE'>Montreal</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Atlanta</ent> who saw <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> together were not called. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> Bradford <ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent></ent> found them
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> knew where they were. The committee didn't look for them.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Foreman</ent> were not put on the stand and asked all of the key
|
|
questions about why <ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent> changed his entire approach toward <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> as
|
|
soon as I showed him the <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent>-<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> photos. Foreman's role was
|
|
never explored under fierce cross examination as it would be if
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> were able to get a new trial for <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>. He should have
|
|
been asked why he told <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> he got the <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> photos from the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
|
|
when he actually got them from me!
|
|
The <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> sketch comparison, made by <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Turner</ent> and I
|
|
in the summer of 1968, should have been produced and shown to
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Foreman</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Huie</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and other witnesses.
|
|
The complete list of witnesses who saw <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> together,
|
|
as well as the complete list who saw <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> at the gasoline station a
|
|
few blocks away from the crime at the time the shot was fired, were
|
|
not called. The committee adopted the stance that it was up to
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> to produce those witnesses, as though the
|
|
investigation of the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> killing was a trial instead. The
|
|
committee, not <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>, had the responsibility of investigating and
|
|
locating those witnesses. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Lehner</ent></ent> wanted to do that, but he was
|
|
fired.
|
|
The evidence about the rooming house bathroom window as an
|
|
impossible firing point, presented so well in <ent type='PERSON'>Harold Weisberg</ent>'s
|
|
book "Frame-Up: The <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>/<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> Case," was
|
|
either ignored or distorted. The evidence about the trajectory of
|
|
the shot was completely distorted. The ballistics, medical and
|
|
trajectory panels discussed the vertical angle of difference
|
|
between the "grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>" firing point and bathroom window firing
|
|
point trajectories to the Lorraine Motel balcony. They stated that
|
|
the differential angle between the two trajectories was too small
|
|
to determine, from the medical evidence, whether the shot came from
|
|
the window or the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>.
|
|
But, they failed to discuss the horizontal differential angle
|
|
between the two trajectories which was much larger, large enough to
|
|
determine the firing point.
|
|
They also failed to present a number of witnesses who saw the
|
|
actual assassin, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent>, both before and after he fired
|
|
from the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wayne</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Chastain</ent></ent> should also have been called to
|
|
testify about this evidence and those witnesses.
|
|
The evidence concerning who <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent> and <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>-<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent>
|
|
worked for, and their involvement, was not dealt with at all. The
|
|
committee should have presented the photographic evidence showing
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> was <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, and should have asked <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and the witnesses who
|
|
saw <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> to identify him from the <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> photos. <ent type='PERSON'>Jeff</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Paley</ent>
|
|
actually showed Frenchy's photo to witnesses in 1968 while Raoul's
|
|
face was still fresh in their minds. They recognized the face.
|
|
They certainly should have since the sketch of <ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> was made from
|
|
their recollections. They should have called <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> as a witness
|
|
in both <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> & <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> cases. I know from an inside source on the
|
|
committee that they found <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> alive in 1978. They certainly
|
|
knew about <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent> because they read <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Wayne</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Chastain</ent></ent>'s
|
|
series of articles in "Computers and People."
|
|
In summary, the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> performed reasonably well on
|
|
behalf of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>. There are no public outcrys over what they did
|
|
because the media wouldn't air them. <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> held a number of
|
|
press conferences during the committee's life span, and no media
|
|
organization reported on any of them. The media, of course, were
|
|
quite willing servants of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, as they always have been since
|
|
1963. The combination of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> spokesmen for the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> and the cooperative
|
|
media is really nearly unbeatable.
|
|
Some researchers hoped against hope that the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>,
|
|
under <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Preyer</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Fauntroy</ent>, would still unveil the
|
|
truth, as the public hearings began in August. The hopes
|
|
disappeared during the first week of hearings on the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> case as
|
|
the committee demonstrated quite clearly that they were going to
|
|
continue the cover-ups and to get <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> in
|
|
the bargain. Still, the hopes would not quite die. The letters I
|
|
wrote to <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> in the fall of 1978, expressed the last ditch
|
|
thought that maybe they were conducting a charade designed to fool
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the rest of the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> into believing they were going
|
|
to cover-up the truth. It turned out be for real, no charade.
|
|
The eight people assassinated by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> in 1977-78 during the
|
|
Select Committee's life span are probably the best proof of who is
|
|
in charge of the U.S. and what their intentions are. The murders
|
|
are all part of the cover-up efforts and were all successfully
|
|
carried out, a la The Parallax View, with very few suspicions
|
|
raised on the part of the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n media or the public. They
|
|
included <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>, Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, George de Mohrenschildt,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Sam Giancana</ent>,[5] <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Roselli</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Carlos Prio Socarras</ent>, Thomas
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Karamessines</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent>, and an attempt on the life of
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Larry Flynt</ent>.
|
|
Each of these murders was carried out with great success and for
|
|
varying reasons. One common thread connects them all. Each man
|
|
knew too much about the assassinations of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> or
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and the subsequent cover-up conspiracies. All
|
|
but <ent type='PERSON'>Flynt</ent> were witnesses to be called by the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> or
|
|
ones that had given some information and were scheduled to give
|
|
more. Of the nine people including <ent type='PERSON'>Flynt</ent>, the two most important
|
|
were <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> and Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.
|
|
Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was one of two <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> agents in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> assigned
|
|
as contact men for <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> in his role as <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> informer.
|
|
The other agent was <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> du Brueys. <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent> was his contact
|
|
agent in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> knew a lot, but was under strict orders
|
|
from the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> not to reveal any of it. He was called as a witness
|
|
at the trial of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and asked by <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> whether he
|
|
hadn't been searching for <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> under the name <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Bertrand</ent>,
|
|
before it was known that <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Bertrand</ent> wanted to hire a lawyer for
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> took executive privilege, a popular
|
|
dodge at that time with the <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> administration. When the judge
|
|
pressed him, he said he would have to check with the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and the
|
|
attorney general, <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, in <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. Word came
|
|
through that he could answer that one question, so he said yes it
|
|
was true. He went no further however. The significance is that
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> knew all about <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>'s involvement in the assassination
|
|
because <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was reporting back to them as a paid infiltrator of
|
|
Shaw's team. There is a distinct possibility that <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was sent
|
|
by <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> to <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent> immediately after the
|
|
assassination, to help coordinate the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>/<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> cover-up. <ent type='GPE'>Beverly</ent>
|
|
Oliver, the Babushka lady, whose film was confiscated by three
|
|
government agents on <ent type='LOC'>Sunday</ent> November 24, 1963 at <ent type='ORG'>the Carousel Club</ent>
|
|
owned by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>, made a tentative identification of Regis
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> from his photograph as one of those three agents. The film
|
|
has never surfaced. It should show the assassins on the grassy
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> quite clearly since <ent type='GPE'>Beverly</ent> was much closer than either
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Orville Nix</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Marie Muchmore</ent> and had her camera trained on <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> all
|
|
the way down Elm Street.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> died of a supposed heart attack the day before he was to
|
|
meet with the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> staff. Heart attacks, as most
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns know by now from watching the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> hearings,
|
|
and seeing the Parallax View, are easily induced by a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-developed
|
|
pill, which leaves no trace in the autopsy, if there is one.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> was eliminated by a clever, but simple
|
|
technique. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> agents who killed him knew about his hunting
|
|
haunts in New <ent type='GPE'>England</ent>. They also knew about a teenage son of a
|
|
state policeman living near Sullivan's country place who liked to
|
|
hunt in the same area. Two of them intercepted <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> early one
|
|
morning as he set out for a walk in the woods. They shot him with
|
|
a deer rifle and took his body to a spot in the woods where they
|
|
knew the boy would be. They carried a decoy inflated to the shape
|
|
resembling a deer and probably acted like one. The boy shot at him
|
|
and thought he hit a deer. The agents dropped Sullivan's body at
|
|
that spot and left. They accidentally left the pair of gloves one
|
|
of them was wearing. The boy went over to the spot in the early
|
|
morning semi-darkness, found Sullivan's body, and thought he had
|
|
killed him by mistake. He still thinks so. There was no
|
|
investigation and no questions asked.
|
|
Why was <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> killed? As mentioned before, <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>
|
|
was J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>s' right hand man in charge of Division Five,
|
|
the FBI's clandestine domestic operation that included an
|
|
assassination squad. Every likelihood exists that <ent type='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> ordered
|
|
Sullivan's division to kill <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and that <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> used
|
|
<ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>/<ent type='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent> to do the job. <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> was also
|
|
due to meet with the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> within a day or two after the
|
|
day he was shot. Whether he would have talked or not probably
|
|
makes little difference. The <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> couldn't take the chance.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Karamessines</ent> died of an apparent heart attack at the age
|
|
of 61 on September 4, 1978 at his vacation home in <ent type='LOC'>Grand Lake</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Quebec</ent>. He headed the covert operations part of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> after
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> was promoted from that position to head of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>David Phillips</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> dirty tricks operative who is making public
|
|
speeches supporting the Deputy Director of Plans (dirty tricks)
|
|
function, worked for <ent type='NORP'>Karamessines</ent>. His knowledge of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
assassination and the CIA's cover-up role was undoubtedly complete
|
|
since he inherited the whole thing from <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>.
|
|
The other dead people were bumped off figuratively, on the very
|
|
doorstep of the committee. <ent type='PERSON'>Roselli</ent> was killed and dumped into
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent> Bay. <ent type='PERSON'>Giancana</ent> was shot full of holes in his <ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent>
|
|
residence. De Mohrenschildt was shot with a shotgun in his
|
|
daughter's friends house in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>. All three were scheduled to
|
|
meet with the committee. <ent type='ORG'>Socarras</ent> was killed in a garage in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Masferrer</ent> was blown up in his car in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Flynt</ent> was
|
|
shot on the street in <ent type='GPE'>Georgia</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>. Why does it keep popping up in these cases? Bay of
|
|
Pigs, No Name Key <ent type='ORG'>Group</ent>, anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> forces, <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> operations; it
|
|
all fits together somehow. <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s first real breakthrough
|
|
came when he found <ent type='PERSON'>Masferrer</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> through Manuel Garcia
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>. That led him and <ent type='GPE'>the District</ent> Attorney in <ent type='GPE'>Dade County</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>, to <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>, Howard, Hall, <ent type='ORG'>Hemming</ent>
|
|
and <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, all part of <ent type='ORG'>Socarras</ent>' and Banister's <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>-based, No
|
|
Name Key anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> operations. It figured that some of them
|
|
would die in their own backyard when the committee was getting too
|
|
close. <ent type='PERSON'>Gaeton Fonzi</ent> can personally vouch for that. He was the
|
|
committee's <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> investigator.
|
|
Why wouldn't men like <ent type='ORG'>Fonzi</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Fenton</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Fauntroy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Preyer</ent>,
|
|
and a woman like <ent type='PERSON'>Yvonne Burke</ent>, tell us the truth. I spent a lot of
|
|
time with all of them and got to know some of them very well. They
|
|
all impressed me as being very honest and dedicated people.
|
|
There may be another explanation, as I mentioned in the
|
|
beginning of this last chapter. A committee, is, after all, made
|
|
up of a bunch of individuals. So is a staff. Now, except for
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent>, Ed <ent type='PERSON'>Evans</ent> (<ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent> investigator) and one or two others,
|
|
these people were not professionals in the investigations and
|
|
certainly none of them had been involved in the really big game of
|
|
espionage and clandestine operations. They were, and still are,
|
|
ordinary mortals, like you and me, with fears and cautionary
|
|
attitudes toward personal safety and danger. They also have
|
|
families.
|
|
Not even <ent type='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent> had ever been involved with the kind of
|
|
monstrous game played by the spooks of the world. It is a game for
|
|
keeps, of life and death, mostly death. Let's look at it from the
|
|
viewpoint of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>, just to take an example. He took over
|
|
the chairmanship of the committee with the following knowledge.
|
|
He suspected there was a conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case and at least
|
|
wanted to find out whether the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> were involved in
|
|
covering it up. He may not have known all of the details, but he
|
|
was aware of the fact that many people had died. He knew that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> had nearly been killed by a rifleman while driving
|
|
through a <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> desert with his wife. This occurred just after
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> made public statements about all four political
|
|
assassinations being related and the intelligence agencies possibly
|
|
being involved. <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> saw how the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> swung their weight around
|
|
in the Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> and on the floor of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> when the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> in January and February 1977, asked for a new
|
|
budget and a reconstituted authority to subpoena records and
|
|
continue the investigation. He also knew that something strange
|
|
had happened to <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>. He told me so in a luncheon
|
|
meeting on May 10, 1977. He said <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> had cut off all
|
|
communications with him and other committee members just as he had
|
|
with me. I told <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> that I believed <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> had purposefully been
|
|
fed information by the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent> that I, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, and some of
|
|
the committee members were working for the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. Otherwise, why
|
|
would he have instructed the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> to close access to their
|
|
files to the committee staff, just after he had won the fight he
|
|
fought so hard to get the subpoena power back.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> agreed it must have been something like that. <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>
|
|
also must have had a frightened reaction during 1977 and 1978 to
|
|
these eight bodies dumped on his doorstep. As in the scene in "The
|
|
Godfather", it only takes one horse's head in your bed to get the
|
|
idea you should keep your mouth closed and play it cool.
|
|
Given all of this, each committee member may have reached his or
|
|
her decision that this game was not for <ent type='ORG'>congress</ent>men. In April 1977
|
|
it is possible that all of those executive sessions the committee
|
|
held were partially devoted to a discussion of the personal safety
|
|
of each member, each staffer, and all of their families. They may
|
|
have reached unanimous agreement that the only safe approach would
|
|
be to avoid sensitive areas, and not to attack the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> or <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, and
|
|
certainly to avoid going after any of the dangerous guys in both
|
|
assassination cases.
|
|
Yet, to keep an honest approach going they would have to listen
|
|
to any credible hard evidence of conspiracy, comment on it, but
|
|
refrain from taking a stronger course than just listening. As Dr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> told me more than once, "I'm just going to let the facts
|
|
speak for themselves." This is somewhat like the position the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> took when <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Hale Boggs</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent>
|
|
Sherman <ent type='PERSON'>Cooper</ent> refused to sign the draft of the <ent type='ORG'>Warren Report</ent> until
|
|
a qualifying statement was inserted. The statement read, "Because
|
|
of the difficulty of proving negatives to a certainty the
|
|
possibility of others being involved with either <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Ruby</ent>
|
|
cannot be established categorically but if there is any such
|
|
evidence it has been beyond the reach of all the investigative
|
|
agencies and resources of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States and has not come to the
|
|
attention of this <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>."
|
|
The committee has, in its final report, taken a stronger
|
|
position than that by saying, in effect, that new evidence of
|
|
conspiracy has surfaced and that the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> should turn the job
|
|
of pursuing that evidence and a continuing investigation over to
|
|
the executive branch. The recommendation is for the Justice
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> to determine whether further investigations are
|
|
warranted. Thus <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> members would be off the hook and,
|
|
more importantly, still alive and safe. They can claim that the
|
|
funds they had and the time they had were not enough. Whose fault
|
|
was that? Certainly not the committee's, they can claim.
|
|
This scenario, if true, is really the only hope, though very
|
|
slim, any of us have left. All other avenues have been closed.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[1] "<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> Daily News" -- Tu<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>ay, December 12, 1979.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[2] See the letters in the Appendix for a copy of the nondisclosure
|
|
agreement itself as well as correspondence between the author
|
|
and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[3] See copies of this correspondence in the Appendix.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[4] Following the December 22 executive session a public hearing was
|
|
held on December 29, the last weekday of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>'s
|
|
existence. <ent type='ORG'>Weiss</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Barger</ent> presented the acoustical evidence
|
|
proving four shots, one from the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>, thereby causing the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> to conclude there was a probable conspiracy.
|
|
But, the fact that the Couch and <ent type='NORP'>Weigman</ent> films prove the
|
|
acoustical analysis was incorrect because there is no motorcycle
|
|
where there was supposed to be one, was completely covered-up by
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> staff. Why? The answer obviously is that the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> wanted to close shop with a conspiracy conclusion but
|
|
one that wouldn't shake up the intelligence community and the <ent type='ORG'>PCG</ent>
|
|
too much. If the correct acoustical analysis had been presented,
|
|
with the motorcycle directly behind the presidential limousine,
|
|
the net result would have been the elimination of that 6th floor
|
|
window as the source of the shots. <ent type='ORG'>Eliminate</ent> that window and you
|
|
eliminate <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and open up a can of worms with a completely
|
|
different kind of conspiracy. One with a patsy and intelligence
|
|
ramifications, written all over it.
|
|
So <ent type='PERSON'>Cornwell</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, and perhaps the entire <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> decided
|
|
to prove by implication that the motorcycle was 120 feet behind
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> car at the time of the shot from the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. They showed
|
|
publicly frames from the <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> film which shows the motorcycle
|
|
they fudged, somewhat more than 120 feet behind the limousine.
|
|
But the <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> film ends with the cycle on <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent> Street. The
|
|
cycle can be seen in the <ent type='ORG'>Hughes</ent> film trailing Couch's camera car.
|
|
Couch took film all the way down <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent> and around the turn onto
|
|
Elm Street. The limo can be seen in all of this footage. The
|
|
cycle can not. The cycle finally catches up to Couch and passes
|
|
him after the limo is beyond the triple overpass. Couch is, at
|
|
all times including the time of the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> shot, more than 200 feet
|
|
behind the limousine. <ent type='ORG'>Ergo</ent>, the cycle is more than 200 feet
|
|
behind at the critical point.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Cornwell</ent> presented the cop driving the <ent type='GPE'>Houston</ent> Street cycle and
|
|
attempted to elicit testimony from him that it was his microphone
|
|
that was open.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[5] <ent type='PERSON'>Giancana</ent> actually died in 1975 before testifying to the Schweicker
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination subcommittee of the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p>--
|
|
daveus rattus </p>
|
|
|
|
<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> ko.yaa.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
|
|
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
|
|
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.
|
|
From dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com Thu Jun 18 09:38:16 1992
|
|
Received: by icaen.uiowa.edu ( 5.52 (84)/1.1) id AA10172
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on Thu, 18 Jun 92 09:38:11 CDT.
|
|
Received: from pl122c.eecs.lehigh.edu by ns-mx.uiowa.edu (5.64.jnf/920408)
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for <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA23140; Thu, 18 Jun 92 07:28:19 -0700
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for @sgi.sgi.com:<ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122C.EECS.LEHIGH.EDU id AA10904; Thu, 18 Jun 92 07:28:15 -0700
|
|
Date: Thu, 18 Jun 92 07:28:15 -0700
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 9206181428.AA10904@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</info>
|
|
To: <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (10/11)
|
|
Status: RO</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (10/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 10 of 11: chapter 17
|
|
Lines: 769</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1985: The <ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> (2)</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Chapter 17
|
|
THE FINAL COVER UP: How The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent>led
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> On <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Introduction</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The final report of the <ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
(HSCA), issued in 1979, concluded that a conspiracy existed in the
|
|
assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. This news should have
|
|
delighted hundreds of researchers who had disagreed with the no-conspiracy finding of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. The fact that it did
|
|
not, is due to <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> conspiracy being a simple one, with <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent>
|
|
Harvey <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> still firing all but one of the shots from the sixth
|
|
floor window of the <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> School Book Depository Building. The
|
|
existence of another shooter and another shot, from the grassy
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>, was "proved" by <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>, based primarily on acoustical
|
|
evidence presented in the very last month of their public hearings.
|
|
Dr. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Billings</ent>, chief counsel and report
|
|
editor for <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>, co-authored, in 1981, a book, "The Plot to
|
|
Kill <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent>," following the publication of <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>'s final
|
|
report. The book claimed that the other shooter and <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> were
|
|
part of a <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> plot to kill <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>.
|
|
To over simplify the current (1985) situation, most <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
researchers feel that the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public had been deceived once
|
|
again. The HSCA reaffirmed all but one of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>'s
|
|
findings, including even the famed single bullet theory. The
|
|
simplified conspiracy finding is now subject to review by the
|
|
Justice <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> because it is based on very
|
|
questionable acoustical evidence. Justice commissioned the so-called <ent type='ORG'>Ramsey Panel</ent>[1] to review this evidence, in 1981, under the
|
|
auspices of <ent type='ORG'>the National Academy</ent> of Sciences. It found no evidence
|
|
from the acoustics that a grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent> shot was fired. So, we are
|
|
back to no-conspiracy and <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> being the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>. And even
|
|
if there was a conspiracy, <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> claims it involved the <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> and
|
|
not the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. The HSCA report and all of its volumes of evidence
|
|
omitting any reference to <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> involvement, concluded that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
was not involved, and did not reveal any evidence that <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>
|
|
staff had collected showing that <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people murdered <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, and that
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> has been covering up that fact ever since.
|
|
Any followers of <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> activities connected with the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
|
|
assassination, since 1963, must ask the question, how did they do
|
|
it? How did the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> turn things completely around from the 1976
|
|
days when <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent> and others were pursuing the truth
|
|
about the assassination, to essentially the same status as when the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> finished its work? How did they produce the
|
|
final cover-up? The answer is that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> controlled <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> and
|
|
its investigation and findings from the early part of 1977,
|
|
forward. The methods they used were as clever and devious as any
|
|
they had used previously to control <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>, the <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> Investigation, the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>/Hart <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>[2] and the efforts of independent
|
|
researchers.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Situation in 1976</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> In 1976, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>, member of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> from <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>, and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> from <ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent>, were both convinced there was a
|
|
massive conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. They introduced a
|
|
joint bill in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> which resulted in the formation of <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>
|
|
and an investigation of the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> assassinations. <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>
|
|
believed there were at least four conspiracies in the
|
|
assassinations of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>MLK</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and in the attempted
|
|
assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>. He introduced an original bill to
|
|
have the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> investigate all four and the cover-ups and links
|
|
among them. <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> was primarily interested in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case and
|
|
his original bill dealt only with that conspiracy. <ent type='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> and
|
|
his committee members and supporters around the country joined
|
|
forces with Coretta <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>the Black Caucus</ent> in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> to
|
|
pressure <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>men and Tip O'<ent type='PERSON'>Neill</ent> to investigate the <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassinations. The net result was a merging of the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> bills into a Final HSCA bill dealing with only
|
|
two of the cases.
|
|
In the fall of 1976, with <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> as chairman, <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> selected
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, from the <ent type='GPE'>Philadelphia</ent> District Attorney's
|
|
office, to be chief counsel. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> hired four professional
|
|
investigators and criminal lawyers from <ent type='GPE'>New York City</ent>. They were
|
|
very good and completely independent of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, having
|
|
been trained by one of the best professionals in the business, D.A.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Frank Hogan</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and his <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> team, headed by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent>, attorney, and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent>, chief detective, were going after the real assassins
|
|
and their bosses, whether this led them to the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> or <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> or
|
|
anywhere else. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> had already made it clear to <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> that
|
|
he would investigate <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> involvement, and subpoena <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people,
|
|
documents and other information, whether classified or not. He had
|
|
also had meetings with several researchers, including the author,
|
|
and made it known privately that he was going to use the talent and
|
|
knowledge of every reliable researcher on a consulting basis. He
|
|
had contacted <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and informed him he would
|
|
be following up on all of his information and leads. He had
|
|
initiated an investigation of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> activities in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City
|
|
connected with the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination, including information
|
|
supplied to <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> by the author.[3]
|
|
R.A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> were aware of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> connections of
|
|
the individuals involved in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination in Dealey Plaza,
|
|
in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City, in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and in the <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> Keys. They had,
|
|
in November 1976, exposed the entire HSCA staff to all of the
|
|
photographic evidence showing these people in Dealey Plaza and
|
|
elsewhere. They were aware of the assassination planning meetings
|
|
held by <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City and knew who the higher level
|
|
conspirators were. They had initiated searches for the real
|
|
assassins; <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent>
|
|
Lawrence, <ent type='PERSON'>Fred <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent>, et al. They
|
|
were planning to interview <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract agents, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Hope</ent>
|
|
and Guy Gabaldin. <ent type='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent> had been appointed head of a team
|
|
of investigators to follow up on the <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> part of the
|
|
conspiracy which had included <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents and people; <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Guy Banister</ent>, Manuel Garcia <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, Sergio Arcacha
|
|
Smith, <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent> and others. They were going to contact people
|
|
who had attended assassination planning meetings in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>.
|
|
From the photographic evidence surrounding the sixth floor
|
|
window, as well as the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> and most of
|
|
the staff knew <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> had not fired any shots, knew no shots came
|
|
from the sixth floor window, and knew there had been shots from the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> Building and the <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. They knew the single bullet theory
|
|
was not true, and knew there had been a well-planned crossfire in
|
|
Dealey Plaza. They were not planning to waste a lot of time
|
|
reviewing and rehashing the Dealey Plaza evidence, except as it
|
|
might lead to the real assassins.
|
|
They had set up an investigation in <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> and the Keys, of the
|
|
evidence and leads developed in 1967 by <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Gaeton Fonzi</ent> was
|
|
in charge of that part of Sprague's team. They were going to check
|
|
out the people in the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> that had been running and funding the No
|
|
Name Key group and other Anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> groups. <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Santana</ent>,
|
|
Manuel Garcia <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, Jerry <ent type='PERSON'>Pat</ent>rick <ent type='ORG'>Hemming</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Loran Hall</ent>, Lawrence
|
|
Howard, <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>ns <ent type='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent> and Carlos Prio
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Socarras</ent> were to be found and interrogated.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> and his research team had seen the photo collection of
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Dick Billings</ent> from "<ent type='ORG'>Life Magazine</ent>" which was, by 1976, deposited in
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>the Georgetown University Library</ent>'s <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination collection.
|
|
The No Name Key people and others showing up in Garrison's
|
|
investigation appeared in these photos with high level <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents.
|
|
In 1977, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>, who was far more supportive of a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
conspiracy idea than Tom <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent>, was to become chairman of the
|
|
HSCA. <ent type='PERSON'>Downing</ent> did not run for re-election in 1976 and was
|
|
retiring. At that point, December 1976, <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> were
|
|
of the same mind and getting along fine. Researchers were very
|
|
pleased with the way things were going and believed <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> would
|
|
expose the CIA's involvement in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> cover up.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The CIA's problem</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Given this background of <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> status in late 1976, it can
|
|
easily be seen that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> was up against much more serious
|
|
opposition than it ever had been before in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> murder and
|
|
cover-up. They had ruined <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s reputation and curtailed
|
|
his investigation by various dirty trick means. They had been in
|
|
solid control of <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> by the simple expedient of
|
|
having four of the <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent>ers belonging to them; <ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>,
|
|
McCloy and <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent>. They were also able to kill enough people who
|
|
knew the truth, to slow down any truth-seeking that might have
|
|
taken place. They also hid documents, destroyed and altered
|
|
evidence, lied about other evidence, and bald facedly (<ent type='GPE'>Dulles</ent>)
|
|
admitted that they wouldn't tell <ent type='ORG'>the President</ent> or the <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> if
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> had been a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent (which he had been). In the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> situation they were in complete control of
|
|
that attempt to reinforce <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>'s findings. And in
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> investigation, the <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>/Hart subcommittee
|
|
on the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case was very limited and controlled in what they could
|
|
do.
|
|
But in the new situation, in <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and his
|
|
professionals with so much knowledge of the CIA's role in the
|
|
murder and the cover-up, they faced a crisis. They knew they had
|
|
to do several things to turn it around and to continue to keep the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public from realizing what was happening. Here is what
|
|
they had to do:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 1. Get rid of <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 2. Get rid of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 3. Get rid of Sprague's key men or keep them away from <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
evidence or keep them quiet.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 4. Install their own chief counsel to control the
|
|
investigation.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 5. <ent type='ORG'>Elect</ent> a new HSCA chairman who would go along, or who
|
|
could be fooled.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 6. Cut off all Sprague's investigations of <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people.
|
|
Make sure none of the people were found or bury any
|
|
testimony that had already been found, or murder <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
people who might talk.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 7. Keep the committee members from knowing what was
|
|
happening and segregate the investigation from them.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 8. Create a new investigative environment whose purpose
|
|
would be to confirm all of the findings of the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> and divert attention away from the who-did-it-and-why approach.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 9. <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> the committee staff in such a way as to keep
|
|
any of them from revealing what they already knew about
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> involvement.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 10. <ent type='ORG'>Control</ent> committee consultants in the same way, and
|
|
staff members who might leave or who might be fired.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 11. Continue to control the media in such a way as to
|
|
reinforce all of the above.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 12. Continue to murder witnesses or assassins in emergency
|
|
situations if necessary.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> successfully did all twelve of these things. The
|
|
techniques they used were much more subtle and devious than those
|
|
they had used before, although they did continue with murders of
|
|
potential HSCA witnesses and with media control.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> How The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Did It</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The first step taken by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> was to use the media they
|
|
control, along with some members of <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> they control, and two
|
|
planted agents on the staff of and consulting for, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>,
|
|
to get rid of both <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. In taking this
|
|
step, they used the old <ent type='NORP'>Roman</ent> approach of divide and conquer. They
|
|
made <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and his closest staff assistant, <ent type='PERSON'>Gail Beagle</ent>, believe
|
|
that <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent and that <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> must get rid of him.
|
|
They also made <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> believe that some of his other associates,
|
|
both in <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> and outside, were <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents. At the same time,
|
|
they used the media to attack <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> mercilessly. The key people
|
|
in doing this attack on <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> were three <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> reporters, George
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Lardner</ent> of the "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Post</ent>," Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Burnham</ent> of "The <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>
|
|
Times," and Jeremiah O'<ent type='PERSON'>Leary</ent> of the "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Star</ent>." In all HSCA
|
|
committee meetings and in Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> and Finance <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
meetings, these three reporters sat next to each other, passed
|
|
notes back and forth, and wrote articles continually attacking and
|
|
undermining both <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, as well as the entire
|
|
committee. The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had the support of top management in all three
|
|
news organizations in doing this.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> eventually tried to fire <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, was over-ruled by the
|
|
committee, and then resigned from the committee. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
|
|
eventually resigned, because it became obvious that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
controlled members of the Finance and Rules <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>s and other
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> allies in the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, were going to kill the committee unless he
|
|
resigned. There are many more details to this story, which
|
|
requires a book to describe. Suffice it to say, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
accomplished their first two goals by March 1977. The next steps
|
|
were to install a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-controlled chief counsel and to get a
|
|
chairman elected who could be fooled or coerced into appointing
|
|
such a counsel. Lewis <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> was a perfect choice for chairman.
|
|
He was, and probably still is, a good and honest man. But he was
|
|
completely bamboozled by what the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> did and is still doing. The
|
|
selection and implementation of a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> man as chief counsel had to
|
|
be done in an extremely subtle manner. It could not be obvious to
|
|
anyone that he was a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> man. <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> and the other committee
|
|
members had to be fooled into believing *they* had made the choice,
|
|
and had picked a good man. Professor <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>, an apparently
|
|
scientifically oriented, academic person, with a history of work
|
|
against organized crime, was the perfect <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> choice. Once Dr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> took over as chief counsel, he accomplished goals numbered
|
|
3, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10 very nicely. The fourth and fifth goals
|
|
having been achieved, <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> set about the other parts of his
|
|
assignment very rapidly after he arrived. For Goal 3, he fired <ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Lehner</ent></ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>ovan Gay, three loyal <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
|
|
supporters, quickly.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Nondisclosure Agreement</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The most important weapon used by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> to pursue
|
|
goals 9 and 10 was instituted within one week after <ent type='PERSON'>Blakely</ent>
|
|
arrived. It is by far the most subtle and far reaching technique
|
|
used by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> to date. It is called the "Nondisclosure
|
|
Agreement" and it was signed by all members of the committee, all
|
|
staff members including <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, all consultants to the committee,
|
|
and several independent researchers who met with <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> in 1977.
|
|
Signing the agreement was a condition for continued employment on
|
|
the committee staff or for continuing consulting on a contract
|
|
basis. The choice was, sign or get out. The author signed the
|
|
agreement in July 1977, without realizing its implications at the
|
|
time, in order to continue as a consultant. The agreement is
|
|
reproduced in full in the Appendix and is labelled "Exhibit A."
|
|
The author's consulting help was never sought after that and the
|
|
obvious objective was to silence a consultant and not use his
|
|
services.
|
|
This <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> weapon has several parts. First, it binds the signer,
|
|
if a consultant, to never reveal that he is working for the
|
|
committee (see paragraph 13). Second, it prevents the signer from
|
|
ever revealing to anyone in perpetuity, any information he has
|
|
learned about the committee's work as a result of working for the
|
|
committee (see paragraphs 2 and 12). Third, it gives the committee
|
|
and the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, after the committee terminates, the power to take
|
|
legal action against the signer, *in a court named by the
|
|
committee* or the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, in case the committee believes the signer
|
|
has violated the agreement. Fourth, the signer agrees to pay the
|
|
court costs for such a suit in the event he loses the suit (see
|
|
paragraphs 14 and 15).
|
|
These four parts are enough to scare most researchers or staff
|
|
members who signed it into silence forever about what they learned.
|
|
The agreement is insidious in that the signer is, in effect, giving
|
|
away his constitutional rights. Some lawyers who have seen the
|
|
agreement, including <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, have expressed the opinion
|
|
it is an illegal agreement in violation of the Constitution and
|
|
several Constitutional amendments. Whether it is illegal or not,
|
|
most staff members and all consultants who signed it *have*
|
|
remained silent, even after three and a half years beyond the life
|
|
of the committee. There are only two exceptions, the author and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gaeton Fonzi</ent>, who published a lengthy article about <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>
|
|
cover-up in the "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>ian" magazine in 1981.
|
|
The most insidious parts of the agreement, however, are
|
|
paragraphs 2, 3 and 7, which give the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> very effective control
|
|
over what the committee could and could not do with so-called
|
|
"classified" information. The director of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> is given
|
|
authority to determine, in effect, what information shall remain
|
|
classified and therefore unavailable to nearly everyone. The
|
|
signer of the agreement, and remember, this includes all of the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>man and women who were members of the committee, agrees not
|
|
to reveal or discuss any information that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> decides he should
|
|
not. The chairman of the committee supposedly has the final say on
|
|
what information is included, but in practice, even an intelligent
|
|
and gutsy chairman would not be likely to override the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. Lewis
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> did not attempt any final decisions. In fact, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> did
|
|
not have to do very much under these clauses. The fact that <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>
|
|
was their man and kept nearly all of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> sensitive information,
|
|
evidence, and witnesses away from the committee members was all
|
|
that was necessary. <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> never knew what he should have argued
|
|
about with the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> director. It is this document which proves
|
|
beyond doubt that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> controlled <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>.
|
|
The author attempted to point out to <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> in a letter dated
|
|
February 10, 1978, "Exhibit B," the type of control the agreement
|
|
gives the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> over <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> replied in a March 16, 1978
|
|
letter, "Exhibit C," that he retained ultimate authority and was
|
|
not bound by the opinion of the Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> Director. He
|
|
also claimed that paragraphs 12 and 14, on extending the agreement
|
|
in perpetuity and giving the government the right to file a civil
|
|
suit in which the signer will pay all costs, were legal. He said
|
|
in the letter that the purpose of the agreement was to give the
|
|
HSCA control over the conduct of the investigation including
|
|
*control over the ultimate disclosure of information to the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public*. That is a key admission about what has actually
|
|
happened. The only question is, who is controlling the information
|
|
in the heads of the staff investigators who discovered <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
involvement? Was <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> working for the public or for the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>?</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Examples of <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-<ent type='ORG'>Control</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Some specific examples will serve to illustrate how well the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
techniques have worked and are still working.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> Evidence and Witnesses Example</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> As mentioned earlier, when <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> arrived, an investigating team
|
|
headed by <ent type='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent>, reporting to <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent>, had already
|
|
been hard at work tracking down leads to the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> conspirators
|
|
generated by <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s investigation in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. This
|
|
team eventually had four investigators, all professionals, and
|
|
their work led them to believe that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>
|
|
had been involved in a large conspiracy to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>. As
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> told <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> Gandolfo, a <ent type='GPE'>New York City</ent> researcher, the <ent type='PERSON'>Fenton</ent>
|
|
team went much further than <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>, in locating witnesses and
|
|
other evidence of assassination planning meetings held in New
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Orleans</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City and <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>. In fact, they found a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> man who
|
|
attended those meetings, and who was willing to testify before the
|
|
committee. The evidence was far more convincing than the testimony
|
|
presented at the trial of <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>. In the <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> Trial, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people
|
|
were involved in meetings in addition to the one brought out in the
|
|
trial. <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> and others were
|
|
involved. Fenton's team discovered a lot of other facts about how
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people planned and carried out the assassination. Their
|
|
report about the conspiracy was solid and convincing and they were
|
|
convinced. The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, through <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>, buried the <ent type='PERSON'>Fenton</ent>
|
|
report. <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> members were not told about the team's findings.
|
|
The evidence was not included in <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> report, nor was it even
|
|
referred to in the volumes. The witnesses in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> were
|
|
never called to testify. That included the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> man at the
|
|
meetings. <ent type='PERSON'>Fenton</ent> and the other three members of his team, having
|
|
signed the nondisclosure agreement, were legally sworn to secrecy,
|
|
or at least they thought so. To this day they refuse to discuss
|
|
anything with anybody.
|
|
There may also have been threats of physical violence against
|
|
them. There is no way to determine this. However, <ent type='PERSON'>Fenton</ent> and the
|
|
others are well aware of the witnesses that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> murdered just
|
|
before they were about to testify before <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>. These included:
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> deputy under J. <ent type='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>, who headed
|
|
Division V, the domestic intelligence division; George de
|
|
Mohrenschildt, Oswald's <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contact in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>; <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Roselli</ent>, the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> man involved in the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> plots to assassinate <ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>; Regis
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> agent who knew a lot about <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, alias Clay
|
|
Bertrand, in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and who was one of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
|
|
contacts; <ent type='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent>, an anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n murdered in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent>; and <ent type='PERSON'>Carlos Prio Socarras</ent>, former <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n premier, killed in
|
|
his garage in <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent>.
|
|
With the knowledge of these murders, <ent type='PERSON'>Fenton</ent> and his team would
|
|
not have required any more than a gentle hint, to keep quiet.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> Example</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The "tramp," <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, who appears in seven photos taken in
|
|
Dealey Plaza, is one of the most important <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> individuals in the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. Researcher <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Turner</ent> discovered that <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>
|
|
had been in the <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent> Keys working with <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> sponsored anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Castro</ent>
|
|
groups. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent> knew about his role,
|
|
and intended to go after him when <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> restored its subpoena
|
|
power and obtained enough money. They were aware of the evidence
|
|
that <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> fired the fatal shot from the grassy <ent type='ORG'>knoll</ent>. They had
|
|
assigned a team of investigators to follow a lead to <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>
|
|
provided by the author in the early part of 1977.
|
|
Unfortunately, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> managed to keep both the subpoena power
|
|
and the funds away from the committee until after they had forced
|
|
the resignations of <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>. The power and
|
|
funds were restored after <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> was elected and after they
|
|
installed their own man, <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>. The investigative team remained,
|
|
however, and they did search for and find <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>. But <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> suppressed that fact, and suppressed anything they may have
|
|
learned from <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>. He is not mentioned in the report and was
|
|
not called as a witness. The author dares not reveal the source of
|
|
the above information because of the danger to staff people from
|
|
the nondisclosure agreement.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Dean</ent>, Novel, and <ent type='ORG'>Augustinovich</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation and a subsequent series of
|
|
investigations by the author and other members of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
|
|
Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> in 1967 to 1973, turned up several
|
|
witnesses who were willing to talk privately about the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
assassination team that murdered <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> had been <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contacts while he was in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City and knew about assassination planning meetings held in
|
|
Guy Gabaldin's apartment. <ent type='PERSON'>Dean</ent> knew about <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
contract agent, attending those meetings and how <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> had been
|
|
pretending to be <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> on many occasions. <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent> knew how
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had covered up the truth about the assassination and how
|
|
they went to extreme lengths to ruin <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> and his
|
|
investigation. Novel had been employed by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in this effort.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent> and his friend, <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Hope</ent>, had attended some
|
|
of the <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City meetings.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent> and the author tracked down all four of these
|
|
witnesses prior to the arrival of <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent> at <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent> interviewed them and knew they would be willing to talk,
|
|
given protection and some form of immunity. The author presented
|
|
their names and their involvement to <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, Lewis <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> in the fall of 1976.
|
|
This was done as part of the author's consulting assignment for the
|
|
HSCA. The names were in a memorandum to <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, which outlined
|
|
the overall <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> conspiracy and the CIA's role, along with a
|
|
recommendation of the sequence in which witnesses should be called.
|
|
The idea was to base each witness interrogation on what had been
|
|
established from interviewing prior witnesses, working slowly from
|
|
cooperative witnesses, to non-cooperative witnesses, to actual
|
|
assassins, to higher level <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people.[4] The highest level
|
|
people, E. Howard Hunt and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>, would be faced with
|
|
accusers.
|
|
As indicated earlier, <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> could do nothing and
|
|
did nothing up to the day they left. By early 1978 it became
|
|
obvious that <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> had done nothing about calling these <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
witnesses. The author initiated a series of letter exchanges with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>, reminding them of these witnesses, and the
|
|
possibility that their lives could be in danger prior to their
|
|
being interviewed by HSCA. <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent> had obtained an agreement
|
|
from <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> to meet with the committee, but no contact had been
|
|
made up to April 5, 1978, the date of the author's first letter to
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> on this subject, "Exhibit D." <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> was hiding in fear of
|
|
his children's lives, not so much his own life. He was a real <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
agent and knew how they operated. <ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent> was the only person who
|
|
knew where <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> was. In the April 5th letter, a recommendation
|
|
was given to <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> that the committee contact <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> through
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Russell</ent>, and contact the other witnesses on the original list.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> wrote on May 15, 1978, "Exhibit E," that the <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> matter had
|
|
been referred to <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> for follow-up. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> never mentioned it
|
|
by telephone or by letter.
|
|
By September 1978, when the public hearings had begun, there was
|
|
no indication that <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> was going to call the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> witnesses.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> was standing by but had not been contacted. The published,
|
|
intended witness list did not contain any of these <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> names. The
|
|
author wrote to <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> and Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Yvonne Burke</ent> on September
|
|
22 and 23, 1978, "Exhibits F," expressing dissatisfaction with
|
|
the committee's failure to call the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> witnesses, and suggesting
|
|
that if they did not not, history would eventually catch up with
|
|
them. The names were repeated in the letter to <ent type='PERSON'>Burke</ent>, and specific
|
|
mention made that the committee had never contacted <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> sent back a letter dated October 10, 1978,
|
|
"Exhibit G." It is what one might call a non-answer, stating "that
|
|
the committee will make every effort to tell the whole story to the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people." Seven years later (1985) it can be said that the
|
|
committee did not make an effort to call the most important
|
|
witnesses and therefore did not tell the whole story. Nor did
|
|
their report even mention these witnesses or any of the evidence
|
|
exposed earlier by the <ent type='ORG'>CTIA</ent> or <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> was
|
|
either totally fooled or he is part of the CIA's cover-up.
|
|
The author responded to <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>' non-answer letter of October
|
|
10th with two more letters, dated October 30, 1978 and November 24,
|
|
1978, "Exhibits H & I." <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> finally answered them on December
|
|
4, 1978 with another non-answer letter, "Exhibit J." He says the
|
|
committee cannot reveal the procedure of the investigation or the
|
|
names of those persons who will be called to testify before the
|
|
committee. This implies they were planning to call more witnesses
|
|
in December 1978. The committee's life ended on January 1, 1979.
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> witnesses were never called nor ever mentioned right up to
|
|
the very end and the report was silent about them.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>Umbrella</ent> Man</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> One last example illustrates the way the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> worked
|
|
together to cancel-out any evidence linking the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people and/or
|
|
techniques used in the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. For may years, various
|
|
researchers, including <ent type='PERSON'>Josiah Thompson</ent>[5] and the author, had
|
|
speculated about the role of a man appearing in the photographs in
|
|
Dealey Plaza with an open umbrella. He became known as "The
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Umbrella</ent> Man," or <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> for short. <ent type='ORG'>Thompson</ent> speculated that <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> had
|
|
been giving the various shooters in Dealey Plaza visual signals
|
|
with the umbrella, and the author agreed this could have been true.
|
|
In *1976*, the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> committee took the public testimony of
|
|
Charles Senseney, a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract weapons employee at the <ent type='ORG'>Army</ent>
|
|
Chemical Center in Ft. Detrick, MD. Senseney described a system
|
|
used by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> and elsewhere, for killing or paralyzing
|
|
people with poisons carried in self-propelled <ent type='PERSON'>Flechette</ent> darts. The
|
|
darts were self-propelled like solid fuel rockets and launched
|
|
silently and unobtrusively from a number of devices, including an
|
|
umbrella. A <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> catalog of available secret weapons shows a
|
|
photograph of the umbrella launching device and photos of the
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Flechette</ent>s which were self-propelled from one of the hollow spokes
|
|
of the umbrella. They could even be launched through soda straws.
|
|
Researcher <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent>, former <ent type='ORG'>Air Force</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Liason</ent> officer, L.
|
|
Fletcher Prouty, and the author did some additional research on the
|
|
photographic evidence and the weapon system, especially research on
|
|
the movements of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> in the <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film and various photos of <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>
|
|
and a friend he had with him in Dealey Plaza. The friend had a
|
|
two-way radio device. As a result of this research, an article was
|
|
published in "Gallery" magazine in June, 1978. The article
|
|
presented the hypothesis that <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> launched, from his umbrella, a
|
|
poison <ent type='PERSON'>Flechette</ent> at <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, which struck him in the throat at <ent type='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent>
|
|
frame 189, causing complete paralysis of his upper body, hands,
|
|
arms, shoulders and head, in less than two seconds. The photos
|
|
show this paralysis and the timing matches the testimony given by
|
|
Senseney about how fast the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> poison works and what its
|
|
paralyzing effects look like.
|
|
Whether one agrees with this hypothesis or not is incidental to
|
|
what <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> did in reaction to it. Until the summer
|
|
of 1977, official investigators for <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>, or any of its
|
|
predecessors, had shown no more than passing curious interest in
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>. They just paid no attention and did not take the researcher's
|
|
ideas seriously. On August 8, 1977, the author informed <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, in a letter of that date, about the <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> hypothesis. The
|
|
letter concerned a discussion the author and <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> had on July 21,
|
|
1977, two days after the nondisclosure agreement had been signed.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> had said that if there was a conspiracy it would not have
|
|
involved a very large number of people. He was probably already
|
|
laying the foundation for a small, <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> type, conspiracy involving
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and a <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> friend, backed by a few <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Don</ent>s.
|
|
The August 8th letter maintained that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had been involved
|
|
and that it had been a massive intelligence operation, rather than
|
|
a conspiracy in the sense <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> was using the term. The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Flechette</ent>, umbrella launching weapons system, if indeed it had been
|
|
used by <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>, the letter pointed out, would be solid proof of high
|
|
level <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> involvement, since that system would not have been
|
|
available to lower level agents or contract people.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> did not respond right away to this letter and the author
|
|
decided to make the <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> hypothesis public by publishing it with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent> as co-author, in the spring of 1978, in "Gallery" magazine.
|
|
Contact was also made with Senator <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> who had been
|
|
the member of the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> responsible for interrogating
|
|
Charles Senseney. <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> agreed to try and find out from
|
|
Senseney what had happened to the umbrella launchers he had
|
|
constructed for the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>; that is, who in the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had had access to
|
|
a launcher.
|
|
The information to be published in "Gallery" had been generated
|
|
by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent></ent> and the author independently of any information
|
|
obtained from <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>, but the safest approach seemed to be an
|
|
application to them for permission to print the article under the
|
|
terms of the nondisclosure agreement. So, on January 9, 1978, the
|
|
author submitted a draft of the "Gallery" article to <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and, on
|
|
January 16, 1978, he wrote back stating that publishing the article
|
|
would not violate the terms of the nondisclosure agreement, "Exhibit
|
|
K." The article was published in the June 1978 issue of "Gallery"
|
|
which actually appeared in May 1978. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> knew in advance when
|
|
it would appear.
|
|
On August 3, 1978, the author wrote to <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> stating that
|
|
photographic evidence showed a high probability that <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> was
|
|
actually <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract agent from <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>, who
|
|
had been hired to ruin the <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation, "Exhibit L."
|
|
The reason that some new photo evidence was just then coming to
|
|
light was that the committee had discovered a never-before seen
|
|
film of <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> and had released a frame from this film to the press in
|
|
July 1978. Shortly after the <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> photo was released by <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>,
|
|
with an appeal to him to come forward, an unknown caller contacted
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Penn Jones</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> to tell him he knew who <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> was. <ent type='ORG'>Penn</ent> visited
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent>, having been given his address, and upon seeing him,
|
|
jumped to the conclusion that he *was* <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>. This led to Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent>
|
|
appearing before the committee in their televised hearings and
|
|
making the claim he was <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>. He showed the umbrella on TV that he
|
|
claimed he used.
|
|
It was immediately obvious to <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent></ent> and the author that
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent> was not <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>. He displayed the umbrella he said he had used in
|
|
Dealey Plaza and *it contained the wrong number of spokes*. His
|
|
height, weight and facial appearance did not match TUM's, and his
|
|
description of his actions did not match at all the actions <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>
|
|
took, as shown in the photos. On November 24, 1978, the author
|
|
wrote to <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> telling him he had been fooled by a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> plant, or
|
|
by his own staff, planting Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent>, and that he should call Gordon
|
|
Novel as a witness because it was likely that Novel was <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>. HSCA
|
|
never did call Novel as a witness. Novel had visited <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>
|
|
during the days <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was still there, but he had not
|
|
mentioned being in Dealey Plaza or that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had hired him to
|
|
ruin <ent type='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> avoided contacting Novel.
|
|
Now, the important thing to focus on, in this example, is the
|
|
sequence of events. The HSCA had done nothing about <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> until they
|
|
were faced with the possibility of a public article linking <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> to
|
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> through a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> weapons system and through <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>.
|
|
They also found out that Senator <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> was looking into the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
|
end of it. At about the time the "Gallery" article was being
|
|
widely read, <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> suddenly released to the press a photo of <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>
|
|
and asked that people identify him or that he come forward. The
|
|
photo did not show his umbrella or where he was sitting in Dealey
|
|
Plaza, nor did the release mention the umbrella or the theories
|
|
about it. Just his photo. An earlier photo used by <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent> and the
|
|
author to identify Novel as <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> was not released.
|
|
In a surprisingly short time after the photo appeared, an
|
|
unknown person calls a well-known researcher and leads him to <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent> in turn lies about who he was and where he was, by
|
|
claiming to be <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and the committee put <ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent> on center
|
|
stage as though it was a play, and eliminate the <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> problem by
|
|
pulling off a charade. The fine hand of the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> can be seen in
|
|
this whole series of linked events. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> had to have known what
|
|
was going on, and he knows today that <ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent> was not <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> and the high
|
|
probability that <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> was <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent.
|
|
The extreme lengths that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> went to in this
|
|
charade, made one believe that the umbrella probably *was* the
|
|
Charles Senseney weapon. Otherwise, why bother with <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>?</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Goal Number Eight</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> What has been presented so far in this article represents direct
|
|
actions by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> to cover-up <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> involvement. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> played
|
|
another important role and that was to achieve the eighth goal on
|
|
the list, namely to change the public impression of HSCA's main
|
|
effort. Researchers who concentrated on attacking the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
|
|
Commission's Dealey Plaza or <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> shooting findings had created
|
|
a big problem. If <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> had fired no shots, then he must have
|
|
been framed. If <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was framed, the evidence against him was
|
|
planted, and multiple gunmen were involved. All of this line of
|
|
reasoning would point to a very well-organized and very well-planned conspiracy, which would in turn point to an intelligence
|
|
style involvement.
|
|
So, <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> set out from the beginning to create an investigative
|
|
environment and image that appeared to be based on a *highly
|
|
scientific, objective study of the Dealey Plaza evidence*. The
|
|
overall objective of this approach was to prove "scientifically"
|
|
that <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> was right, and that <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>
|
|
fired all the shots that had struck <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, Governor Connally
|
|
and policeman <ent type='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>. That required scientific proof of the
|
|
single bullet theory, among other things. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> did just that.
|
|
Right up to the moment when the acoustical evidence on the <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>
|
|
police tape reared its ugly head, only one month from the end of
|
|
the life of the committee, <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> managed to control and manipulate
|
|
the Dealey Plaza evidence to back up <ent type='ORG'>the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>
|
|
completely. The author described how <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> did this in chapter
|
|
16. One of his "magical" methods was to split up the scientific
|
|
work into subcommittees or panels of advisors, and various staff
|
|
groups, and keep them all from communicating with each other.
|
|
*Thus, even though the medical panel gave testimony showing an
|
|
upward trajectory of the single bullet (399) shot*, the trajectory
|
|
panel turned it into a downward trajectory. The photographic panel
|
|
was so isolated they never did see the most important evidence of
|
|
the sixth floor window, inside and outside.
|
|
The photo panel had a number of government and military people
|
|
on it, as did all of the other panels. Thus it was not surprising
|
|
that they testified that the fake photos of <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> holding a rifle
|
|
were not fakes. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> rode roughshod over the evidence that these
|
|
photos were fakes, presenting only one witness, <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> White, to show
|
|
why they were fakes, and giving him a very rough time. Other
|
|
researchers, like <ent type='PERSON'>Fred Newcomb</ent> and the author, who had done a lot
|
|
of work on the fake photos, were not called and not consulted by
|
|
the photo panel or <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and his staff. There are many more
|
|
examples of how <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> managed this magic show on public TV, too
|
|
numerous to describe here.
|
|
One important result of this drastic change of investigative
|
|
environment compared to that existing under <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, was
|
|
to draw the attention of the public during the hearings away from
|
|
the evidence and the witnesses pointing to the real assassins, and
|
|
to the fact that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was framed and did not fire any shots. It
|
|
thus provided an additional shield for the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and in effect,
|
|
completed the cover-up.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Summary</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Now, in the spring of 1985, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> appears to have under
|
|
control the final cover-up engineered by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent> with the
|
|
support of a few murders of key witnesses and the existence of the
|
|
insidious, illegal, nondisclosure agreement silencing <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>
|
|
staff, committee members, and consultants. The situation for the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public appears to be hopeless. The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> effectively
|
|
controlled all three branches of government when the chips were
|
|
down, and have had no problems controlling the fourth estate, the
|
|
media, or the independent researchers. By what means could the
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public combat this awesome power? It is hard to see that
|
|
there is any means available. And we have now reached and passed
|
|
1984. Would an election of Edward <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> to the presidency in
|
|
1988 change anything? If he lived through a presidency following
|
|
an election campaign, it probably would. Most <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns react to
|
|
that by saying, "he would be assassinated." Somehow they have
|
|
received the messages about what has gone wrong with <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent>
|
|
States.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>____________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[1] Chaired by Prof. <ent type='PERSON'>Norman Ramsey</ent> of M.I.T.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[2] Senators <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> of <ent type='ORG'>Penn</ent>. and <ent type='PERSON'>Gary Hart</ent> of <ent type='ORG'>Colo</ent>. formed
|
|
a sub-committee of the <ent type='ORG'>Church</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[3] The author became an advisor to <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> as soon as he
|
|
was appointed counsel to <ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[4] The names of the witnesses in the memo were:
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Cooper</ent>ative Witnesses:
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Louis Ivon</ent> (<ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s chief investigator), <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Carver Gaten</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> du Bruys,
|
|
Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, Manuel Garcia
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, Harry <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent>s, <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>, George de
|
|
Mohrenschildt, Charles Senseney, <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Hope</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Non-<ent type='PERSON'>Cooper</ent>ative Witnesses or Assassins or Planners:
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent>, Guy Gabaldin, <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence, <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, Sergio Arcacha
|
|
Smith, <ent type='PERSON'>Fred <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>, Carlos Prio
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Socarras</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent>, Major L.M. <ent type='GPE'>Bloomfield</ent>, E. Howard
|
|
Hunt, and <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>[5] In his book, "Six Seconds in <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>," <ent type='ORG'>Thompson</ent> showed photos of
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>.</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<div>--</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> I see in the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes
|
|
me to tremble for the safety of my country. . . . Corporations have been
|
|
enthroned, an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the
|
|
money-power of the country will endeavor to prolong its reign by working
|
|
upon the prejudices of the people until the wealth is aggregated in a few
|
|
hands and the Republic is destroyed.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> --- <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Abraham</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Lincoln</ent></ent> (quoted in <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> London's "<ent type='ORG'>The Iron Heel</ent>").</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>From dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com Fri Jun 19 09:59:20 1992
|
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Received: by icaen.uiowa.edu ( 5.52 (84)/1.1) id AA12962
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on Fri, 19 Jun 92 09:59:15 CDT.
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|
|
Date: Fri, 19 Jun 92 07:47:30 -0700
|
|
From: dave@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
|
|
<info type="Message-ID"> 9206191447.AA14482@ratmandu.<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>.sgi.com</info>
|
|
To: <ent type='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU
|
|
Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (11/11)
|
|
Status: RO</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>Subject: "The Taking of <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (11/11)
|
|
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
|
|
Keywords: part 11 of 11: Appendix
|
|
Lines: 1151</p>
|
|
|
|
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> Appendix</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> The Secrecy Oath the Author signed after <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent> took over
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>, and correspondence between the author and various
|
|
committee members.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Exhibit A
|
|
____________________________________________________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> Nondisclosure Agreement
|
|
|
|
|
|
[<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>]
|
|
I, ____________________, in consideration for being
|
|
employed by or engaged by contract or otherwise to perform
|
|
services for or at the request of the <ent type='ORG'><ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent>
|
|
on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>, or any Member thereof, da hereby make the
|
|
representations and accept the obligations set forth below as
|
|
conditions precedent for my employment or engagement, or for
|
|
my continuing employment or engagement, with the <ent type='ORG'>Select Com</ent>-mittee, <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives, or the
|
|
United States <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>.
|
|
|
|
1. I have read the Rules of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, and I
|
|
hereby agree to be bound by them and by the Rules of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
|
|
of Representatives.
|
|
|
|
2. I hereby agree never to divulge, publish or reveal by
|
|
words, conduct or otherwise, any testimony given before the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> in executive session (including the name of any
|
|
witness who appeared or was summoned to appear before the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> in executive session), any classifiable and properly
|
|
classified information (as defined in 5 U.S.C. Section 552(b)(1)),
|
|
or any information pertaining to intelligence sources or methods
|
|
as designated by <ent type='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>, or any con-fidential information that is received by the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
or that comes into my possession by virtue of my position with
|
|
the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, to any person not a member of the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> or its staff or the personal staff representative of
|
|
a <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> Member unless authorized in writing by the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, or, after the Select Committee's termination, by
|
|
such manner as the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives may determine or,
|
|
in the absence of a determination by the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, in such manner
|
|
as the <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> or <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> from which the information origin-ated may determine. I further agree not to divulge, publish
|
|
or reveal by words, conduct or otherwise, any other information
|
|
which is received by the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> or which comes into
|
|
my possession by virtue of my position with the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>,
|
|
for the duration of the Select Committee's existence.
|
|
|
|
3. I hereby agree that any material that is based upon or
|
|
may include information that I hereby pledge not to disclose,
|
|
and that is contemplated for publication by me will, prior to
|
|
discussing it with or showing it to any publishers, editors or
|
|
literary agents, be submitted to the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> to deter-mine whether said material contains any information that I
|
|
hereby pledge not to disclose. The Chairman of the <ent type='ORG'>Select Com</ent>-mittee shall consult with <ent type='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>
|
|
for the purpose of the Chairman's determination as to whether
|
|
or not the material contains information that I pledge not to
|
|
disclose. I further agree to take no steps toward publication
|
|
until authorized in writing by the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, or after
|
|
its termination, by such manner as the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
may determine, or in the absence of a determination by the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, in such manner as the <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> or <ent type='ORG'>Department</ent> from which
|
|
the information originated may determine.
|
|
|
|
4. I hereby agree to familiarize myself with the Select
|
|
Committee's security procedures, and provide at all times the
|
|
required degree of protection against unauthorized disclosure
|
|
for all information and materials that come into my possession
|
|
by virtue of my position with the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>.
|
|
|
|
5. I hereby agree to immediately notify the <ent type='ORG'>Select Com</ent>-mittee of any attempt by any person not a member of the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> staff to solicit information from me that I pledge
|
|
not to disclose.
|
|
|
|
6. I hereby agree to immediately notify the Select
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> if I am called upon to testify or provide information
|
|
to the proper authorities that I pledge not to disclose. I
|
|
will request that my obligation to respond is established by
|
|
the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, or after its termination, by such manner
|
|
as the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives may determine, before I do so.
|
|
|
|
7. I hereby agree to surrender to the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
upon demand by the Chairman or upon my separation from the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> staff, any material, including any classified
|
|
information or information pertaining to intelligence sources
|
|
or methods as designated by <ent type='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>,
|
|
which comes into my possession by virtue of my position with the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. I hereby acknowledge that all documents
|
|
acquired by me in the course of my employment are and remain the
|
|
property of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States.
|
|
|
|
8. I understand that any violation of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
Rules, security procedures or this agreement shall constitute
|
|
grounds for dismissal from my current employment.
|
|
|
|
9. I hereby assign to <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States Government all
|
|
rights, title and interest in any and all royalties, remunera-tions and emoluments that have resulted or may result from any
|
|
divulgence, publication or revelation in violation of this
|
|
agreement.
|
|
|
|
10. I understand and agree that <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States Government
|
|
may choose to apply, prior to any unauthorized disclosure by
|
|
me, for a court order prohibiting disclosure. Nothing in this
|
|
agreement constitutes a waiver on the part of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States
|
|
of the right to prosecute for any statutory violation. Nothing
|
|
in this agreement constitutes a waiver on my part of any defenses
|
|
I may otherwise have in any civil or criminal proceedings.
|
|
|
|
11. I have read the provisions of the Espionage Laws,
|
|
Sections 793, 794 and 798, Title 18, United States Code, and
|
|
of Section 783, Title 50, United States Code, and I am aware
|
|
that unauthorized disclosure of certain classified information
|
|
may subject me to prosecution. I have read Section 1001, Title
|
|
18, United States Code, and I am aware that the making of a
|
|
false statement herein is punishable as a felony. I have also
|
|
read Executive Order 11652, and the implementing National
|
|
Security Council directive of May 17, 1972, relating to the
|
|
protection of classified information.
|
|
|
|
12. Unless released in writing from this agreement or any
|
|
portion thereof by the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, I recognize that all
|
|
the conditions and obligations imposed on me by this agreement
|
|
apply during my <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> employment or engagement and continue
|
|
to apply after the relationship is terminated.
|
|
|
|
13. No consultant shall indicate, divulge or acknowledge,
|
|
without written permission of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, the fact
|
|
that the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> has engaged him or her by contract
|
|
as a consultant until after the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> has terminated.
|
|
|
|
14. In addition to any rights for criminal prosecution or
|
|
for injunctive relief <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States Government may have for
|
|
violation of this agreement, <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States Government may
|
|
file a civil suit in an appropriate court for damages as a
|
|
consequence of a breach of this agreement. The costs of any
|
|
civil suit brought by <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States for breach of this
|
|
agreement, including court costs, investigative expenses, and
|
|
reasonable attorney fees, shall be borne by any defendant who
|
|
loses such suit. In any civil suit for damages successfully
|
|
brought by <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States Government for breach of this
|
|
agreement, actual damages may be recovered, or, in the event
|
|
that such actual damages may be impossible to calculate, liquidated
|
|
damages in an amount of $5000 shall be awarded as a reasonable
|
|
estimate for damages to the credibility and effectiveness of the
|
|
investigation.
|
|
|
|
15. I hereby agree that in any suit by <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States
|
|
Government for injunctive or monetary relief pursuant to the
|
|
terms of this agreement, personal jurisdiction shall obtain and
|
|
venue shall lie in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States District Court for the
|
|
District of <ent type='GPE'>Columbia</ent>, or in any other appropriate United States
|
|
District Court in which <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States may elect to bring
|
|
suit. I further agree that the law of <ent type='GPE'>the District</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>Columbia</ent>
|
|
shall govern the interpretation and construction of this
|
|
agreement.
|
|
|
|
16. Each provision of this agreement is severable. If a
|
|
court should find any part of this agreement to be unenforceable,
|
|
all other provisions of this agreement shall remain in full force
|
|
and effect.
|
|
|
|
I make this agreement without any mental reservation or
|
|
purpose of evasion, and I agree that it may be used by the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> in carrying out its duty to protect the security
|
|
of information provided to it.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
[July 19, 1977] [<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E., <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>]
|
|
Date: _____________________ _________________________________
|
|
|
|
|
|
[ I am submitting a list of
|
|
material and information
|
|
which has already been _________________________________
|
|
given to the committee, <ent type='GPE'>LOUIS</ent> STOKES, Chariman
|
|
or which I intend to Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
give to the committee in
|
|
the near future. I intend
|
|
to publish some of this
|
|
information.]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Exhibit B
|
|
____________________________________________________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 193 Pinewood Road
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, NY 10530</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> February 10, 1978</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Mr. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>
|
|
Chairman, Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
U.S. <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. 20515
|
|
|
|
Dear <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>:
|
|
|
|
As I am sure you know, I signed a non disclosure agreement for the
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, given to me on July 19, 1977 by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>. Not
|
|
being a lawyer, I did not really appreciate some of the provisions of
|
|
that agreemont at the time I signed it, even though some things in it
|
|
seemed strange to me.
|
|
|
|
In the last fow months I have gone over the agreement several times,
|
|
with particular attention to those strange portions. The more I re-read the agreement, the more puzzled I have become.
|
|
|
|
I was finally triggered into writing you this letter by a conversation
|
|
I had with <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. As you may recall I helped him and <ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> from November 1976 forward with the photographic evidence in
|
|
the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case, and several other areas derived from my relationship with
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. I had no
|
|
written agreement with <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> at that time and did not ask for
|
|
compensation for the work I had been doing. I had signed no non dis-closure agreement and such an agreement had never been mentioned.
|
|
|
|
The first time I had any idea that <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> would want to pay me
|
|
for my assistance was some time after Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> resigned, when Mr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> approached me about it through <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent>, shortly before
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> resigned. My recent meeting with Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> naturally led to
|
|
discussion about my continuing work for <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>. He raised the
|
|
subject of the non disclosure agreement signed by each staff member,
|
|
saying that he would never have enforced such a document while he was
|
|
chief counsel because he believes it gives the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and other agencies
|
|
too much power to control the activities of <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>. It was
|
|
because of that statement that I read the agreement again in the
|
|
light of what he said.
|
|
|
|
I know that you had a lot of faith in <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and did not
|
|
personally want him to resign. For that reason I'm writing to you
|
|
rather than Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, seeking answers to my questions.
|
|
|
|
Encloged is a copy of the agreement with my signature. I have circled
|
|
on it the paragraphs in question, and underlined the key words. My
|
|
questions, Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> are as follows:
|
|
|
|
1. Are paragraphs 2, 3 and 7 inserted for the purpose of giving the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> power over the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> to investigate the CIA's
|
|
role in the assassinations or the cover up crimes following the
|
|
assassinations of President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> or Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>King</ent>? I believe those
|
|
paragraphs could be so interpreted, especially if each committee
|
|
member and each staff member signed a similar agreement.
|
|
|
|
2. If the purposes of paragraphs 2, 3 and 7 are not as questioned
|
|
above, then how can the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, its staff or its con-sultants, *ever* discover whether the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> was involved in the
|
|
assassinations or whether the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, as I maintain, is *still*
|
|
involved in covering up the conspiracies?
|
|
|
|
For example, paragraph 3 states that you as chairman, shall con-sult with <ent type='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>--to determine
|
|
whether or not the material I might receive contains information
|
|
that I pledge not to disclose.
|
|
|
|
Assuming that all committee staff people signed that paragraph,
|
|
it would seem to me that you would really be hamstrung in investi-gating the CIA's possible role. Your staff could not be working
|
|
with any documents or other materials pointing toward <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents'
|
|
involvement in the assassinations, without you personally having
|
|
to show those documents to <ent type='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>
|
|
and to obtain his agreement to disclose the information to the
|
|
public.
|
|
|
|
The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Director has the power of judging what can be released.
|
|
Obviously, anything incriminating to the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, especially higher
|
|
level people who may have been involved, would be judged unreleas-able.
|
|
|
|
None of this would take on the significance that it does, were it
|
|
not for my belief that the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> itself has continued to cover up
|
|
the original conspiracy and that several <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents or contract
|
|
employees carried out the murder.
|
|
|
|
3. Is paragraph 12 really logical, or even legal? Can an agreement
|
|
with a body be extended ad <ent type='ORG'>infinitum</ent> after the body has dissolved?
|
|
|
|
4. Paragraph 14 bothers me. It seems to say that I agree to allow
|
|
the government to sue me and to bear the expenses of such a suit.
|
|
Is it really legal to ask me to agree to be sued as a condition
|
|
of my consulting contract? Couldn't the government sue me and
|
|
collect expenses anyway if I did something wrong, without such a
|
|
clause? Paragraph 16 seems to anticipate that Paragraph 14 may
|
|
not stand up in court. (Or some other paragraph.)
|
|
|
|
I want to make it clear that my concerns in this matter are not related
|
|
to any obligation I may have. Rather, I am concerned about the
|
|
purposes of those clauses in the agreement, as they affect the
|
|
investigations. I believe every staff member signed them.
|
|
|
|
I would appreciate hearing directly from you on these questions Mr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>, rather than referring this letter to Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>.
|
|
|
|
Yours sincerely,
|
|
|
|
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Exhibit C
|
|
____________________________________________________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>LOUIS</ent> STOKES, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>, CHAIRMAN</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>RICHARDSON <ent type='NORP'>PREYER</ent>, N.C. SAMUEL L. DEVINE, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>
|
|
WALTER E. FAUNTROY, D.C. STEWART B. <ent type='PERSON'>MCKINNEY</ent>, CONN.
|
|
YVONNE BRATHWAITE BURKE, <ent type='GPE'>CALIF</ent>. <ent type='GPE'>CHARLES</ent> THONE, NEBR.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>CHRISTOPHER</ent> J. DODD, CONN. HAROLD S. SAWYER, MICH.
|
|
HAROLD E. <ent type='ORG'>FORD</ent>, TENN.
|
|
FLOYD J. FITHIAN, <ent type='GPE'>IND</ent>.
|
|
ROBERT W. EDGAR, PA.
|
|
------------
|
|
(202) 225-4624</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
U.S <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
3331 <ent type='ORG'>HOUSE</ent> OFFICE BUILDING, ANNEX 2
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>WASHINGTON</ent>, D.C. 20515</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> MAR 16 1978</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, Esq.
|
|
193 Pinewood Road
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> 10530</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Dear Mr. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>:</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> In response to your letter of February 10, 1978
|
|
concerning the non-disclosure agreement which you signed
|
|
with <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>, I wish to first remind you that the
|
|
agreement was explicitly explained to you provision by
|
|
provision by Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, and that you were given the
|
|
opportunity to ask any questions that you desired prior
|
|
to your signing the agreement. I want to assure you that
|
|
the intent of the agreement is not to prevent information
|
|
from ultimately being disclosed to the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public.
|
|
The non-disclosure agreement only governs the timing of
|
|
disclosure of information to the public. In response to
|
|
your specific questions:
|
|
|
|
I. Paragraphs 2, 3 and 7 obviously are not for
|
|
the purpose of giving the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> power over the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
to investigate the CIA's role in the assassination. If
|
|
you read these paragraphs carefully, they clearly provide
|
|
that the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>, during its existence, will be in
|
|
full control and have access to all information. The paragraphs
|
|
do prevent you from disclosing the information, without the
|
|
authorization of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>.
|
|
|
|
Paragraph 3 does state that I, as Chairman, will
|
|
consult with <ent type='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> to determine
|
|
whether or not material contains information which you pledge
|
|
not to disclose. I, however, retain ultimate authority and
|
|
I only consult with <ent type='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <ent type='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> -
|
|
I am not bound by his opinion.
|
|
|
|
II. Paragraphs 12 and 14 are indeed legal. Should
|
|
you have any specific questions concerning the legality of
|
|
any of the provisions, I suggest you consult your own attorney.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> I assure you that the very purpose of the non-disclosure agreement is to give the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> full
|
|
control over the conduct of the investigation, including
|
|
the ultimate disclosure of information to the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n
|
|
public. In no manner should it be construed as <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent>
|
|
being restricted in its investigation by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> or any other
|
|
federal agency or department.
|
|
|
|
In closing, I remind you of paragraph 13 of the
|
|
non-disclosure agreement which provides that you may not
|
|
"indicate, divulge or acknowledge" the fact that you have
|
|
been retained as a consultant until after the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>
|
|
has been terminated. I have seen a press release concerning
|
|
yourself issued by Mr. Altmans in conjunction with a new article
|
|
in Gallery magazine. I note that while you technically did
|
|
not violate the non-disclosure agreement which you signed,
|
|
by carefully wording the release to describe the work you
|
|
had done for <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> in the past, this is the exact
|
|
kind of exploitation of a consultant relationship that the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> desires to avoid during its existence.
|
|
|
|
If you have any other questions or comments on the
|
|
non-disclosure agreement, they should be addressed to Mr.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> as Chief Counsel.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Sincerely,</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> [<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>
|
|
Chairman</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> LS:jwc</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Exhibit D
|
|
____________________________________________________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> 193 Pinewood Road
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, NY 10530</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> April 5, 1978</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Representative <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>
|
|
U.S. <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Ray</ent>bur <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Office Building
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. 20515
|
|
|
|
Dear <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>,
|
|
|
|
Thank you for your most reassuring letter of March 16, 1978.
|
|
As you know I have great faith in your own personal integrity
|
|
and your goals as discussed with you at lunch nearly a year
|
|
ago. I understand the necessity for non disclosure and
|
|
sensitive discretion in the way the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> is pro-ceeding. I believe I understand it more than most researchers
|
|
because of my close working relationship with the staff and the
|
|
committee ever since it started.
|
|
|
|
You can rest assured that it is my intention to continue to
|
|
assist you and to support your efforts right up to the finish
|
|
line. I want to avoid as much as you do any exploitation of my
|
|
relationship to the committee that would cause problems for you
|
|
or for me, especially with the media.
|
|
|
|
In this regard, the press release you mentioned in your letter
|
|
from Gallery magazine was initially prepared by their public
|
|
relations department, and included a statement taht I am a
|
|
consultant to the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. I asked them to delete the
|
|
statement and they insisted on retaining something about my
|
|
assistance to the committee in order to help establish my
|
|
credibility with their readers. After some discussion I was
|
|
able to get them to modify the statement to apply to the past
|
|
work for <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>.
|
|
|
|
There will be another article in the June 1978 issue using this
|
|
same statement. I believe I mentioned the article to you several
|
|
months ago. It is about the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> weapon system developed by
|
|
Charles Senseney at <ent type='PERSON'>Fort Detrick</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Maryland</ent> using rocket propelled
|
|
flechettes carrying paralyzing poison launched by an umbrella.
|
|
I described in the article the evidence pointing toward the use
|
|
of this weapons system in Dealey Plaza. The article will appear
|
|
on May 2 on the newsstands.
|
|
|
|
I read your March 16 letter, on March 22, upon my return from a
|
|
trip to <ent type='GPE'>Japan</ent> and a vacation. I contacted Gallery asking them to
|
|
delete entirely the statement about me and the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>.
|
|
They told me it was too late, that the issue had already gone to
|
|
press. However, they did agree to delete the statement from any
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
[the remainder of this letter was missing from the copy of the
|
|
edition used to make this on-line version. --Editor]</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Exhibit E
|
|
____________________________________________________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>LOUIS</ent> STOKES, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>, CHAIRMAN</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>RICHARDSON <ent type='NORP'>PREYER</ent>, N.C. SAMUEL L. DEVINE, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>
|
|
WALTER E. FAUNTROY, D.C. STEWART B. <ent type='PERSON'>MCKINNEY</ent>, CONN.
|
|
YVONNE BRATHWAITE BURKE, <ent type='GPE'>CALIF</ent>. <ent type='GPE'>CHARLES</ent> THONE, NEBR.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>CHRISTOPHER</ent> J. DODD, CONN. HAROLD S. SAWYER, MICH.
|
|
HAROLD E. <ent type='ORG'>FORD</ent>, TENN.
|
|
FLOYD J. FITHIAN, <ent type='GPE'>IND</ent>.
|
|
ROBERT W. EDGAR, PA.
|
|
------------
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(202) 225-4624</p>
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<p> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
U.S <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
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|
3331 <ent type='ORG'>HOUSE</ent> OFFICE BUILDING, ANNEX 2
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<ent type='GPE'>WASHINGTON</ent>, D.C. 20515</p>
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<p> May 15, 1978</p>
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<p> Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
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193 Pinewood Road
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<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, NY 10530
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Dear Mr. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>:
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Thank you for your thoughtful letter of April 5
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|
and I hope that you will excuse my delay in responding.
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I appreciate your expression of confidence in me
|
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and your reassurance of your continued support. With
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|
regard to the matter of the press release, I understand
|
|
your situation and it was most thoughtful of you to
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|
advise me in advance about the article in the June issue
|
|
of Gallery magazine.
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Your letter has been sent on to <ent type='ORG'>the Committee</ent> staff
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in order that they might share your recommendations about
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<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>.
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Thank you again for your continuing support.
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Sincerely,
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[<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>]
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<ent type='GPE'>LOUIS</ent> STOKES
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Chairman
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LS:thn</p>
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<p> Exhibit F
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____________________________________________________________</p>
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<p>
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193 Pinewood Road
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<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> 10530
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September 22, 1978
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Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Yvonne Burke</ent>
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U.S. <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
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<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. 20515
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Dear Mrs. <ent type='PERSON'>Burke</ent>:
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I don't know whether you recall our meeting on
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July 21, 1977 when <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> White, <ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Groden and I
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|
made presentations to the J.F.K. subcommittee of the
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Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. You may
|
|
remember my showing a summary of photographic evidence
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|
of conspiracy in the <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination. You asked
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some very pertinent questions which I answered about
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how to obtain films and photos from media organizations
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that were stonewalling at the time.
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I am truly sorry that you have missed the first
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three weeks of the J.F.K. hearings because I feel that
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your presence would have created at least a minority
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|
of one against the carefully orchestrated cover up that
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is now takinq place. I had great faith in the committee,
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especially after a luncheon meeting with <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>
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in 1977 and after the presentation to you.
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I want you personally to know that I have now lost
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|
all of that faith. The farce that is going on is really
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|
almost unbelievable to an honest researcher. All
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witnesses (except <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Cyril</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Wecht</ent></ent>), all panels employed by
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|
the committee, the staff and the committee members doing
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|
the questioning, obviously made up their minds a long
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time ago that <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> was the <ent type='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>,
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that there was no conspiracy and that the <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
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<ent type='ORG'>Commission</ent> was right.
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I cannot understand how this came about. As the
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most likely committee member to still keep an open mind,
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I would like to ask your opinion.
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How did the committee staff ignore all of the
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evidence of conspiracy. I am speaking not only
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about the photographic evidence, but about the
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information that Clifford <ent type='PERSON'>Fenton</ent> and his team
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uncovered in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. I know you know about
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that from my conversations with <ent type='PERSON'>Ted</ent> Gandolfo and
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<ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>.
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Do you believe there was a conspiracy? If you
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do, will you say so when you return to <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>?
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Will you insist that the committee hear from the
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important <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> witnesses as well as the
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others I recommended long long ago. Specifically,
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will you insist that the committee call as witnesses:
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<ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> du Bruys, Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent>
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Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent>, Mary
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Hope, Guy Gabaldin, <ent type='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, Emilio
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<ent type='ORG'>Santana</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence, <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, E. Howard Hunt,
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<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Helms</ent> and the others listed in the document
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I gave <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> in 1977. If you can't or won't,
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God help this country.
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Yours sincerely,
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<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
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P.S. In the case of key witness <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>,
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Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> assured me this spring that the committee
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would contact him. As of this date, he has never
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been contacted. He knows who killed President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.</p>
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<p> Exhibit G
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____________________________________________________________</p>
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<p> <ent type='GPE'>LOUIS</ent> STOKES, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>, CHAIRMAN</p>
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<p>RICHARDSON <ent type='NORP'>PREYER</ent>, N.C. SAMUEL L. DEVINE, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>
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WALTER E. FAUNTROY, D.C. STEWART B. <ent type='PERSON'>MCKINNEY</ent>, CONN.
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YVONNE BRATHWAITE BURKE, <ent type='GPE'>CALIF</ent>. <ent type='GPE'>CHARLES</ent> THONE, NEBR.
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<ent type='PERSON'>CHRISTOPHER</ent> J. DODD, CONN. HAROLD S. SAWYER, MICH.
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HAROLD E. <ent type='ORG'>FORD</ent>, TENN.
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FLOYD J. FITHIAN, <ent type='GPE'>IND</ent>.
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ROBERT W. EDGAR, PA.
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------------
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(202) 225-4624</p>
|
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|
|
<p> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
U.S <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
3331 <ent type='ORG'>HOUSE</ent> OFFICE BUILDING, ANNEX 2
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>WASHINGTON</ent>, D.C. 20515</p>
|
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|
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<p> October 10, 1978</p>
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|
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<p> Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
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|
193 Pinewood Road
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<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> 10530
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Dear Mr. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>:
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I was greatly disturbed by your letter of September
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|
23, 1978 in which you stated that, "I have one last hope
|
|
that what we are witnessing in your hearings is a charade
|
|
meant to fool the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. If it is, you have fooled
|
|
me. If it is not, your statements to me over the past year
|
|
about getting at the truth were all meaningless. I have
|
|
lost all faith in you and the committee."
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I must say that I deeply regret the fact that you
|
|
have lost faith in the performance of my committee. We
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|
have attempted to do a thorough, competent and professional
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|
job which would be a source of pride for you and other
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|
concerned <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>ns.
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|
I should state here for the record, Mr. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, that
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|
I find nothing inconsistent in my statements to you over the
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|
year indicating that the committee would be seeking the truth
|
|
and nothing but the truth during the course of the investigation
|
|
and the testimony that the committee has received during its
|
|
public hearings. Perhaps you are confused because I did not
|
|
explicitly state that the truth the committee is seeking is
|
|
not your truth or my truth, but truth supported by the weight
|
|
of the evidence.
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|
Thanks again for your past and current concerns. I
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|
assure you that the committee will make every effort to tell
|
|
the whole story to the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n people.
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Sincerely,
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[<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>]
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Chairman
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LS: icmj</p>
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|
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<p> Exhibit H
|
|
____________________________________________________________</p>
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<p>
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|
|
193 Pinewood Road
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, NY 10530
|
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|
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October 30, 1978
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Representative <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
U.S. <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
3369 <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Office Building, Annex 2
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. 20515
|
|
|
|
Dear <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>:
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|
|
I appreciate your responding to my September 23 letter.
|
|
I am truly sorry to be so disturbing to you concerning
|
|
the committee's hearings. I wish I could be more
|
|
complimentary and positive about your work.
|
|
|
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I could not agree with you more that the "truth supported
|
|
by the weight of the evidence" is what we are all after.
|
|
I'm enclosing for your information one more copy of the
|
|
document I gave to <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Henry</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>,
|
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<ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> Tannenbaum, and you in 1976 and 1977.
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Unless you call the witnesses listed on pages 4-6 of this
|
|
document, <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>, you have not dealt with the most impor-tant evidence of all. How can you possibly claim to have
|
|
unearthed anything approximating the truth, unless you
|
|
and the rest of the committee interrogate with strength,
|
|
the following important witnesses that you missed:
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<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> P. <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Louis Ivon</ent>, Victor
|
|
Marchetti, <ent type='PERSON'>Gorden Novel</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Hope</ent>,
|
|
Manuel Garcia <ent type='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>William</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>,
|
|
Guy Gabaldin, Major L.M. <ent type='GPE'>Bloomfield</ent>, Harry <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent>s,
|
|
Sylvia Odio and <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>.
|
|
|
|
The document explains how each of these witnesses was
|
|
involved in the assassination of investigations of it.
|
|
It is based, not just on my research, but on painful
|
|
hours of investigative efforts of many, many people,
|
|
including <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s professional staff, the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> to Investigate <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> and others.
|
|
|
|
I understand that <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> P. <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent> is finally ready to
|
|
tell his real story, at the risk of physical harm to
|
|
himself and his family. You have not called him.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> has been ready to testify for a
|
|
long time. Despite my requests to Dr. <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and to
|
|
you, he has not been called and no effort has been
|
|
made to locate him through the only person who knows
|
|
where he is, <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent>.
|
|
|
|
If you will pardon my saying so <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>, something about
|
|
just those two failures stinks, not to mention all of
|
|
the others.
|
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|
|
It is not too late to save your reputations. You can
|
|
still call those witnesses in December. I hope you do.
|
|
|
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|
Yours Sincerely,
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Exhibit I
|
|
____________________________________________________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>
|
|
|
|
193 Pinewood Road
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, NY 10530
|
|
|
|
November 24, 1978
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|
|
Representative <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
U.S. <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
3369 <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Office Building, Annex 2
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. 20515
|
|
|
|
Dear <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>:
|
|
|
|
I am still waiting for a reply to my letter of October 30,
|
|
1978. I thought I should write again to remind you that
|
|
the witnesses you should call in December are not going to
|
|
be around much longer. I'm afraid that <ent type='PERSON'>Gorden Novel</ent>,
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> de Brueys, in
|
|
particular may go the same way that Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>William</ent>
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>, and George de Mohrenschildt went. You really
|
|
must call them before they die.
|
|
|
|
Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> reportedly died of natural causes the day
|
|
before you were to talk with him. I do not believe that.
|
|
How many more key witnesses have to die before you would
|
|
be convinced? <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, du Brueys and <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent> were Oswald's
|
|
points of contact in the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>, receiving his reports on the
|
|
conspiratorial group planning JFK's assassination. I have
|
|
known this since 1971 directly from Hosty's own lips via
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Carver Gaten</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Gochenaur</ent>. Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> also knew
|
|
why the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> was searching for <ent type='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> under his alias
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Clay Bertrand</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>, *before* <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Dean</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Andrews</ent></ent> received
|
|
that phone call from him about defending <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
may also have been one of the three agents who took the
|
|
Babushka lady's film away from her. At least she told me
|
|
he was one of them from his photo.
|
|
|
|
So Regis <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> had to die. So do <ent type='PERSON'>Warren</ent> du Brueys and
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>James</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Hosty</ent>. If they die of "natural causes" in the next
|
|
month or two, don't say I didn't warn you.
|
|
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> and Novel are in even greater danger. <ent type='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> may
|
|
now be safe. He fled the country recently. However, the
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> has tentacles everywhere, so he will not really be safe
|
|
wherever he is. Novel could easily be killed, since he is
|
|
in prison. That is one of the easiest places for the death
|
|
squad to catch up with him.
|
|
|
|
As I have had told you in previous letters, the reason you
|
|
*must* call Novel is that there is a very strong possibility
|
|
that he is the umbrella man. If you laugh at that and try
|
|
to tell me that you found the umbrella man, Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent>, I'll
|
|
laugh right back at you and tell you that farce you put on
|
|
for the <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n public didn't fool anyone with his eyes
|
|
even half way open. In addition to the obviously planned
|
|
sequence of events and the way in which Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent> surfaced,
|
|
his umbrella was certainly not the one used in Dealey Plaza.
|
|
It was the wrong size, had the wrong number of ribs, and was
|
|
missing the two round white bulbs on either end when folded
|
|
up.
|
|
|
|
No, <ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent>, Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Witt</ent> was either planted upon you or else
|
|
your staff planted him. I'll give you the benefit of the
|
|
doubt for the moment and assume that you do not know he
|
|
was a plant. If you let it go as is, you and Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Preyer</ent>
|
|
and the rest of the committee are going to look pretty
|
|
silly.
|
|
|
|
You absolutely must call as witnesses, <ent type='PERSON'>Gorden Novel</ent>, and
|
|
at the other end, Charles Sensenay and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> people asso-ciated with <ent type='PERSON'>Fort Detrick</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Maryland</ent>, where that umbrella
|
|
launching system was made. Incidentally, two <ent type='NORP'>Bulgarian</ent>
|
|
intelligence agents have recently been assassinated in
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>England</ent> with an umbrella weapon using poison flechettes,
|
|
very similar to the one used on <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>.
|
|
|
|
I would appreciate a response to this letter telling me
|
|
what you plan to do about those witnesses.
|
|
|
|
|
|
Best regards,
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Exhibit J
|
|
____________________________________________________________</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> <ent type='GPE'>LOUIS</ent> STOKES, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>, CHAIRMAN</p>
|
|
|
|
<p>RICHARDSON <ent type='NORP'>PREYER</ent>, N.C. SAMUEL L. DEVINE, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>
|
|
WALTER E. FAUNTROY, D.C. STEWART B. <ent type='PERSON'>MCKINNEY</ent>, CONN.
|
|
YVONNE BRATHWAITE BURKE, <ent type='GPE'>CALIF</ent>. <ent type='GPE'>CHARLES</ent> THONE, NEBR.
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'>CHRISTOPHER</ent> J. DODD, CONN. HAROLD S. SAWYER, MICH.
|
|
HAROLD E. <ent type='ORG'>FORD</ent>, TENN.
|
|
FLOYD J. FITHIAN, <ent type='GPE'>IND</ent>.
|
|
ROBERT W. EDGAR, PA.
|
|
------------
|
|
(202) 225-4624</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
U.S <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
3331 <ent type='ORG'>HOUSE</ent> OFFICE BUILDING, ANNEX 2
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>WASHINGTON</ent>, D.C. 20515</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> December 4, 1978</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> Mr. Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
|
|
193 Pinewood Rqad
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> 10530
|
|
|
|
Dear Mr. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>:
|
|
|
|
Thank you for your letter of November 24, 1978.
|
|
|
|
I am aware of the amount of time you have spent
|
|
analyzing the assassination of President <ent type='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
|
|
and your interest in the work of the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> since its inception.
|
|
|
|
However, I regret that under our Rules, it is
|
|
impossible for us to respond to your letter in a manner
|
|
which would reveal the substance or procedure of our
|
|
investigation, or the names of those persons who will be
|
|
called to testify before the committee.
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The committee is, of course, grateful for your
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suggestions and those of the many other concerned citizens
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who have taken the time to write.
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Sincerely,
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[<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>]
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<ent type='GPE'>LOUIS</ent> STOKES
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Chairman
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LS:jl</p>
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<p> Exhibit K
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____________________________________________________________</p>
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<p> <ent type='GPE'>LOUIS</ent> STOKES, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>, CHAIRMAN</p>
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<p>RICHARDSON <ent type='NORP'>PREYER</ent>, N.C. SAMUEL L. DEVINE, <ent type='GPE'>OHIO</ent>
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WALTER E. FAUNTROY, D.C. STEWART B. <ent type='PERSON'>MCKINNEY</ent>, CONN.
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|
YVONNE BRATHWAITE BURKE, <ent type='GPE'>CALIF</ent>. <ent type='GPE'>CHARLES</ent> THONE, NEBR.
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<ent type='PERSON'>CHRISTOPHER</ent> J. DODD, CONN. HAROLD S. SAWYER, MICH.
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HAROLD E. <ent type='ORG'>FORD</ent>, TENN.
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FLOYD J. FITHIAN, <ent type='GPE'>IND</ent>.
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ROBERT W. EDGAR, PA.
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------------
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(202) 225-4624</p>
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<p> Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
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|
U.S <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
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3331 <ent type='ORG'>HOUSE</ent> OFFICE BUILDING, ANNEX 2
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<ent type='GPE'>WASHINGTON</ent>, D.C. 20515
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</p>
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<p> JAN 16 1978
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</p>
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<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, Esq.
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193 Pinewood Road
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<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> 10530
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Dear Mr. <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>:
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|
In response to your letter of January 9,
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1978, I have reviewed your proposed article "The
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|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Weapon System Used in the Assassination of
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|
President <ent type='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>." It is my opinion that the article
|
|
is derived from your own sources of information, and
|
|
contains no information that has come into your
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|
possession by virtue of your consulting work with the
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|
<ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>. Accordingly, your proposed publication of
|
|
the article does not violate the terms of your non-disclosure agreement. As I am sure you can appreciate,
|
|
further comment by myself upon the article or its
|
|
proposed publication would be inappropriate, and
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|
consequently I decline to express any review or
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|
comment upon it.
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|
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|
Thank you for your continuing cooperation
|
|
with the Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent>.
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Sincerely,
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[G. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>]
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G. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>
|
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GRB:jwc</p>
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|
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<p> Exhibit L
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|
____________________________________________________________</p>
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|
<p> 193 Pinewood Road
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<ent type='ORG'>Hartsdale</ent>, NY 10530</p>
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<p> August 3, 1978</p>
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|
<p> Mr. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Robert</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>
|
|
Select <ent type='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
|
|
U.S. <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives
|
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. 20515
|
|
|
|
Dear <ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent>:
|
|
|
|
Following our telephone conversation on Tu<ent type='ORG'>esd</ent>ay August 1,
|
|
I checked with <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent></ent>, my co-author on the <ent type='ORG'>Umbrella</ent>
|
|
Weapon System article in Gallery June 1978. <ent type='PERSON'>Bob</ent> told me
|
|
he left with Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Preyer</ent> and with you, photographic material
|
|
showing that The <ent type='ORG'>Umbrella</ent> Man (<ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>) was quite probably
|
|
J. <ent type='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>.
|
|
|
|
Your news photo of him reinforces that belief for both of
|
|
us. I did not have that portion of the Couch film from
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>WFAA</ent> and so had never seen TUM's face as clearly as it
|
|
appears there. The <ent type='PERSON'>Bothun</ent> photo of him has a light
|
|
reflection around his nose, as I'm sure you know.
|
|
|
|
We have a 1962-3 photo of Novel taken from the same angle
|
|
as the Couch, film of <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent> and a photo comparison convinces
|
|
us more than ever that Novel is <ent type='ORG'>TUM</ent>. Mr. <ent type='PERSON'>Preyer</ent> no doubt
|
|
told you back in April that Novel is in a jail in <ent type='GPE'>Georgia</ent>,
|
|
framed for a crime he and <ent type='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>, his former lawyer,
|
|
both claim he didn't commit.
|
|
|
|
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|
Best regards,
|
|
|
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|
Dick <ent type='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
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|
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|
DS/mc
|
|
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|
P.S. I am still waiting for a response to my letters to
|
|
<ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Louis</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> about attending the hearings beginning
|
|
August 14.
|
|
|
|
cc: L. <ent type='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>
|
|
R. <ent type='PERSON'>Cutler</ent></p>
|
|
|
|
<div>--</div>
|
|
|
|
<p> I see in the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes
|
|
me to tremble for the safety of my country. . . . Corporations have been
|
|
enthroned, an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the
|
|
money-power of the country will endeavor to prolong its reign by working
|
|
upon the prejudices of the people until the wealth is aggregated in a few
|
|
hands and the Republic is destroyed.</p>
|
|
|
|
<p> --- <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>Abraham</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Lincoln</ent></ent> (quoted in <ent type='PERSON'>Jack</ent> London's "<ent type='ORG'>The Iron Heel</ent>").</p>
|
|
|
|
</xml> |