textfiles-politics/pythonCode/personTestingOutput/cncia010.xml

<xml><p>
SUBJECT: <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> GULAG</p>

<p>

SECRET CONCENTRATION CAMPS

The September issue of <ent type='ORG'>THE OSTRICH</ent> reprinted a story from the
<ent type='ORG'>CBA</ent> BULLETIN which listed the following principal civilian concentration camps established in <ent type='ORG'>GULAG USA</ent> under the =<ent type='PERSON'>Rex</ent> '84= program:
Ft. Chaffee, <ent type='GPE'>Arkansas</ent>; Ft. Drum, <ent type='ORG'>New York</ent>; Ft. <ent type='NORP'>Indian</ent> Gap, <ent type='GPE'>Pennsylvania</ent>; Camp A. P. Hill, <ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Oakdale</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>; Eglin
Air Force Base, <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>; Vendenberg AFB, <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>; Ft. Mc Coy,
<ent type='GPE'>Wisconsin</ent>; Ft. Benning, <ent type='GPE'>Georgia</ent>; Ft. <ent type='GPE'>Huachuca</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Arizona</ent>; Camp
Krome, <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>. The February OSTRICH printed a map of the expanding
<ent type='ORG'>Gulag</ent>. <ent type='GPE'>Alhough</ent> this listing and map stirred considerable interest,
the report was not new. For at least 20 years, knowledgeable <ent type='ORG'>Patriots</ent>
have been warning of these sinister plots to incarcerate dissidents
opposing plans of the =Elitist Syndicate= for a totalitarian
=<ent type='EVENT'>New World</ent> Order=. Indeed, the plot was recognized with the insidious
encroachment of "regionalism" back in the 1960's. As early as 1968,
the "greatest land steal in history" leading to global corporate
socialism, was in a ="Master Land Plan"= for <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States
by =<ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Orders= involving water resource regions,
population movement and control, pollution control, zoning
and land use, navigation and environmental bills, etc. Indeed,
the real undercover aim of the so-called "Environmental Rennaissance"
has been the abolition of private property.
All prelude to the total grab of the =<ent type='ORG'>World Conservation Bank</ent>=,
as <ent type='ORG'>THE OSTRICH</ent> has been reporting. The map on this page and
the list of executive orders available for imposition of an "emergency"
are from 1970s files of the late Gen. =P. A. <ent type='ORG'>Del Valle</ent>'s= <ent type='ORG'>ALERT</ent>,
sent us by =<ent type='PERSON'>Merritt Newby</ent>=, editor of the now defunct AMERICAN
CHALLENGE.
=Wake up <ent type='NORP'>Americans</ent>!= The <ent type='PERSON'>Bushoviks</ent> have approved =Gorbachev's=
imposition of "Emergency" to suppress unrest. =<ent type='PERSON'>Henry Kissinger</ent>=
and his clients hardly missed a day's profits in their deals with
the butchers of Tiananmen <ent type='PERSON'>Sqaure</ent>. Are you next?
*************************************************************************</p>

<p>SUBJECT: <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Orders


APPLICABLE EXECUTIVE ORDERS

The following =<ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Orders=, now recorded in the Federal
Register, and therefore accepted by <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> as the law of the
land, can be put into effect at any time an emergency is declared:

10995--All communications media seized by <ent type='ORG'>the Federal Government</ent>.
10997--Seizure of all electrical power, fuels, including
gasoline and minerals.
10998--Seizure of all food resources, farms and farm equipment.
10999--Seizure of all kinds of transportation, including your
personal car, and control of all highways and seaports.
11000--Seizure of all civilians for work under Federal supervision.
11001--Federal takeover of all health, education and welfare.
11002--Postmaster General empowered to register every man, woman
and child in the U.S.A.
11003--Seizure of all aircraft and airports by the Federal
Government.
11004--Housing and Finance authority may shift population from
one locality to another. <ent type='ORG'>Complete</ent> integration.
11005--Seizure of railroads, inland waterways, and storage facilities.
11051--The Director of <ent type='ORG'>the Office</ent> of Emergency Planning authorized
to put <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Orders into effect in "times of increased
international tension or financial crisis". He is also to
perform such additional functions as the President
may direct.</p>

<p>--------------------------------------------------------------------------
A Dangerous Fact Not Generally Known
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

THESE EXECUTIVE ORDERS GROSSLY AND FLAGRANTLY VIOLATE ARTICLE
4 SECTION 4 OF THE CONSTITUTION OF <ent type='GPE'>THE UNITED STATES</ent>. "THE
UNITED STATES SHALL GUARANTEE TO EVERY STATE IN THIS UNION A
REPUBLICAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT, AND SHALL PROTECT EACH OF THEM
AGA<ent type='ORG'>INS</ent>T INVASION; AND ON APPLICATION OF THE LEGISLATURE, OR OF THE
EXECUTIVE (WHEN THE LEGISLATURE CANNOT BE CONVENED) AGA<ent type='ORG'>INS</ent>T
DOMESTIC VIOLENCE." "REGIONAL GOVERNMENT IS NOT A REPRESENTATIVE
REPUBLICAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT!"</p>

<p> When Government gets out of hand and can no longer be controlled
by the people, short of violent overthrow as in 1776, there are
two sources of power which are used by the dictatorial government
to keep the people in line: <ent type='ORG'>the Police Power</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>the Power</ent> of the
Purse (through which the necessities of life can be withheld).
And both of these powers are no longer balanced between the three
Federal Branches, and between the Federal and the State and
local Governments. These powers have been taken over, with the
permission of <ent type='ORG'>the Federal Legislature</ent> and the State Governments,
by <ent type='ORG'>the Executive Branch</ent> of <ent type='ORG'>the Federal Government</ent> and all attempts
to reclaim that lost power have been defeated.</p>

<p> Stated simply: the dictatorial power of the <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> rests primarily
on three basis: <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Order 11490, <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Order 11647, and
<ent type='ORG'>the Planning</ent>, Programming, Budgeting System which is operated
through the new and all-powerful Office of Management and
Budget.</p>

<p> E. O. 11490 is a compilation of some 23 previous <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Orders,
signed by <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> on Oct. 28, 1969, and outlining emergency functions
which are to be performed by some 28 <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Departments and
Agencies whenever the President of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States declares
a national emergency (as in defiance of an impeachment edict,
for example). Under the terms of E. O. 11490, the President
can declare that a national emergency exists and the <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent>
Branch can:
* Take over all communications media
* Seize all sources of power
* Take charge of all food resources
* Control all highways and seaports
* Seize all railroads, inland waterways, airports, storage facilities
* Commandeer all civilians to work under federal supervision
* Control all activities relating to health, education, and welfare
* Shift any segment of the population from one locality to another
* Take over farms, ranches, timberized properties
* Regulate the amount of your own money you may withdraw from
your bank, or savings and loan institution</p>

<p> All of these and many more items are listed in 32 pages incorporating
nearly 200000 words, providing and absolute bureaucratic
dictatorship whenever the President gives the word.</p>

<p>--&gt; <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Order 11647 provides the regional and local mechanisms
--&gt; and manpower for carrying out the provisions of E. O. 11490.
--&gt; Signed by Richard <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> on Feb. 10, 1972, this Order sets up Ten
--&gt; <ent type='ORG'>Federal Regional Councils</ent> to govern <ent type='ORG'>Ten Federal Regions</ent> made up
--&gt; of the fifty still existing States of the Union.

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
<ent type='PERSON'>Don sez</ent>: </p>

<p>*Check out this book for the inside scoop on the "<ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret" Constitution.*

SUBJECT: - "The Proposed Constitutional Model" Pages 595-621
Book Title - The Emerging Constitution
Author - <ent type='PERSON'>Rex</ent>ford G. Tugwell
Publisher - <ent type='ORG'>Harpers Magazine</ent> Press,<ent type='PERSON'>Harper</ent> and Row
Dewey Decimal - 342.73 T915E
ISBN - 0-06-128225-10
Note Chapter 14
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++</p>

<p> The 10 <ent type='ORG'>Federal Regions</ent>
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~</p>

<p> REGION I: Connecticut, <ent type='GPE'>Massachusetts</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New Hampshire</ent>, Rhode
Island, <ent type='GPE'>Vermont</ent>.
Regional Capitol: <ent type='GPE'>Boston</ent>
REGION II: <ent type='ORG'>New York</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New Jersey</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Puerto Rico</ent>, Virgin Island.
Regional Capitol: <ent type='GPE'>New York City</ent>
REGION III: <ent type='GPE'>Delaware</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Maryland</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Pennsylvania</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent>, West
<ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent>, District of <ent type='GPE'>Columbia</ent>.
Regional Capitol: <ent type='GPE'>Philadelphia</ent>
REGION IV: <ent type='GPE'>Alabama</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Florida</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Georgia</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Kentucky</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Mississippi</ent>,
<ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> Carolina, <ent type='GPE'>Tennessee</ent>.
Regional Capitol: <ent type='GPE'>Atlanta</ent>
REGION V: <ent type='GPE'>Illinois</ent>, <ent type='NORP'>Indian</ent>a, <ent type='GPE'>Michigan</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Minnesota</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Ohio</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Wisconsin</ent>.
Regional Capitol: <ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent>
REGION VI: <ent type='GPE'>Arkansas</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Louisiana</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>New Mexico</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Oklahoma</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>.
Regional Capitol: <ent type='GPE'>Dallas</ent>-<ent type='GPE'>Fort Worth</ent>
REGION VII: <ent type='GPE'>Iowa</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Kansas</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Missouri</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Nebraska</ent>.
Regional Capitol: <ent type='GPE'>Kansas</ent> City
REGION VIII: <ent type='GPE'>Colorado</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Montana</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> Dakota, <ent type='GPE'>South Dakota</ent>,
<ent type='GPE'>Utah</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Wyoming</ent>.
Regional Capitol: <ent type='GPE'>Denver</ent>
REGION IX: <ent type='GPE'>Arizona</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Hawaii</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Nevada</ent>.
Regional Capitol: <ent type='GPE'>San Fransisco</ent>
REGION X: <ent type='GPE'>Alaska</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Oregon</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Idaho</ent>.
Regional Capitol: Seattle</p>

<p> Supplementing these Then Regions, each of the States is, or is to
be, divided into subregions, so that Federal <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> control
is provided over every community.</p>

<p> Then, controlling the bedgeting and the programming at every
level is that politico-economic system known as <ent type='ORG'>PPBS</ent>.</p>

<p> The President need not wait for some emergency such as an impeachment
ouster. He can declare a National Emergency at any time, and freeze
everything, just as he has already frozen wages and prices. And
the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>, and the States, are powerless to prevent such an
<ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Dictatorship, unless <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> moves to revoke these
extraordinary powers before the Chief <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> moves to invoke
them.</p>

<p> THESE EXECUTIVE ORDERS GROSSLY AND FLAGRANTLY VIOLATE THE INTENT AND
PURPOSE OF ARTICLE 4 SECTION 3. THERE IS NO PROVISION IN THIS
SECTION OR THE CONSTITUTION OF <ent type='GPE'>THE UNITED STATES</ent> FOR FORMING A
REGIONAL STATE OUT OF A GROUP OF STATES! FURTHER, THESE EXECUTIVE
ORDERS GROSSLY AND FLAGRANTLY VIOLATE THE 9TH AND 10TH
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION!</p>

<p> By Proclaiming and Putting Into Effect <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Order No. 11490,
the President would put <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States under TOTAL MARTIAL LAW
AND MILITARY <ent type='ORG'>DICTATORSHIP</ent>! The Guns Of The <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n People Would
Be Forcibly Taken!</p>

<p>--------------------------------END:<ent type='ORG'>REF</ent>1------------------------------------------MORE--(40%)</p>

<p>################################################################################
--------------------------------<ent type='ORG'>REF</ent>2:<ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>---------------------------------------</p>

<p> <ent type='ORG'>Bushie</ent>-Tail used <ent type='EVENT'>the Gulf War Show</ent> to greatly expand the powers of the
presidency. During this shell game event, the <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Orders signed
into "law" continued Bushie's methodical and detailed program to bury
any residual traces of the constitutional rights and protections of U.S.
citizens. The Bill of Rights--[almost too late to] use 'em or lose 'em:</p>

<p> || The record of Bush's fast and loose approach to ||
|| constitutionally guaranteed civil rights is a history of ||
|| the erosion of liberty and the consolidation of an imperial ||
|| executive. ||</p>

<p> -----------------------------------------------------------------------------
From "Covert Action Information Bulletin," Number 37, Summer, 1991 (see
bottom 2 pages for subscription &amp; back issues info on this quarterly):</p>

<p> <ent type='ORG'>Domestic Consequences</ent> of <ent type='EVENT'>the Gulf War</ent>
<ent type='PERSON'>Diana</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent>
Reprinted with permission of <ent type='ORG'>CAIB</ent>. Copyright 1991</p>

<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Diana</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent> is a Research Associate at the Edward R. <ent type='ORG'>Murrow Center</ent>,
<ent type='ORG'>Fletcher School for Public Policy</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Tufts University</ent>. She is also an
Assistant Professor of Politics at <ent type='ORG'>Broadford College</ent> and a Lecturer at
<ent type='ORG'>Merrimack College</ent>.</p>

<p> A war, even the most victorious, is a national misfortune.
--<ent type='PERSON'>Helmuth Von Moltke</ent>, <ent type='NORP'>Prussian</ent> field marshall</p>

<p> George <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> put <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States on the road to its <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ond war in
two years by declaring a national emergency on August 21990. In
response to Iraq's invasion of <ent type='GPE'>Kuwait</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> issued two <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent>
Orders (12722 and 12723) which restricted trade and travel with <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>
and froze <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>i and <ent type='GPE'>Kuwait</ent>i assets within the U.S. and those in the
possession of U.S. persons abroad. At least 15 other executive orders
followed these initial restrictions and enabled the President to
mobilize the country's human and productive resources for war. Under
the national emergency, <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> was able unilaterally to break his 1991
budget agreement with <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> which had frozen defense spending, to
entrench further the U.S. economy in the mire of the military-industrial complex, to override environmental protection regulations,
and to make free enterprise and civil liberties conditional upon an
executive determination of national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity interests.</p>

<p> The State of Emergency
In time of war a president's power derives from both constitutional
and statutory sources. Under Article II, Section 2 of the
Constitution, he is Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. Although
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> alone retains the right to declare war, this power has become
increasingly meaningless in the face of a succession of unilateral
decisions by the executive to mount invasions.
The president's statutory authority, granted by <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and
expanded by it under the 1988 National Emergencies Act (50 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>.
1601), confers special powers in time of war or national emergency.
He can invoke those special powers simply by declaring a national
emergency. First, however, he must specify the legal provisions under
which he proposes that he, or other officers, will act. <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> may
end a national emergency by enacting a joint resolution. Once invoked
by the president, emergency powers are directed by <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent>
Security Council and administered, where appropriate, under the
general umbrella of <ent type='ORG'>the Federal Emergency Management Agency</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>).[1]
There is no requirement that <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> be consulted before an emergency
is declared or findings signed. The only restriction on <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> is that
he must inform <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> in a "timely" fashion--he being the sole
arbiter of timeliness.
Ultimately, the president's perception of the severity of a
particular threat to national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity and the integrity of his
appointed officers determine the nature of any state of emergency.
For this reason, those who were aware of the modern development of
presidential emergency powers were apprehensive about the domestic
ramifications of any national emergency declared by George <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent>. In
light of Bush's record (see "<ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> Chips Away at Constitution" Box
below) and present performance, their fears appear well-founded.</p>

<p> <ent type='EVENT'>The War</ent> at Home
It is too early to know all of the emergency powers, executive
orders and findings issued under classified <ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent>
Directives[2] implemented by <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> in the name of <ent type='EVENT'>the Gulf War</ent>. In
addition to the emergency powers necessary to the direct mobilization
of active and reserve armed forces of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States, there are
some 120 additional emergency powers that can be used in a national
emergency or state of war (declared or undeclared by <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>). The
"<ent type='ORG'>Federal Register</ent>" records some 15 <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Orders (EO) signed by
<ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> from August 21990 to February 141991. (See "Bush's <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent>
Orders" box, below)
It may take many years before most of the executive findings and
use of powers come to light, if indeed they ever do. But evidence is
emerging that at least some of Bush's emergency powers were activated
in <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret. Although only five of the 15 EOs that were published were
directed at non-military personnel, the costs directly attributable to
the exercise of the authorities conferred by the declaration of
national emergency from August 2, 1990 to February 1, 1991 for non-military activities are estimated at approximately $1.3 billion.
According to a February 11, 1991 letter from <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> to congressional
leaders reporting on the "<ent type='ORG'>National Emergency With Respect</ent> to <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>,"
these costs represent wage and salary costs for <ent type='ORG'>the Departments</ent> of
<ent type='ORG'>Treasury</ent>, State, Agriculture, and Transportation, U.S. Customs,
<ent type='ORG'>Federal Reserve Board</ent>, and <ent type='ORG'>the National Security Council</ent>.[3]
The fact that $1.3 billion was spent in non-military salaries alone
in this six month period suggests an unusual amount of government
resources utilized to direct the national emergency state. In
contrast, government salaries for one year of the state of emergency
with <ent type='GPE'>Iran</ent>[4] cost only $430000.</p>

<p> ____________________________________________________________________
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> Chips Away at Constitution |
|
George <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent>, perhaps more than any other individual in |
U.S. history, has expanded the emergency powers of |
presidency. In 1976, as Director of <ent type='ORG'>Central Intelligence</ent>, |
he convened Team B, a group of rabidly anti-<ent type='NORP'>communist</ent> |
intellectuals and former government officials to reevaluate |
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> inhouse intelligence estimates on <ent type='NORP'>Soviet</ent> military |
strength. The resulting report recommended draconian civil |
defense measures which led to President Ford's <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> |
Order 11921 authorizing plans to establish government |
control of the means of production, distribution, energy |
sources, wages and salaries, credit and the flow of money |
in U.S. financial institutions in a national emergency.[1] |
As Vice President, <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> headed <ent type='ORG'>the Task Force</ent> on |
Combatting Terrorism, that recommended: extended and |
flexible emergency presidential powers to combat terrorism; |
restrictions on congressional oversight in counter-terrorist planning; and curbing press coverage of |
terrorist incidents.[2] The report gave rise to <ent type='ORG'>the Anti</ent>-Terrorism Act of 1986, that granted the President clear-cut |
authority to respond to terrorism with all appropriate |
means including deadly force. It authorized the |
<ent type='ORG'>Immigration and Naturalization Service</ent> to control and |
remove not only alien terrorists but potential terrorist |
aliens and those "who are likely to be supportive of |
terrorist activity within the U.S."[3] The bill superceded |
the War Powers Act by imposing no time limit on the |
President's use of force in a terrorist situation, and |
lifted the requirement that the President consult <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> |
before sanctioning deadly force. |
From 1982 to 1988, <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> led the <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Mobilization |
Planning Systems <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>DMPSA</ent>), a <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret government |
organization, and spent more than $3 billion upgrading |
command, control, and communications in FEMA's continuity |
of government infrastructures. Continuity of Government |
(<ent type='ORG'>COG</ent>) was ostensibly created to assure government |
functioning during war, especially nuclear war. The <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> |
was so <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret that even many members of the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> were |
unaware of its existence and most of its work was done |
without congressional oversight. |
Project 908, as the <ent type='ORG'>DMPSA</ent> was sometimes called, was |
similar to its parent agency <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> in that it came under |
investigation for mismanagement and contract |
irregularities.[4] During this same period, <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> had been |
fraught with scandals including emergency planning with a |
distinctly anti-constitutional flavor. The agency would |
have sidestepped <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and other federal agencies and |
put the President and <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> directly in charge of the U.S. |
planning for martial rule. Under this state, the executive |
would take upon itself powers far beyond those necessary to |
address national emergency contingencies.[5] |
Bush's "anything goes" anti-drug strategy, announced |
on September 6, 1989, suggested that executive emergency |
powers be used: to oust those suspected of associating |
with drug users or sellers from public and private housing; |
to mobilize <ent type='ORG'>the National Guard</ent> and U.S. military to fight |
drugs in the continental U.S.; to confiscate private |
property belonging to drug users, and to incarcerate first |
time offenders in work camps.[6] |
The record of Bush's fast and loose approach to |
constitutionally guaranteed civil rights is a history of |
the erosion of liberty and the consolidation of an imperial |
executive. |
|
1. <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Order 11921, "Emergency preparedness Functions, |
June 11, 1976. <ent type='ORG'>Federal Register</ent>, vol. 41, no. 116. The |
report was attacked by such notables as <ent type='PERSON'>Ray Cline</ent>, the |
CIA's former Deputy Director, retired <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> intelligence |
analyst <ent type='ORG'>Arthur Macy Cox</ent>, and the former head of the U.S. |
Arms Control and Disarmament <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Paul Warnke</ent> for |
blatantly manipulating <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> intelligence to achieve the |
political ends of Team B's rightwing members. <ent type='ORG'>See Cline</ent>, |
quoted in "<ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent> to Inherit Intense Dispute on <ent type='NORP'>Soviet</ent> |
Intentions," <ent type='PERSON'>Mary Marder</ent>, "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> Post," January 2, |
1977; <ent type='ORG'>Arthur Macy Cox</ent>, "Why the U.S. Since 1977 Has |
Been Mis-perceiving <ent type='NORP'>Soviet</ent> Military Strength," "<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> |
Times," October 20, 1980; <ent type='PERSON'>Paul Warnke</ent>, "George <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> and |
Team B," "<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> Times," September 24, 1988. |
|
2. George <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent>, "Public Report of the Vice President's Task |
Force On Combatting Terrorism" (<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C.: U.S. |
Government Printing Office), February 1986. |
|
3. Robert J. Walsh, Assistant Commissioner, Investigations |
Division, <ent type='ORG'>Immigration and Naturalization Service</ent>, "Alien |
<ent type='ORG'>Border Control Committee</ent>" (<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, DC), October 1, |
1988. |
|
4. <ent type='PERSON'>Steven Emerson</ent>, "America's Doomsday Project," "U.S. News |
&amp; <ent type='EVENT'>World Report</ent>," August 7, 1989. |
|
5. See: <ent type='PERSON'>Diana</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>NSC</ent>: The Rise of the |
<ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent> State," "<ent type='ORG'>CAIB</ent>," Number 33 (Winter 1990); |
<ent type='PERSON'>Keenan Peck</ent>, "The Take-Charge Gang," "The Progressive," |
May 1985; <ent type='PERSON'>Jack Anderson</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> Wants to Lead Economic |
War," "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> Post," January 10, 1985. |
|
6. These Presidential powers were authorized by <ent type='ORG'>the Anti</ent>-Drug Abuse Act of 1988, Public Law 100-690: 100th |
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>. See also: <ent type='PERSON'>Diana</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent>, "The Golden Lie," |
"The Humanist," September/October 1990; <ent type='PERSON'>Michael Isikoff</ent>, |
"Is This Determination or Using a <ent type='PERSON'>Howitzer</ent> to Kill a |
Fly?" "<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> Post National Weekly," August 27-, |
September 2, 1990; <ent type='PERSON'>Bernard Weintraub</ent>, "<ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> Considers |
Calling Guard To Fight Drug Violence in Capital," "New |
York Times," March 21, 1989. |
|
--------------------------------------------------------------------</p>

<p> Even those <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Orders which have been made public tend to
raise as many questions as they answer about what actions were
considered and actually implemented. On January 8, 1991, <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> signed
<ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Order 12742, <ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent> Industrial Responsiveness,
which ordered the rapid mobilization of resources such as food,
energy, construction materials and civil transportation to meet
national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity requirements. There was, however, no mention in
this or any other EO of <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Reserve (<ent type='ORG'>NDER</ent>)
plan administered under <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>. This plan, which had been activated
during <ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> II and <ent type='EVENT'>the Korean War</ent>, permits the federal government
during a state of emergency to bring into government certain
unidentified individuals. On January 7, 1991 the "<ent type='ORG'>Wall Street Journal</ent>
Europe" reported that industry and government officials were studying
a plan which would permit the federal government to "borrow" as many
as 50 oil company executives and put them to work streamlining the
flow of energy in case of a prolonged engagement or disruption of
supply. <ent type='ORG'>Antitrust</ent> waivers were also being pursued and oil companies
were engaged in emergency preparedness exercises with <ent type='ORG'>the Department</ent>
of Energy.[5]</p>

<p> Wasting the Environment
In one case the use of <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret powers was discovered by a watchdog
group and revealed in the press. In August 1990, correspondence
passed between <ent type='PERSON'>Colin</ent> McMillan, Assistant Secretary of <ent type='ORG'>Defense for</ent>
Production and Logistics and <ent type='PERSON'>Michael Deland</ent>, Chair of the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>
Council on Environmental Quality. The letters responded to
presidential and <ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent> Council directives to deal with
increased industrial production and logistics arising from the
situation in <ent type='LOC'>the Middle East</ent>. The communications revealed that the
<ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> had found it necessary to request emergency waivers to U.S.
environmental restrictions.[6]
The agreement to waive <ent type='ORG'>the National Environmental Policy Act</ent> (1970)
came in August. Because of it, the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> was allowed to test new
weapons in the western U.S., increase production of materiel and
launch new activities at military bases without the complex public
review normally required. The information on the waiver was
eventually released by the <ent type='GPE'>Boston</ent>-based <ent type='ORG'>National Toxic Campaign Fund</ent>
(<ent type='ORG'>NTCF</ent>), an environmental group which investigates pollution on the
nation's military bases. It was not until January 30, 1991, five
months after it went into effect, that the "<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> Times," acting
on the <ent type='ORG'>NTCF</ent> information, reported that the White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> had bypassed
the usual legal requirement for environmental impact statements on
<ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> projects.[7] So far, no specific executive order or
presidential finding authorizing this waiver has been discovered.
Other environmental waivers could also have been enacted without
the public being informed. Under a state of national emergency, U.S.
warships can be exempted from international conventions on
pollution[8] and public vessels can be allowed to dispose of
potentially infectious medical wastes into the oceans.[9] The
President can also suspend any of the statutory provisions regarding
the production, testing, transportation, deployment, and disposal of
chemical and biological warfare agents (50 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 1515). He could
also defer destruction of up to 10 percent of lethal chemical agents
and munitions that existed on November 8, 1985.[10]
One <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Order which was made public dealt with "<ent type='ORG'>Chemical</ent> and
Biological Weapons Proliferation." Signed by <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> on November 16,
1990, EO 12735 leaves the impression that <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> is ordering an
increased effort to end the proliferation of chemical and biological
weapons. The order states that these weapons "constitute a threat to
national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity and foreign policy" and declares a national
emergency to deal with the threat. To confront this threat, <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent>
ordered international negotiations, the imposition of controls,
licenses, and sanctions against foreign persons and countries for
proliferation. Conveniently, the order grants <ent type='ORG'>the Secretaries</ent> of
State and the <ent type='ORG'>Treasury</ent> the power to exempt the U.S. military.
In February of 1991, the <ent type='ORG'>Omni</ent>bus Export Amendments Act was passed
by <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> compatible with EO 12735. It imposed sanctions on
countries and companies developing or using chemical or biological
weapons. <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> signed the law, although he had rejected the identical
measure the year before because it did not give him the executive
power to waive all sanctions if he thought the national interest
required it.[11] The new bill, however, met Bush's requirements.</p>

<p> ____________________________________________________________________
|
BUSH'S EXECUTIVE ORDERS |
|
* EO 12722 "Blocking <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>i Government Property and |
Prohibiting Transactions With <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>," Aug. 2, 1990. |
|
* EO 12723 "Blocking <ent type='GPE'>Kuwait</ent>i Government Property," Aug. 2, |
1990. |
|
* EO 12724 "Blocking <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>i Government Property and |
Prohibiting Transactions With <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>," Aug. 9, 1990. |
|
* EO 12725 "Blocking <ent type='GPE'>Kuwait</ent>i Government Property and |
Prohibiting Transactions With <ent type='GPE'>Kuwait</ent>," Aug. 9, 1990. |
|
* EO 12727 "Ordering <ent type='ORG'>the Selected Reserve</ent> of the Armed |
Forces to Active Duty," Aug. 22, 1990. |
|
* EO 12728 "Delegating the President's Authority To |
Suspend Any Provision of Law Relating to the Promotion, |
Retirement, or Separation of Members of <ent type='ORG'>the Armed Forces</ent>," |
Aug. 22, 1990. |
|
* EO 12733 "Authorizing the Extension of the Period of |
Active Duty of Personnel of <ent type='ORG'>the Selected Reserve</ent> of the |
Armed Forces," Nov. 13, 1990. |
|
* EO 12734 "National Emergency Construction Authority," Nov. |
14, 1990. |
|
* EO 12735 "<ent type='ORG'>Chemical</ent> and Biological Weapons Proliferation," |
Nov. 16, 1990. |
|
* EO 12738 "Administration of Foreign Assistance and Related |
Functions and Arms Export Control," Dec. 14, 1990. |
|
* EO 12742 "<ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent> Industrial Responsiveness," |
Jan. 8, 1991. |
|
* EO 12743 "Ordering the Ready Reserve of <ent type='ORG'>the Armed Forces</ent> |
to Active Duty," Jan. 18, 1991. |
|
* EO 12744 "Designation of Arabian Peninsula Areas, Airspace |
and Adjacent Waters as a Combat Zone," Jan. 21, 1991. |
|
* EO 12750 "Designation of Arabian Peninsula Areas, Airspace |
and Adjacent Waters as <ent type='LOC'>the Persian Gulf Desert Shield</ent> |
Area," Feb. 14, 1991. |
|
* EO 12751 "Health Care Services for Operation Desert |
Storm," Feb. 14, 1991. |
|
--------------------------------------------------------------------</p>

<p> Going Off Budget
Although some of the powers which <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> assumed in order to conduct
<ent type='EVENT'>the Gulf War</ent> were taken openly, they received little public discussion
or reporting by the media.
In October, when the winds of <ent type='EVENT'>the Gulf War</ent> were merely a breeze,
<ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> used his executive emergency powers to extend his budget
authority. This action made the 1991 fiscal budget agreement between
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> and the President one of the first U.S. casualties of the
war. While on one hand the deal froze arms spending through 1996, it
also allowed <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> to put the cost of <ent type='EVENT'>the Gulf War</ent> "off budget." Thus,
using its emergency powers, the <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> administration could:</p>

<p> * incur a deficit which exceeds congressional budget authority;</p>

<p> * prevent <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> from raising a point of order over the
excessive spending;[12]</p>

<p> * waive the requirement that the Secretary of <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> submit
estimates to <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> prior to deployment of a major defense
acquisition system;</p>

<p> * and exempt the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> from congressional restrictions on
hiring private contractors.[13]</p>

<p> While there is no published evidence on which powers <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> actually
invoked, the administration was able to push through the 1990 <ent type='ORG'>Omni</ent>bus
Reconciliation Act. This legislation put a cap on domestic spending,
created a record $300 billion deficit, and undermined the <ent type='PERSON'>Gramm</ent>-Rudman-Hollings Act intended to reduce the federal deficit. Although
<ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> agreed to pay for the war through supplemental appropriations
and approved a $42.2 billion supplemental bill and a $4.8 billion
companion "dire emergency supplemental appropriation,"[14] it
specified that the supplemental budget should not be used to finance
costs the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> would normally experience.[15]
Lawrence <ent type='PERSON'>Korb</ent>, a <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> official in the Reagan administration,
believes that the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> has already violated the spirit of the 1990
<ent type='ORG'>Omni</ent>bus Reconciliation Act. It switched funding for the <ent type='ORG'>Patriot</ent>,
Tomahawk, Hellfire and <ent type='ORG'>HARM</ent> missiles from its regular budget to the
supplemental budget; added normal wear and tear of equipment to
supplemental appropriations; and made supplemental requests which
ignore a planned 25% reduction in the armed forces by 1995.[16]</p>

<p> The Cost In Liberty Lost
Under emergency circumstances, using 50 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 1811, the
President could direct the Attorney General to authorize electronic
surveillance of aliens and <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n citizens in order to obtain
foreign intelligence information without a court order.[17] No
<ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Order has been published which activates emergency powers to
wiretap or to engage in counter-terrorist activity. Nonetheless,
there is substantial evidence that such activities have taken place.
According to the <ent type='ORG'>New York</ent>-based <ent type='ORG'>Center for</ent> Constitutional Rights, the
<ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> launched an anti-terrorist campaign which included a broad sweep
of Arab-<ent type='NORP'>Americans</ent>. Starting in August, the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> questioned, detained,
and harassed Arab-<ent type='NORP'>Americans</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>New York</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Ohio</ent>,
<ent type='GPE'>Pennsylvania</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Maryland</ent>, and <ent type='GPE'>Colorado</ent>.[18]
A <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent asked <ent type='ORG'>the University</ent> of Connecticut for a list of all
foreign students at the institution, along with their country of
origin, major field of study, and the names of their academic
advisers. He was particularly interested in students from the Middle
East and explained that the <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> intended to open a file on each of
the students. Anti-war groups have also reported several break-ins of
their offices and many suspected electronic surveillance of their
telephones.[19]</p>

<p> Pool of Disinformation
Emergency powers to control the means of communications in the U.S.
in the name of national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity were never formally declared. There
was no need for <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> to do so since most of the media voluntarily and
even eagerly cooperated in their own censorship. Reporters covering
the Coalition forces in the <ent type='LOC'>Gulf</ent> region operated under restrictions
imposed by the U.S. military. They were, among other things, barred
from traveling without a military escort, limited in their forays into
the field to small escorted groups called "pools," and required to
submit all reports and film to military censors for clearance. Some
reporters complained that the rules limited their ability to gather
information independently, thereby obstructing informed and objective
reporting.[20]
Three <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> press officials in the <ent type='LOC'>Gulf</ent> region admitted to James
LeMoyne of the "<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> Times" that they spent significant time
analyzing reporters' stories in order to shape the coverage in the
Pentagon's favor. In the early days of the deployment, <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> press
officers warned reporters who asked hard questions that they were seen
as "anti-military" and that their requests for interviews with senior
commanders and visits to the field were in jeopardy. The military
often staged events solely for the cameras and would stop televised
interviews in progress when it did not like what was being portrayed.
Although filed soon after the beginning of the war, a lawsuit
challenging the constitutionality of press restrictions was not heard
until after the war ended. It was then dismissed when the judge ruled
that since the war had ended, the issues raised had become moot. The
legal status of the restrictions--initially tested during the U.S.
invasions of <ent type='GPE'>Grenada</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Panama</ent>--remains unsettled.</p>

<p> A National Misfortune
It will be years before researchers and journalists are able to
ferret through the maze of government documents and give a full
appraisal of the impact of the President's emergency powers on
domestic affairs. It is likely, however, that with a post-war
presidential approval rating exceeding 75 percent, the domestic
casualties will continue to mount with few objections. Paradoxically,
even though the U.S. public put pressure on <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> to send relief for
the 500000 <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>i Kurdish refugees, it is unlikely the same outcry
will be heard for the 37 million <ent type='NORP'>Americans</ent> without health insurance,
the 32 million living in poverty, or the country's five million hungry
children. The U.S. may even help rebuild <ent type='GPE'>Kuwait</ent>i and <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>i civilian
infrastructures it destroyed during the war while leaving its own
education system in decay, domestic transportation infrastructures
crumbling, and inner city war zones uninhabitable. And, while the
U.S. assists <ent type='GPE'>Kuwait</ent> in cleaning up its environmental disaster, it will
increase pollution at home. Indeed, as the long-dead <ent type='NORP'>Prussian</ent> field
marshal prophesied, "a war, even the most victorious, is a national
misfortune."</p>

<p> FOOTNOTES:</p>

<p> 1. The administrative guideline was established under Reagan in <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent>
Order 12656, November 181988, "<ent type='ORG'>Federal Register</ent>," vol. 23, no. 266.</p>

<p> 2. For instance, <ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent> Council policy papers or National
Security Directives (<ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>) or <ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent> Decision Directives
(<ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>D) have today evolved into a network of shadowy, wide-ranging and
potent executive powers. These are <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret instruments, maintained in
a top <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity classified state and are not shared with <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>. For
an excellent discussion see: Harold C. <ent type='ORG'>Relyea</ent>, The Coming of Secret
Law, "Government Information Quarterly," Vol. 5, November 1988; see
also: <ent type='PERSON'>Eve Pell</ent>, "The Backbone of Hidden Government," "The Nation,"
June 191990.</p>

<p> 3. "Letter to <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional Leaders Reporting on <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent> Emergency
With Respect to <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>," February, 11, 1991, "Weekly Compilation of
Presidential Documents: Administration of George <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent>," (<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>,
DC: U.S. Government Printing Office), pp. 158-61.</p>

<p> 4. The U.S. now has states of emergency with <ent type='GPE'>Iran</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Syria</ent>.</p>

<p> 5. <ent type='PERSON'>Allanna Sullivan</ent>, "U.S. Oil Concerns Confident Of Riding Out Short <ent type='LOC'>Gulf</ent>
War," "<ent type='ORG'>Wall Street Journal</ent> Europe," January 7, 1991.</p>

<p> 6. <ent type='PERSON'>Colin</ent> McMillan, Letter to <ent type='PERSON'>Michael Deland</ent>, Chairman, Council on
Environmental Quality (<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, DC: <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Office of the
President), August 24, 1990; <ent type='PERSON'>Michael</ent> R. Deland, Letter to <ent type='PERSON'>Colin</ent>
McMillan, Assistant Secretary of <ent type='ORG'>Defense for</ent> Production and Logistics
(<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>, DC: Department of <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent>), August 291990.</p>

<p> 7. <ent type='PERSON'>Keith Schneider</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> Wins Waiver Of Environmental Rule," "<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent>
Times," January 30, 1991.</p>

<p> 8. 33 U.S. Code (<ent type='ORG'>USC</ent>) <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 1902 9(b).</p>

<p> 9. 33 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 2503 l(b).</p>

<p> 10. 50 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 1521(b) (3)(A).</p>

<p> ll. <ent type='PERSON'>Adam Clymer</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>New Bill Mandates Sanctions</ent> On Makers of <ent type='ORG'>Chemical</ent> Arms,"
"<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> Times," February 22, 1991.</p>

<p> 12. 31 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> O10005 (f); 2 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> O632 (i), 6419 (d), 907a (b); and Public
Law 101-508, Title X999, <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 13101.</p>

<p> 13. 10 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 2434/2461 9F.</p>

<p> 14. When the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> expected the war to last months and oil prices to
skyrocket, it projected the incremental cost of deploying and
redeploying the forces and waging war at about $70 billion. The
administration sought and received $56 billion in pledges from allies
such as <ent type='GPE'>Germany</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Japan</ent> and Saudi Arabia. Although the military's
estimates of casualties and the war's duration were highly inflated,
today their budget estimates remain at around $70 billion even though
the <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional Budget office estimates that cost at only $40
billion, $16 billion less than allied pledges.</p>

<p> 15. <ent type='PERSON'>Michael</ent> Kamish, "After <ent type='EVENT'>The War</ent>: At Home, An Unconquered Recession,"
"<ent type='GPE'>Boston</ent> Globe," March 6, 1991; <ent type='PERSON'>Peter Passell</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>The Big Spoils</ent> From a
Bargain War," "<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> Times," March 3, 1991; and <ent type='PERSON'>Alan Abelson</ent>, "A
War Dividend For The <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Industry?" "Barron's," March 18, 1991.</p>

<p> 16. Lawrence <ent type='PERSON'>Korb</ent>, "The Pentagon's Creative Budgetry Is Out of Line,"
"<ent type='ORG'>International Herald Tribune</ent>," April 5, 199l.</p>

<p> 17. Many of the powers against aliens are automatically invoked during a
national emergency or state of war. Under the Alien Enemies Act (50
<ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 21), the President can issue an order to apprehend, restrain,
<ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ure and remove all subjects of a hostile nation over 13 years old.
Other statutes conferring special powers on the President with regard
to aliens that may be exercised in times of war or emergencies but are
not confined to such circumstances, are: exclusion of all or certain
classes of aliens from entry into the U.S. when their entry may be
"detrimental to the interests of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States" (8 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 1182(f));
imposition of travel restrictions on aliens within the U.S. (8 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>.
1185); and requiring aliens to be fingerprinted (8 <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>. 1302).</p>

<p> 18. <ent type='PERSON'>Ann Talamas</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> Targets Arab-<ent type='NORP'>Americans</ent>," "<ent type='ORG'>CAIB</ent>," Spring 1991, p. 4.</p>

<p> 19. "Anti-Repression Project Bulletin" (<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent>: <ent type='ORG'>Center for</ent>
Constitutional Rights), January 23, 1991.</p>

<p> 20. James DeParle, "Long Series of Military Decisions Led to <ent type='LOC'>Gulf</ent> War News
Censorship," "<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> Times," May 5, 1991.</p>

<p> 21. James LeMoyne, "A Correspondent's Tale: Pentagon's Strategy for the
Press: Good News or No News," "<ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> Times," February 17, 1991.</p>

<p>______________________________________________________________________________
Covert Action INFORMATION BULLETIN</p>

<p> Back Issues</p>

<p>No. 1 (July 1978): <ent type='PERSON'>Agee</ent> on <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>; <ent type='NORP'>Cuban</ent> exile trial; consumer research-<ent type='GPE'>Jamaica</ent>.*
No. 2 (Oct. 1978): How <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> recruits diplomats; researching undercover
officers; double agent in <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>.*
No. 3 (Jan. 1979): <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> attacks <ent type='ORG'>CAIB</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret supp. to <ent type='ORG'>Army</ent> field manual;
spying on host countries.*
No. 4 (Apr.-May 1979): U.S. spies in <ent type='NORP'>Italian</ent> services; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Spain</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
recruiting for <ent type='LOC'>Africa</ent>; subversive academics; <ent type='GPE'>Angola</ent>.*
No. 5 (July-Aug. 1979): U.S. intelligence in <ent type='LOC'><ent type='NORP'>South</ent>east <ent type='LOC'>Asia</ent></ent>; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in
<ent type='GPE'>Denmark</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Sweden</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Grenada</ent>.*
No. 6 (Oct. 1979): U.S. in <ent type='LOC'>Caribbean</ent>; <ent type='NORP'>Cuban</ent> exile terrorists; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> plans
for <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>; CIA's <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret "Perspectives for Intelligence."*
No. 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980): Media destabilization in <ent type='GPE'>Jamaica</ent>; Robert
<ent type='ORG'>Moss</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> budget; media operations; <ent type='ORG'>UNITA</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Iran</ent>.*
No. 8 (Mar.-Apr. 1980): Attacks on <ent type='PERSON'>Agee</ent>; U.S. intelligence legislation;
<ent type='ORG'>CAIB</ent> statement to <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Zimbabwe</ent>; <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent>ern Ireland.
No. 9 (June 1980): <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Norway</ent>; <ent type='PERSON'>Glomar Explorer</ent>; mind control; <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent>.
No. 10 (Aug.-Sept. 1980): <ent type='LOC'>Caribbean</ent>; destabilization in <ent type='GPE'>Jamaica</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Guyana</ent>;
<ent type='GPE'>Grenada</ent> bombing; "The <ent type='PERSON'>Spike</ent>"; deep cover manual.
No. 11 (Dec. 1980): Rightwing terrorism; <ent type='GPE'>South Korea</ent>; K<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Portugal</ent>;
<ent type='GPE'>Guyana</ent>; <ent type='LOC'>Caribbean</ent>; AFIO; <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> interview.
No. 12 (Apr. 1981): U.S. in <ent type='GPE'>Salvador</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Guatemala</ent>; New Right; William
Casey; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Mozambique</ent>; mail surveillance.*
No. 13 (July-Aug. 1981): <ent type='NORP'>South</ent> <ent type='LOC'>Africa</ent> documents; <ent type='GPE'>Namibia</ent>; mercenaries;
the <ent type='ORG'>Klan</ent>; Globe Aero; <ent type='GPE'>Angola</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Mozambique</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>BOSS</ent>; Central <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>;
<ent type='PERSON'>Max Hugel</ent>; mail surveillance.
No. 14-15 (Oct. 1981): <ent type='ORG'>Complete</ent> index to nos. 1-12; review of intelligence
legislation; <ent type='ORG'>CAIB</ent> plans; extended Naming Names.
No. 16 (Mar. 1982): <ent type='ORG'>Green Beret</ent> torture in <ent type='GPE'>Salvador</ent>; <ent type='NORP'>Argentine</ent> death squads;
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> media ops; <ent type='GPE'>Seychelles</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Angola</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Mozambique</ent>; the <ent type='ORG'>Klan</ent>; Nugan Hand.*
No. 17 (Summer 1982): CBW History; <ent type='NORP'>Cuban</ent> dengue epidemic; <ent type='PERSON'>Scott Barnes</ent>
and yellow rain lies; mystery death in <ent type='GPE'>Bangkok</ent>.*
No. 18 (Winter 1983): <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> &amp; religion; "<ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret" war in <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>; Opus Dei;
<ent type='GPE'>Miskitos</ent>; evangelicals-<ent type='GPE'>Guatemala</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>Summer Inst</ent>. of Linguistics; World
Medical Relief; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> &amp; <ent type='ORG'>BOSS</ent>; torture S. <ent type='LOC'>Africa</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> defoliation.*
No. 19 (Spring-Summer 1983): <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> &amp; media; history of disinformation;
"plot" against <ent type='PERSON'>Pope</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Grenada</ent> airport; <ent type='PERSON'>Georgie Anne Geyer</ent>.
No. 20 (Winter 1984): Invasion of <ent type='GPE'>Grenada</ent>; war in <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>; Ft. <ent type='GPE'>Huachuca</ent>;
<ent type='GPE'>Israel</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>South Korea</ent> in Central <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>KAL</ent> flight 007.
No. 21 (Spring 1984): N.Y. Times and the <ent type='GPE'>Salvador</ent> election; Time and
Newsweek in distortions; Accuracy in Media; <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>.
No. 22 (Fall 1984): Mercenaries &amp; terrorism; Soldier of Fortune; "privatizing"
the war in <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>; U.S.-<ent type='NORP'>South</ent> <ent type='LOC'>Africa</ent>n terrorism; <ent type='NORP'>Italian</ent> fascists.
No. 23 (Spring 1985): Special issue on "plot" to kill the <ent type='PERSON'>Pope</ent> and the
"<ent type='NORP'>Bulgarian</ent> Connection"; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> ties to <ent type='NORP'>Turkish</ent> and <ent type='NORP'>Italian</ent> <ent type='ORG'>neofascists</ent>.
No. 24 (Summer 1985): State repression, infiltrators, provocateurs;
sanctuary movement; <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n <ent type='NORP'>Indian</ent> Movement; <ent type='PERSON'>Leonard Peltier</ent>;
<ent type='ORG'>NASSCO</ent> strike; Arnaud de Borchgrave, <ent type='LOC'>Moon</ent>, and <ent type='ORG'>Moss</ent>; Tetra Tech.
No. 25 (Winter 1986): U.S., <ent type='NORP'>Nazis</ent>, and the <ent type='ORG'>Vatican</ent>; Knights of Malta;
Greek civil war and <ent type='NORP'>Eleni</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>WACL</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>; torture.
No. 26 (Summer 1986): U.S. state terrorism; <ent type='PERSON'>Vernon Walters</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Libya</ent> bombing;
contra agents; <ent type='GPE'>Israel</ent> and <ent type='NORP'>South</ent> <ent type='LOC'>Africa</ent>; Duarte; media in Costa
Rica; democracy in <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>; plus complete index to nos. 13-25.*
No. 27 (Spring 1987): Special: Religious Right; <ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> Times and <ent type='PERSON'>Pope</ent>
Plot; Carlucci; <ent type='NORP'>South</ent>ern Air Transport; <ent type='PERSON'>Michael</ent> Ledeen.*
No. 28 (Summer 1987): Special: <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and drugs: S.E. <ent type='LOC'>Asia</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Afghanistan</ent>,
Central <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>; Nugan Hand; <ent type='ORG'>MKULTRA</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Canada</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>Delta Force</ent>;
special <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>tion on AIDS theories and CBW.*
No. 29 (Winter 1988): Special issue on <ent type='NORP'>Pacific</ent>: <ent type='NORP'>Philippine</ent>s, <ent type='GPE'>Fiji</ent>, New
Zealand, <ent type='GPE'>Belau</ent>, <ent type='NORP'>Kanaky</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Vanuatu</ent>; atom testing; media on <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>;
Reader's Digest; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Tibet</ent>; <ent type='PERSON'>Agee</ent> on "Veil;" more on AIDS.*
No. 30 (Summer 1989): Special: <ent type='LOC'>Middle East</ent>: The intifada, <ent type='GPE'>Israel</ent>i arms
sales; <ent type='GPE'>Israel</ent> in <ent type='LOC'>Africa</ent>; disinformation and <ent type='GPE'>Libya</ent>; CIA's William
Buckley; the <ent type='NORP'>Afghan</ent> arms pipeline and contra lobby.
No. 31 (Winter 1989): Special issue on domestic surveillance. The <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
on campus; Office of Public Diplomacy; Lexington Prison; <ent type='GPE'>Puerto Rico</ent>.
No. 32 (Summer 1989): Tenth Year Anniversary Issue: The Best of <ent type='ORG'>CAIB</ent>.
Includes articles from our earliest issues, Naming Names, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> at home,
abroad, and in the media. Ten-year perspective by Philip <ent type='PERSON'>Agee</ent>.
No. 33 (Winter 1990): The <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> Issue: <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents for <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent>; Terrorism Task
Force; El <ent type='GPE'>Salvador</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent> intervention; <ent type='NORP'>Republicans</ent> and <ent type='NORP'>Nazis</ent>.
No. 34 (Summer 1990): Assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> Jr; <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>n
elections; <ent type='NORP'>South</ent> <ent type='LOC'>Africa</ent>n death squads; U.S. and <ent type='PERSON'>Pol Pot</ent>; Pan Am
Flight 103; <ent type='PERSON'>Noriega</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>Council for National Policy</ent>.
No. 35 (Fall 1990): Special: Eastern Europe; Analysis-Persian <ent type='LOC'>Gulf</ent> and
<ent type='GPE'>Cuba</ent>; massacres in <ent type='GPE'>Indonesia</ent>; <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Banks</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Iran</ent>-contra
No. 36 (Spring 1991): Racism &amp; Nat. Security: <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> v. Arab-<ent type='NORP'>Americans</ent> &amp; Black
Officials; Special: Destabilizing <ent type='LOC'>Africa</ent>: <ent type='GPE'>Chad</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Uganda</ent>, S. <ent type='LOC'>Africa</ent>,
<ent type='GPE'>Angola</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Mozambique</ent>, Zaire; <ent type='GPE'>Haiti</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Panama</ent>; <ent type='LOC'>Gulf</ent> War; COINTELPRO "art."
No. 37 (Summer 1990): Special: <ent type='LOC'>Gulf</ent> War: Media; U.N.; <ent type='GPE'>Libya</ent>; <ent type='GPE'>Iran</ent>;
Domestic costs; <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> Korea Next? Illegal Arms Deals.</p>

<p> * Available in Photocopy only</p>

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<p> Books, etc.
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<p>--
daveus rattus</p>

<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>

<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>

<p> ko.yan.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.</p>

<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>

<p> ko.yan.nis.qatsi (from <ent type='EVENT'>the Hopi Language</ent>) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.</p>

<p>[PeaceNet forward from <ent type='ORG'>AML</ent> (ACTIV-L) -- see bottom for more info]
------------------------------------------------------------------</p>

<p>/** <ent type='LOC'>mideast</ent>.forum: 216.5 **/
** Written 8:11 pm Jan 17, 1991 by nlgclc in cdp:<ent type='LOC'>mideast</ent>.forum **
An excellent book which deals with the <ent type='ORG'>REX</ent> 84 detention plan is:</p>

<p> - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
"Guts and Glory: The Rise and Fall of Oliver <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent>,'' by Ben
<ent type='PERSON'>Bradlee</ent> Jr. (<ent type='PERSON'>Donald</ent> I. fine, $21.95. 573 pp.)
------------------------------------------------------------------
Reviewed by Dennis M. Culnan Copyright 1990, Gannett News Service All
Rights Reserved Short excerpt posted here under applicable copyright
laws</p>

<p>[Oliver] <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> managed to network himself into the highest levels of
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and power centers around the world. There he lied and
boastfully ignored the constitutional process, <ent type='PERSON'>Bradlee</ent> writes.</p>

<p>Yet more terrifying is the plan hatched by <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> and other Reagan
people in the Federal Emergency Manpower <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>): A blueprint
for the military takeover of <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States. The plan called for
<ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> to become "emergency czar'' in the event of a national emergency
such as nuclear war or an <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n invasion of a foreign nation. <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>
would also be a buffer between the president and his cabinet and other
civilian agencies, and would have broad powers to appoint military
commanders and run state and local governments. Finally, it would
have the authority to order suspect aliens into concentration camps
and seize their property.</p>

<p>When then-Attorney General <ent type='PERSON'>William <ent type='NORP'>French</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Smith</ent></ent> got wind of the plan,
he killed it. After <ent type='PERSON'>Smith</ent> left the administration, <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> and his <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>
cronies came up with the <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Resource Act, designed to suspendend
the First Amendment by imposing censorship and banning strikes.</p>

<p>Where was it all heading? The book's answer: "<ent type='ORG'>REX</ent>-84 Bravo, a
<ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent> Decision Directive 52 that would become operative
with the president's declaration of a state of national emergency
concurrent with a mythical U.S. military invasion of an unspecified
Central <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n country, presumably <ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent>.''</p>

<p><ent type='PERSON'>Bradlee</ent> writes that the <ent type='PERSON'>Rex</ent> exercise was designed to test FEMA's
readiness to assume authority over <ent type='ORG'>the Department</ent> of <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent>, the
<ent type='ORG'>National Guard</ent> in all 50 states, and "a number of state defense
forces to be established by state legislatures.'' The military would
then be "deputized,'' thus making an end run around federal law
forbidding military involvement in domestic law enforcement.</p>

<p><ent type='PERSON'>Rex</ent>, which ran concurrently with the first annual U.S. show of force
in <ent type='GPE'>Honduras</ent> in April 1984, was also designed to test FEMA's ability to
round up 400000 undocumented Central <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n aliens in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent>
States and its ability to distribute hundreds of tons of small arms to
"state defense forces.''</p>

<p>Incredibly, <ent type='ORG'>REX</ent> 84 was similar to a plan <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>retly adopted by Reagan
while governor of <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>. His two top henchmen then were Edwin
<ent type='PERSON'>Meese</ent>, who recently resigned as U.S. attorney general, and Louis
Guiffrida, the <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> director in 1984.</p>

<p>If the review makes you nervous, you should read the book!</p>

<p>--<ent type='PERSON'>Chip Berlet</ent> ** End of text from cdp:<ent type='LOC'>mideast</ent>.forum **</p>

<p>--------------------------------END:<ent type='ORG'>REF</ent>3-----------------------------------
###########################################################################
--------------------------------<ent type='ORG'>REF</ent>4:<ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>----------------------------------</p>

<p>[PeaceNet forward from <ent type='ORG'>AML</ent> (ACTIV-L) -- see bottom for more info]
------------------------------------------------------------------
This is the front-page article of the Jan. 16 issue of "The
Guardian," which describes some of the U.S. government's planning
for martial law in the event of the <ent type='LOC'>Gulf</ent> war. This is truly a
scary scenario that should concern all civil libertarians and
patriots.
------------------------------------------------------------------</p>

<p> WILL GULF WAR LEAD TO REPRESSION AT HOME?
by Paul DeRienzo and Bill Weinberg</p>

<p>On August 2, 1990, as <ent type='PERSON'>Saddam Hussein</ent>'s army was consolidating control
over <ent type='GPE'>Kuwait</ent>, President George <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> responded by signing two executive
orders that were the first step toward martial law in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent>
States and suspending the Constitution.</p>

<p>On the surface, <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Orders 12722 and 12723, declaring a
"national emergency," merely invoked laws that allowed <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> to freeze
<ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>i assets in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States.</p>

<p>The International Emergency <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent> Powers Act permits the president
to freeze foreign assets after declaring a "national emergency," a
move that has been made three times before -- against <ent type='GPE'>Panama</ent> in 1987,
<ent type='GPE'>Nicaragua</ent> in 1985 and <ent type='GPE'>Iran</ent> in 1979.</p>

<p>According to Professor <ent type='PERSON'>Diana</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent>, of <ent type='ORG'>the Fletcher School</ent> of
Diplomacy at Boston's <ent type='ORG'>Tufts University</ent>, when <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> declared a national
emergency he "activated one part of a contingency national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity
emergency plan." That plan is made up of a series of laws passed since
the presidency of Richard <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, which <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent> says give the
president "boundless" powers.</p>

<p>According to <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent>, such laws as the <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Industrial
Revitalization and Disaster Relief Acts of 1983 "would permit the
president to do anything from seizing the means of production, to
conscripting a labor force, to relocating groups of citizens."</p>

<p><ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent> says the net effect of invoking these laws would be the
suspension of the Constitution.</p>

<p>She adds that national emergency powers "permit the stationing of the
military in cities and towns, closing off the U.S. borders, freezing
all imports and exports, allocating all resources on a national
<ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity priority, monitoring and censoring the press, and warrantless
searches and seizures."</p>

<p>The measures would allow military authorities to proclaim martial law
in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States, asserts <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent>. She defines martial law as the
"federal authority taking over for local authority when they are
unable to maintain law and order or to assure a <ent type='NORP'>republican</ent> form of
government."</p>

<p>A report called "<ent type='ORG'>Post Attack Recovery Strategies</ent>," about rebuilding
the country after a nuclear war, prepared by the right-wing Hudson
Institute in 1980, defines martial law as dealing "with the control of
civilians by their own military forces in time of emergency."</p>

<p>The federal agency with the authority to organize and command the
government's response to a national emergency is the Federal Emergency
Management <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>). This super-<ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret and elite agency was
formed in 1979 under congressional measures that merged all federal
powers dealing with civilian and military emergencies under one
agency.</p>

<p><ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> has its roots in the <ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> I partnership between government
and corporate leaders who helped mobilize the nation's industries to
support the war effort. The idea of a central national response to
large-scale emergencies was reintroduced in the early 1970s by Louis
<ent type='PERSON'>Giuffrida</ent>, a close associate of then-<ent type='GPE'>California</ent> Gov. Ronald Reagan and
his chief aide <ent type='PERSON'>Edwin Meese</ent>.</p>

<p>Reagan appointed <ent type='PERSON'>Giuffrida</ent> head of the <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> <ent type='ORG'>National Guard</ent> in
1969. With <ent type='PERSON'>Meese</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Giuffrida</ent> organized "war-games" to prepare for
"statewide martial law" in the event that Black nationalists and
anti-war protesters "challenged the authority of the state." In 1981,
Reagan as president moved <ent type='PERSON'>Giuffrida</ent> up to the big leagues, appointing
him director of <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>.</p>

<p>According to <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent>, however, it was the actions of George <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> in
1976, while he was the director of the <ent type='ORG'>Central Intelligence</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent>
(<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>), that provided the stimulus for centralization of vast powers in
<ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>.</p>

<p><ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> assembled a group of hawkish outsiders, called Team B, that
released a report claiming the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> ("Team A") had underestimated the
dangers of <ent type='NORP'>Soviet</ent> nuclear attack. The report advised the development
of elaborate plans for "civil defense" and post-nuclear government.
Three years later, in 1979, <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> was given ultimate responsibility for
developing these plans.</p>

<p>Aware of the bad publicity <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> was getting because of its role in
organizing for a post-nuclear world, Reagan's <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> chief <ent type='PERSON'>Giuffrida</ent>
publicly argued that the 1865 Posse Comitatus Act prohibited the
military from arresting civilians.</p>

<p>However, <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent> says that <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> eroded the act by giving the
military reserves an exemption from Posse Comitatus and allowing them
to arrest civilians. <ent type='ORG'>The National Guard</ent>, under the control of state
governors in peace time, is also exempt from the act and can arrest
civilians.</p>

<p><ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> Inspector General <ent type='PERSON'>John Brinkerhoff</ent> has written a memo contending
that the government doesn't need to suspend the Constitution to use
the full range of powers <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> has given the agency. <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> has
prepared legislation to be introduced in <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> in the event of a
national emergency that would give the agency sweeping powers. The
right to "deputize" <ent type='ORG'>National Guard</ent> and police forces is included in
the package. But <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent> believes that actual martial law need not be
declared publicly.</p>

<p><ent type='PERSON'>Giuffrida</ent> has written that "Martial Rule comes into existence upon a
determination (not a declaration) by the senior military commander
that the civil government must be replaced because it is no longer
functioning anyway." He adds that "Martial Rule is limited only by the
principle of necessary force."</p>

<p>According to <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent>, it is possible for the president to make
declarations concerning a national emergency <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>retly in the form of a
Natioanl Security Decision Directive. Most such directives are
classified as so <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret that <ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent> says "researchers don't even
know how many are enacted."</p>

<p>DOMESTIC SPYING</p>

<p>Throughout the 1980s, <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> was prohibited from engaging in
intelligence gathering. But on July 6, 1989, <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> signed <ent type='ORG'>Executive</ent>
Order 12681, pronouncing that FEMA's <ent type='ORG'>National Preparedness Directorate</ent>
would "have as a primary function intelligence, counterintelligence,
investigative, or national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity work." Recent events indicate that
domestic spying in response to the looming <ent type='LOC'>Middle East</ent> war is now
under way.</p>

<p><ent type='PERSON'>Reynolds</ent> reports that "the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> is going to various campuses asking for
information on <ent type='LOC'>Middle East</ent>ern students. I'm sure that there are
intelligence organizations monitoring peace demonstrations."
According to <ent type='ORG'>the University</ent> of Connecticut student paper, the Daily
Campus, <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> officials have recently met there to discuss talking with
<ent type='LOC'>Middle East</ent>ern students.</p>

<p>The <ent type='ORG'>New York</ent> Times reports that the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> has ordered its agents around
the country to question Arab-<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n leaders and business people in
search of information on potential <ent type='GPE'>Iraq</ent>i "terrorist" attacks in
response to a <ent type='LOC'>Gulf</ent> war.</p>

<p>A 1986 <ent type='ORG'>Immigration and Naturalization Service</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>INS</ent>) document entitled
"Alien Terrorists and Other Undesirables: A Contingency Plan" outlines
the potential round-up and incarceration in mass detainment camps of
U.S. residents who are citizens of "terrorist" countries, chiefly in
<ent type='LOC'>the Middle East</ent>. This plan echoed a 1984 <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> nationwide "readiness
exercise code-named <ent type='ORG'>REX</ent>-84 ALPHA, which included the rehearsal of
joint operations with the <ent type='ORG'>INS</ent> to round up 40000 Central <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n
refugees in the event of a U.S. invasion of the region. One of the 10
military bases established as detainment camps by <ent type='ORG'>REX</ent>-84 ALPHA, Camp
Krome, <ent type='GPE'>Fla</ent>., was designated a joint <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent>-Immigration service
interrogation center.</p>

<p>Recently, <ent type='ORG'>FEMA</ent> has been criticized in the media for inadequate
response to the October, 1989 <ent type='GPE'>San Francisco</ent> earthquake. What the
mainstream press has failed to cover is the agency's planned role in
repressing domestic dissent in the event of an invasion abroad.</p>

<p>Source: The Guardian, Jan 16 1991</p>

<p> The Guardian is an independent radical news weekly. Subscriptions are
available at $33.50 per year from The Guardian, 33 West 17th St., New
York, NY 10011</p>

<p>----------------------------END:<ent type='ORG'>REF</ent>4------------------------------------
########################################################################
----------------------------<ent type='ORG'>REF</ent>5:<ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>D 145-------------------------------</p>

<p>DATE OF <ent type='ORG'>UPLOAD</ent>: November 17, 1989
ORIGIN OF <ent type='ORG'>UPLOAD</ent>: <ent type='ORG'>Omni Magazine</ent>
CONTRIBUTED BY: <ent type='PERSON'>Donald</ent> Goldberg</p>

<p>========================================================
PARANET INFORMATION SERVICE BBS
========================================================
Although this article does not deal directly with <ent type='EVENT'>UFOs</ent>,
ParaNet felt it important as an offering to our readers who
depend so much upon communications as a way to stay informed.
This article raises some interesting implications for the future
of communications.</p>

<p>THE NATIONAL GUARDS
(C) 1987 <ent type='ORG'>OMNI</ent> MAGAZINE MAY 1987
(Reprinted with permission and license to ParaNet Information
Service and its affiliates.)</p>

<p>By <ent type='PERSON'>Donald</ent> Goldberg</p>

<p> The mountains bend as the fjord and the sea beyond stretch
out before the viewer's eyes. First over the water, then a sharp
left turn, then a bank to the right between the peaks, and the
<ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret naval base unfolds upon the screen.
The scene is of a <ent type='NORP'>Soviet</ent> military installation on the Kola
Peninsula in the icy <ent type='LOC'>Barents Sea</ent>, a place usually off-limits to
the gaze of the <ent type='NORP'>Western</ent> world. It was captured by a small <ent type='NORP'>French</ent>
satellite called SPOT Image, orbiting at an altitude of 517 miles
above the hidden <ent type='NORP'>Russian</ent> outpost. On each of several passes --
made over a two-week period last fall -- the satellite's high-resolution lens took its pictures at a different angle; the
images were then blended into a three-dimensional, computer-generated video. Buildings, docks, vessels, and details of the
Artic landscape are all clearly visible.
Half a world away and thousands of feet under the sea,
sparkling-clear images are being made of the ocean floor. Using
the latest bathymetric technology and state-of-the-art systems
known as <ent type='ORG'>Seam Beam</ent> and <ent type='NORP'>Hydrochart</ent>, researchers are for the first
time assembling detailed underwater maps of the continental
shelves and the depths of the world's oceans. These scenes of
the sea are as sophisticated as the photographs taken from the
satellite.
From the three-dimensional images taken far above the earth
to the charts of the bottom of the oceans, these photographic
systems have three things in common: They both rely on the
latest technology to create accurate pictures never dreamed of
even 25 years ago; they are being made widely available by
commerical, nongovernmental enterprises; and the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> is
trying desperately to keep them from the general public.
In 1985 the <ent type='ORG'>Navy</ent> classified the underwater charts, making
them available only to approved researchers whose needs are
evaluated on a case-by-case basis. Under a 1984 law the military
has been given a say in what cameras can be licensed to be used
on <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n satellites; and officials have already announced they
plan to limit the quality and resolution of photos made
available. The <ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent>) -- the <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret arm
of the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> in charge of gathering electronic intelligence as
well as protecting sensitive U.S. communications -- has defeated
a move to keep it away from civilian and commercial computers and
databases.
That attitude has outraged those concerned with the
military's increasing efforts to keep information not only from
the public but from industry experts, scientists, and even other
government officials as well. "That's like classifying a road
map for fear of invasion," says <ent type='PERSON'>Paul Wolff</ent>, assistant
administrator for <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent> Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration, of the attempted restrictions.
These attempts to keep unclassified data out of the hands of
scientists, researchers, the news media, and the public at large
are a part of an alarming trend that has seen the military take
an ever-increasing role in controlling the flow of information
and communications through <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n society, a role traditionally
-- and almost exclusively -- left to civilians. Under the
approving gaze of the Reagan administration, Department of
<ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> (DoD) officials have quietly implemented a number of
policies, decisions, and orders that give the military
unprecedented control over both the content and public use of
data and communications. For example:</p>

<p>**The <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> has created a new category of "sensitive" but
unclassified information that allows it to keep from public
access huge quantities of data that were once widely accessible.
**<ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Department officials have attempted to rewrite key laws
that spell out when the president can and cannot appropriate
private communications facilities.
**The <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> has installed a system that enables it to seize
control of the nation's entire communications network -- the
phone system, data transmissions, and satellite transmissions of
all kinds -- in the event of what it deems a "national
emergency." As yet there is no single, universally agreed-upon
definition of what constitutes such a state. Usually such an
emergency is restricted to times of natural disaster, war, or
when national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity is specifically threatened. Now the
military has attempted to redefine emergency.
The point man in the Pentagon's onslaught on communications
is Assistant <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Secretary <ent type='PERSON'>Donald</ent> C. <ent type='PERSON'>Latham</ent>, a former <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent>
deputy chief. <ent type='PERSON'>Latham</ent> now heads up an interagency committee in
charge of writing and implementing many of the policies that have
put the military in charge of the flow of civilian information
and communication. He is also the architect of <ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent>
Decision Directive 145 (<ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>D 145), signed by <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Secretary
<ent type='PERSON'>Caspar Weinberger</ent> in 1984, which sets out the national policy on
telecommunications and computer-systems <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity.
First <ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>D 145 set up a steering group of top-level
administration officials. Their job is to recommend ways to
protect information that is unclassified but has been designated
sensitive. Such information is held not only by government
agencies but by private companies as well. And last October the
steering group issued a memorandum that defined sensitive
information and gave federal agencies broad new powers to keep it
from the public.
According to <ent type='PERSON'>Latham</ent>, this new category includes such data as
all medical records on government databases -- from the files of
<ent type='ORG'>the National</ent> Cancer Institute to information on every veteran who
has ever applied for medical aid from <ent type='ORG'>the Veterans Administration</ent>
-- and all the information on corporate and personal taxpayers in
<ent type='ORG'>the Internal Revenue Service</ent>'s computers. Even agricultural
statistics, he argues, can be used by a foreign power against the
United States.
In his oversize yet Spartan <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> office, <ent type='PERSON'>Latham</ent> cuts
anything but an intimidating figure. <ent type='ORG'>Articulate</ent> and friendly, he
could pass for a network anchorman or a television game show
host. When asked how the government's new definition of
sensitive information will be used, he defends the necessity for
it and tries to put to rest concerns about a new restrictiveness.
"The debate that somehow the DoD and <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> are going to
monitor or get into private databases isn't the case at all,"
<ent type='PERSON'>Latham</ent> insists. "The definition is just a guideline, just an
advisory. It does not give the DoD the right to go into private
records."
Yet the <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Department invoked the <ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>D 145 guidelines
when it told the information industry it intends to restrict the
sale of data that are now unclassified and publicly available
from privately owned computer systems. The excuse if offered was
that these data often include technical information that might be
valuable to a foreign adversary like the <ent type='NORP'>Soviet</ent> Union.
<ent type='ORG'>Mead Data Central</ent> -- which runs some of the nation's largest
computer databases, such as <ent type='PERSON'>Lexis</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Nexis</ent>, and has nearly
200000 users -- says it has already been approached by a team of
agents from <ent type='ORG'>the Air Force</ent> and officials from the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent>
who asked for the names of subscribers and inquired what <ent type='PERSON'>Mead</ent>
officials might do if information restrictions were imposed. In
response to government pressure, <ent type='ORG'>Mead Data Central</ent> in effect
censured itself. It purged all unclassified government-supplied
technical data from its system and completely dropped the
National Technical Information System from its database rather
than risk a confrontation.
Representative <ent type='PERSON'>Jack Brooks</ent>, a <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent> <ent type='NORP'>Democrat</ent> who chairs the
<ent type='ORG'>House</ent> Government Operations Committee, is an outspoken critic of
the NSA's role in restricting civilian information. He notes
that in 1985 the <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> -- under the authority granted by <ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>D 145
-- investigated a computer program that was widely used in both
local and federal elections in 1984. The computer system was
used to count more than one third of all votes cast in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent>
States. While probing the system's vulnerability to outside
manipulation, the <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> obtained a detailed knowledge of that
computer program. "In my view," <ent type='ORG'>Brooks</ent> says, "this is an
unprecedented and ill-advised expansion of the military's
influence in our society."
There are other <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> critics. "The computer systems used by
counties to collect and process votes have nothing to do with
national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity, and I'm really concerned about the NSA's
involvement," says <ent type='NORP'>Democrat</ent>ic congressman <ent type='PERSON'>Dan Glickman</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>Kansas</ent>,
chairman of the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> science and technology subcommittee
concerned with computer <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity.
Also, under <ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>D 145 the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> has issued an order,
virtually unknown to all but a few industry executives, that
affects commercial communications satellites. The policy was
made official by <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Secretary <ent type='PERSON'>Weinberger</ent> in June of 1985 and
requires that all commercial satellite operators that carry such
unclassified government data traffic as routine <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> supply
information and payroll data (and that compete for lucrative
government contracts) install costly protective systems on all
satellites launched after 1990. The policy does not directly
affect the data over satellite channels, but it does make the <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent>
privy to vital information about the essential signals needed to
operate a satellite. With this information it could take control
of any satellite it chooses.
<ent type='PERSON'>Latham</ent> insists this, too, is a voluntary policy and that
only companies that wish to install protection will have their
systems evaluated by the <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent>. He also says industry officials
are wholly behind the move, and argues that the protective
systems are necessary. With just a few thousand dollars' worth
of equipment, a disgruntled employee could interfere with a
satellite's control signals and disable or even wipe out a
hundred-million-dollar satellite carrying government information.
At best, his comments are misleading. First, the policy is
not voluntary. The <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> can cut off lucrative government
contracts to companies that do not comply with the plan. The
<ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> alone spent more than a billion dollars leasing
commercial satellite channels last year; that's a powerful
incentive for business to cooperate.
Second, the industry's support is anything but total.
According to the minutes of one closed-door meeting between <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent>
officials -- along with representatives of other federal agencies
-- and executives from AT&amp;T, <ent type='ORG'>Comsat</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>GTE Sprint</ent>, and <ent type='ORG'>MCI</ent>, the
executives neither supported the move nor believed it was
necessary. The <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> defended the policy by arguing that a
satellite could be held for ransom if the command and control
links weren't protected. But experts at the meeting were
skeptical.
"Why is the threat limited to accessing the satellite rather
than destroying it with lasers or high-powered signals?" one
industry executive wanted to know.
Most of the officials present objected to the high cost of
protecting the satellites. According to a 1983 study made at the
request of the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent>, the protection demanded by the <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> could
add as much as $3 million to the price of a satellite and $1
million more to annual operating costs. Costs like these, they
argue, could cripple a company competing against less expensive
communications networks.
<ent type='NORP'>Americans</ent> get much of their information through forms of
electronic communications, from the telephone, television and
radio, and information printed in many newspapers. <ent type='ORG'>Banks</ent> send
important financial data, businesses their spreadsheets, and
stockbrokers their investment portfolios, all over the same
channels, from satellite signals to computer hookups carried on
long distance telephone lines. To make sure that the federal
government helped to promote and protect the efficient use of
this advancing technology, <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> passed the massive
Communications Act of of 1934. It outlined the role and laws of
the communications structure in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States.
The powers of the president are set out in Section 606 of
that law; basically it states that he has the authority to take
control of any communications facilities that he believes
"essential to the national defense." In the language of the
trade this is known as a 606 emergency.
There have been a number of attempts in recent years by
<ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Department officials to redefine what qualifies as a 606
emergency and make it easier for the military to take over
national communications.
In 1981 the Senate considered amendments to the 1934 act
that would allow the president, on <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Department
recommendation, to require any communications company to provide
services, facilities, or equipment "to promote the national
defense and <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity or the emergency preparedness of the
nation," even in peacetime and without a declared state of
emergency. The general language had been drafted by <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent>
Department officials. (The bill failed to pass the <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> for
unrelated reasons.)
"I think it is quite clear that they have snuck in there
some powers that are dangerous for us as a company and for the
public at large," said <ent type='ORG'>MCI</ent> vice president <ent type='PERSON'>Kenneth Cox</ent> before the
Senate vote.
Since President Reagan took office, the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> has stepped
up its efforts to rewrite the definition of national emergency
and give the military expanded powers in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States. "The
declaration of 'emergency' has always been vague," says one
former administration official who left the government in 1982
after ten years in top policy posts. "Different presidents have
invoked it differently. This administration would declare a
convenient 'emergency.'" In other words, what is a nuisance to
one administration might qualify as a burgeoning crisis to
another. For example, the Reagan administration might decide
that a series of protests on or near military bases constituted a
national emergency.
Should the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> ever be given the green light, its base
for taking over the nation's communications system would be a
nondescript yellow brick building within the maze of high rises,
government buildings, and apartment complexes that make up the
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> suburb of <ent type='GPE'>Arlington</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Virginia</ent>. Headquartered in a
dusty and aging structure surrounded by a barbed-wire fence is an
obscure branch of the military known as the <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent>
Communications <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>DCA</ent>). It does not have the spit and
polish of the <ent type='ORG'>National Security</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Agency</ent> or the dozens of other
government facilities that make up the nation's capital. But its
lack of shine belies its critical mission: to make sure all of
America's far-flung military units can communicate with one
another. It is in certain ways the nerve center of our nation's
defense system.
On the <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ond floor of the DCA's four-story headquarters is
a new addition called <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent> Coordinating Center (<ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent>).
Operated by the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent>, it is virtually unknown outside of a
handful of industry and government officials. The <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent> is staffed
around the clock by representatives of a dozen of the nation's
largest commercial communications companies -- the so-called
"common carriers" -- including AT&amp;T, <ent type='ORG'>MCI</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>GTE</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Comsat</ent>, and <ent type='ORG'>ITT</ent>.
Also on hand are officials from the State Department, the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>,
<ent type='ORG'>the Federal Aviation Administration</ent>, and a number of other
federal agencies. During a 606 emergency the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> can order
the companies that make up <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent> Coordinating Center to
turn over their satellite, fiberoptic, and land-line facilities
to the government.
On a long corridor in the front of the building is a series
of offices, each outfitted with a private phone, a telex machine,
and a combination safe. It's known as "logo row" because each
office is occupied by an employee from one of the companies that
staff the <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent> and because their corporate logos hand on the wall
outside. Each employee is on permanent standby, ready to
activate his company's system should the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> require it.
<ent type='ORG'>The National</ent> Coordinating Center's mission is as grand as
its title is obscure: to make available to the <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent>
Department all the facilities of the civilian communications
network in this country -- the phone lines, the long-distance
satellite hookups, the data transmission lines -- in times of
national emergency. If war breaks out and communications to a
key military base are cut, the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> wants to make sure that
an alternate link can be set up as fast as possible. <ent type='ORG'>Company</ent>
employees assigned to the center are on call 24 hours a day; they
wear beepers outside the office, and when on vacation they must
be replaced by qualified colleagues.
The center formally opened on <ent type='EVENT'>New Year</ent>'s Day, 1984, the same
day Ma Bell's monopoly over the telephone network of the entire
United States was finally broken. The timing was no coincidence.
<ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> officials had argued for years along with AT&amp;T against
the divestiture of Ma Bell, on grounds of national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity.
<ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Secretary <ent type='PERSON'>Weinberger</ent> personally urged the attorney
general to block the lawsuit that resulted in the breakup, as had
his predecessor, <ent type='PERSON'>Harold Brown</ent>. The reason was that rather than
construct its own communications network, the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> had come
to rely extensively on the phone company. After the breakup the
dependence continued. The <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> still used commercial
companies to carry more than 90 percent of its communications
within the continental United States.
The 1984 divestiture put an end to AT&amp;T's monopoly over the
nation's telephone service and increased the Pentagon's obsession
with having its own nerve center. Now the brass had to contend
with several competing companies to acquire phone lines, and
communications was more than a matter of running a line from one
telephone to another. Satellites, microwave towers, fiberoptics,
and other technological breakthroughs never dreamed of by
<ent type='PERSON'>Alexander Graham Bell</ent> were in extensive use, and not just for
phone conversations. <ent type='ORG'>Digital</ent> data streams for computers flowed
on the same networks.
These facts were not lost on the <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Department or the
White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent>. According to documents obtained by <ent type='ORG'>Omni</ent>, beginning
on December 14, 1982, a number of <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret meetings were held
between high-level administration officials and executives of the
commercial communications companies whose employees would later
staff <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent> Coordinating Center. The meetings, which
continued over the next three years, were held at the White
<ent type='ORG'>House</ent>, the State Department, <ent type='ORG'>the Strategic Air</ent> Command (<ent type='ORG'>SAC</ent>)
headquarters at Offutt Air Force Base in <ent type='GPE'>Nebraska</ent>, and at the
<ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>n Aerospace <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Command (<ent type='ORG'>NORAD</ent>) in <ent type='GPE'>Colorado</ent>
Springs.
The industry officials attending constituted <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent>
Security Telecommunications Advisory Committee -- called <ent type='ORG'>NSTAC</ent>
(pronounced N-stack) -- set up by President Reagan to address
those same problems that worried the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent>. It was at these
<ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>ret meetings, according to the minutes, that the idea of a
communications watch center for national emergencies -- the <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent>
-- was born. Along with it came a whole set of plans that would
allow the military to take over commercial communications
"assets" -- everything from ground stations and satellite dishes
to fiberoptic cables -- across the country.
At a 1983 <ent type='ORG'>Federal Communications Commission</ent> meeting, a
ranking <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent> Department official offered the following
explanation for the founding of <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent> Coordinating Center:
"We are looking at trying to make communications endurable for a
protracted conflict." The phrase protracted conflict is a
military euphemism for nuclear war.
But could the <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent> survive even the first volley in such a
conflict?
Not likely. It's located within a mile of the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent>,
itself an obvious early target of a <ent type='NORP'>Soviet</ent> nuclear barrage (or a
conventional strike, for that matter). And the <ent type='ORG'>Kremlin</ent>
undoubtedly knows its location and importance, and presumably has
included it on its priority target list. In sum, according to
one <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> official, "The <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent> itself is not viewed as a
survivable facility."
Furthermore, the NCC's "Implementation Plan," obtained by
<ent type='ORG'>Omni</ent>, lists four phases of emergencies and how the center should
respond to each. The first, Phase 0, is Peacetime, for which
there would be little to do outside of a handful of routine tasks
and exercises. Phase 1 is Pre Attack, in which alternate <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent>
sites are alerted. Phase 2 is Post Attack, in which other <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent>
locations are instructed to take over the center's functions.
Phase 3 is known as Last Ditch, and in this phase whatever
facility survives becomes the de facto <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent>.
So far there is no alternate National Coordinating Center to
which <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent> officials could retreat to survive an attack.
According to <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent> deputy director <ent type='PERSON'>William Belford</ent>, no physical
sites have yet been chosen for a substitute <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent>, and even whether
the <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent> itself will survive a nuclear attack is still under
study.
Of what use is a communications center that is not expected
to outlast even the first shots of a war and has no backup?
The answer appears to be that because of the Pentagon's
concerns about the AT&amp;T divestiture and the disruptive effects it
might have on national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity, the <ent type='ORG'>NCC</ent> was to serve as the
military's peacetime communications center.
The center is a powerful and unprecedented tool to assume
control over the nation's vast communications and information
network. For years the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> has been studying how to take
over the common carriers' facilities. That research was prepared
by <ent type='ORG'>NSTAC</ent> at the DoD's request and is contained in a series of
internal <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> documents obtained by <ent type='ORG'>Omni</ent>. Collectively this
series is known as <ent type='ORG'>the Satellite Survivability Report</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>Complete</ent>d
in 1984, it is the only detailed analysis to date of the
vulnerabilities of the commercial satellite network. It was
begun as a way of examining how to protect the network of
communications facilities from attack and how to keep it intact
for the DoD.
A major part of the report also contains an analysis of how
to make commercial satellites "interoperable" with <ent type='ORG'>Defense</ent>
Department systems. While the report notes that current
technical differences such as varying frequencies make it
difficult for the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> to use commercial satellites, it
recommends ways to resolve those problems. Much of the report is
a veritable blueprint for the government on how to take over
satellites in orbit above <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States. This information,
plus <ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>D 145's demand that satellite operators tell the <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> how
their satellites are controlled, guarantees the military ample
knowledge about operating commercial satellites.
The <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> now has an unprecedented access to the civilian
communications network: commercial databases, computer networks,
electronic links, telephone lines. All it needs is the legal
authority to use them. Then it could totally dominate the flow
of all information in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States. As one high-ranking
White <ent type='ORG'>House</ent> communications official put it: "Whoever controls
communications, controls the country." His remark was made after
our State Department could not communicate directly with our
embassy in <ent type='GPE'>Manila</ent> during the anti-<ent type='PERSON'>Marcos</ent> revolution last year.
To get through, the State Department had to relay all its
messages through the <ent type='NORP'>Philippine</ent> government.
Government officials have offered all kinds of scenarios to
justify <ent type='ORG'>the National</ent> Coordinating Center, the Satellite
Survivability Report, new domains of authority for the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent>
and the <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent>, and the creation of top-level government steering
groups to think of even more policies for the military. Most can
be reduced to the rationale that inspired <ent type='ORG'>NSD</ent>D 145: that our
enemies (presumably the <ent type='NORP'>Soviet</ent>s) have to be prevented from
getting too much information from unclassified sources. And the
only way to do that is to step in and take control of those
sources.
Remarkably, the communications industry as a whole has not
been concerned about the overall scope of the Pentagon's threat
to its freedom of operation. Most protests have been to
individual government actions. For example, a media coalition
that includes the Radio-Television Society of Newspaper Editors,
and <ent type='ORG'>the Turner Broadcasting System</ent> has been lobbying that before
the government can restrict the use of satellites, it must
demonstrate why such restrictions protect against a "threat to
distinct and compelling national <ent type='ORG'>sec</ent>urity and foreign policy
interests." But the whole policy of restrictiveness has not been
examined. That may change sometime this year, when <ent type='ORG'>the Office</ent> of
Technology Assessment issues a report on how the Pentagon's
policy will affect communications in <ent type='GPE'>the United</ent> States. In the
meantime the military keeps trying to encroach on national
communications.
While it may seem unlikely that the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent> will ever get
total control of our information and communications systems, the
truth is that it can happen all too easily. The official
mechanisms are already in place; and few barriers remain to
guarantee that what we hear, see, and read will come to us
courtesy of our being members of a free and open society and not
courtesy of the <ent type='ORG'>Pentagon</ent>.</p>

<p>=================================================================
Psi-Tech and alien brain-wave research -- Whats going on at <ent type='GPE'>Los Alamos</ent>?</p>

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