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Message-Id: <9311091736.AA19604@alfalfa.cs.utexas.edu>
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From: lwb@cs.utexas.edu (Lance W. Bledsoe)
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Date: Tue, 9 Nov 1993 11:36:00 -0600 To: act@bolis.sf-bay.org
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Subject: ACT: Best of net dump... Subject: Missing 13th Amendment
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Date: 6 Nov 1993 21:30:33 -0600
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Organization: UTexas Mail-to-News Gateway Lines: 1241 Sender:
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daemon@cs.utexas.edu
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Message-ID: <9311070330.AA20385@nyx10.cs.du.edu> NNTP-
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Posting-Host:
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cs.utexas.edu
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[Note: Please direct any comments to this post via email as I
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cannot read this newsgroup at this time... Address below]
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Dear All:
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Here is an interesting legal issue for you all to ponder. According to this
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and many other sources, there was a 13thAmendment to the Constitution
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*for* the (u)nited States of America that was removed during the time
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before the Civil War. This Amendment had a *very* specific intention
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which is explained in the below text.
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Since the original writing/publishing of this report, several researchers,
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including myself, have found more evidence that conclusively proves that
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such an Amendment did in fact exist and was either ratified or was about
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to be (this is still unclear, but evidence suggests that it *was* ratified).
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I have *in my possession* proof of its existence. We examined the
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"records" of many states and found several copies of this same
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information. The copies of the Amendment that I have are from many
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different places and many different government sources. Astoundingly,
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this information is *still* in the various records as the papers that I have
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are mere photocopies of the documents containing the Amendment
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obtained from various public libraries.
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More research is being conducted and I will be happy to snail-mail these
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copies to anyone interested.
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From Virginia:
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The Revised Code of the LAWS OF VIRGINIA
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A COLLECTION OF ALL SUCH ACTS of the GENERAL
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ASSEMBLY ...
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March 18, 1819 Also, a similar document from Colorado, from the
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Congressional Record, a copy of the Amendments to the Constitution, a
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copy of "This volume of the Laws of Colorado Territory, and a similar
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Amendment to the Virginia Constitution.
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Without further ado, here is "The Missing 13th Amendment".
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+---------------------------------------------------------+ | With Explicit
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Reservation of All Rights (U.C.C. 1-207), | | Regards, -A.J. Teel-, Sui
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Juris (ateel@nyx.cs.du.edu). | | Call (303) 687-4935 anytime! Finger for
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PGP PUBLIC KEY. | | Please use "ateel@nyx.cs.du.edu" NOT
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".@nyx10." Thanks. |
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+---------------------------------------------------------+
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The Missing 13th Amendment
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David M. Dodge, Researcher Date 08/01/91
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The Missing 13th Amendment, Part I
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"TITLES OF NOBILITY" AND "HONOR"
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In the winter of 1983, archival research expert David Dodge, and former
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Baltimore police investigator Tom Dunn, were searching for evidence of
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government corruption in public records stored in the Belfast Library on
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the coast of Maine.
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By chance, they discovered the library's oldest authentic copy of the
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Constitution of the United States (printed in 1825). Both men were
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stunned to see this document included a 13th Amendment that no longer
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appears on current copies of the Constitution. Moreover, after studying
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the Amendment's language and historical context, they realized the
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principle intent of this "missing" 13th Amendment was to prohibit
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lawyers from serving in government.
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So began a seven year, nationwide search for the truth surrounding the
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most bizarre Constitutional puzzle in American history -- the unlawful
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removal of a ratified Amendment from the Constitution of the United
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States. Since 1983, Dodge and Dunn have uncovered additional copies
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of the Constitution with the "missing" 13th Amendment printed in at
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least eighteen separate publications by ten different states and territories
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over four decades from 1822 to 1860.
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In June of this year, Dodge uncovered the evidence that this missing 13th
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Amendment had indeed been lawfully ratified by the state of Virginia
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and was therefore an authentic Amendment to the American
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Constitution. If the evidence is correct and no logical errors have been
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made, a 13th Amendment restricting lawyers from serving in government
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was ratified in 1819 and removed from our Constitution during the
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tumult of the Civil War.
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Since the Amendment was never lawfully repealed, it is still the Law
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today. The implications are enormous.
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The story of this "missing" Amendment is complex and at times
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confusing because the political issues and vocabulary of the American
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Revolution were different from our own. However, there are essentially
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two issues: What does the Amendment mean? and, Was the Amendment
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ratified? Before we consider the issue of ratification, we should first
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understand the Amendment's meaning and consequent current relevance.
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MEANING of the 13th Amendment
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The "missing" 13th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States
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reads as follows:
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"If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim,
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receive, or retain any title of nobility or honour, or shall
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without the consent of Congress, accept and retain any
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present, pension, office, or emolument of any kind whatever,
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from any emperor, king, prince, or foreign power, such person
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shall cease to be a citizen of the United States, and shall be
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incapable of holding any office of trust or profit under them,
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or either of them." [Emphasis added.}
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At the first reading, the meaning of this 13th Amendment (also called the
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"title of nobility" Amendment) seems obscure, unimportant. The
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references to "nobility", "honour", "emperor", "king", and "prince" lead us
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to dismiss this amendment as a petty post-revolution act of spite directed
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against the British monarchy. But in our modern world of Lady Di and
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Prince Charles, anti-royalist sentiments seem so archaic and quaint, that
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the Amendment can be ignored.
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Not so. Consider some evidence of its historical significance: First,
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"titles of nobility" were prohibited in both Article VI of the Articles of
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Confederation (1777) and in Article I, Sect. 9 of the Constitution of the
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United States (1778); Second, although already prohibited by the
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Constitution, an additional "title of nobility" amendment was proposed
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in 1789, again in 1810, and according to Dodge, finally ratified in 1819.
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Clearly, the founding fathers saw such a serious threat in "titles of
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nobility" and "honors" that anyone receiving them would forfeit their
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citizenship. Since the government prohibited "titles of nobility" several
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times over four decades, and went through the amending process (even
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though "titles of nobility" were already prohibited by the Constitution),
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it's obvious that the Amendment carried much more significance for our
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founding fathers than is readily apparent today.
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HISTORICAL CONTEXT
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To understand the meaning of this "missing" 13th Amendment, we must
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understand its historical context -- the era surrounding the American
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Revolution.
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We tend to regard the notion of "Democracy" as benign, harmless, and
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politically unremarkable. But at the time of the American Revolution,
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King George III and the other monarchies of Europe saw Democracy as
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an unnatural, ungodly ideological threat, every bit as dangerously radical
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as Communism was once regarded by modern Western nations. Just as
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the 1917 Communist Revolution in Russia spawned other revolutions
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around the world, the American Revolution provided an example and
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incentive for people all over the world to overthrow their European
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monarchies.
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Even though the Treaty of Paris ended the Revolutionary War in 1783,
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the simple fact of our existence threatened the monarchies. The United
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States stood as a heroic role model for other nations, that inspired them
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to also struggle against oppressive monarchies. The French Revolution
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(1789-1799) and the Polish national uprising (1794) were in part
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encouraged by the American Revolution. Though we stood like a beacon
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of hope for most of the world, the monarchies regarded the United States
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as a political typhoid Mary, the principle source of radical democracy
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that was destroying monarchies around the world. The monarchies must
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have realized that if the principle source of that infection could be
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destroyed, the rest of the world might avoid the contagion and the
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monarchies would be saved.
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Their survival at stake, the monarchies south to destroy or subvert the
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American system of government. Knowing they couldn't destroy us
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militarily, they resorted to more covert methods of political subversion,
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employing spies and secret agents skilled in bribery and legal deception -
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- it was, perhaps, the first "cold war". Since governments run on money,
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politicians run for money, and money is the usual enticement to commit
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treason, much of the monarchy's counter-revolutionary efforts emanated
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from English banks. DON'T BANK ON IT (Modern Banking System)
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The essence of banking was once explained by Sir Josiah Stamp, a
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former president of the Bank of England:
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"The modern banking system manufactures money out of
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nothing. The process is perhaps the most astounding piece of
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sleight of hand that was ever invented. Banking was conceived
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in inequity and born in sin... Bankers own the earth. Take
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it away from them but leave them the power to create money,
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and, with a flick of a pen, they will create enough money to
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buy it back again... Take this great power away form them and
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all great fortunes like mine will disappear, for then this
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would be a better and happier world to live in... But, if you
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want to continue to be the slaves of bankers and pay the cost
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of your own slavery, then let bankers continue to create money
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and control credit."
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The last great abuse of our banking system caused the depression of the
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1930's. Today's abuses may cause another. Current S&L and bank
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scandals illustrate the on-going relationships between banks, lawyers,
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politicians, and government agencies (look at the current BCCI bank
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scandal, involving lawyer Clark Clifford, politician Jimmy Carter, the
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Federal Reserve, the FDIC, and even the CIA). These scandals are the
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direct result of years of law breaking by an alliance of bankers and
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lawyers using their influence and money to corrupt the political process
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and rob the public. (Think you're not being robbed? Guess who's going
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to pay the bill for the excesses of the S&L's, taxpayer? You are.)
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The systematic robbery of productive individuals by parasitic bankers
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and lawyers is not a recent phenomenon. This abuse is a human tradition
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that predates the Bible and spread from Europe to America despite early
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colonial prohibitions.
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When the first United States Bank was chartered by Congress in 1790,
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there were only three state banks in existence. At one time, banks were
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prohibited by law in most states because many of the early settlers were
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all too familiar with the practices of the European goldsmith banks.
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Goldsmith banks were safe houses used to store client's gold. In
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exchange for the deposited gold, customers were issued notes (paper
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money) which were redeemable in gold. The goldsmith bankers quickly
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succumbed to the temptation to issue "extra" notes, (unbacked by gold).
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Why? Because the "extra" notes enriched the bankers by allowing them
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to buy property with notes for gold that they did not own, gold that did
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not even exist.
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Colonists knew that bankers occasionally printed too much paper
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money, found themselves over-leveraged, and caused a "run on the bank".
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If the bankers lacked sufficient gold to meet the demand, the paper
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money became worthless and common citizens left holding the paper
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were ruined. Although over-leveraged bankers were sometime hung, the
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bankers continued printing extra money to increase their fortunes at the
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expense of the productive members of society. (The practice continues
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to this day, and offers "sweetheart" loans to bank insiders, and even
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provides the foundation for deficit spending and our federal
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government's unbridled growth.)
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PAPER MONEY
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If the colonists forgot the lessons of goldsmith bankers, the American
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Revolution refreshed their memories. To finance the war, Congress
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authorized the printing of continental bills of credit in an amount not to
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exceed $200,000,000. The States issued another $200,000,000 in paper
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notes. Ultimately, the value of the paper money fell so low that they were
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soon traded on speculation from 5000 to 1000 paper bills for one coin.
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It's often suggested that our Constitution's prohibition against a paper
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economy -- "No State shall... make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a
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tender in Payment of Debts" -- was a tool of the wealthy to be worked to
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the disadvantage of all others. But only in a "paper" economy can money
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reproduce itself and increase the claims of the wealthy at the expense of
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the productive.
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"Paper money," said Pelatiah Webster, "polluted the equity of our laws,
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turned them into engines of oppression, corrupted the justice of our
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public administration, destroyed the fortunes of thousands who had
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confidence in it, enervated the trade, husbandry, and manufactures of our
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country, and went far to destroy the morality of our people."
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CONSPIRACIES
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A few examples of the attempts by the monarchies and banks that almost
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succeeded in destroying the United States:
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According to the Tennessee Laws (1715-1320, vol. II, p. 774), in the
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1794 Jay Treaty, the United States agreed to pay 600,000 pounds sterling
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to King George III, as reparations for the American revolution. The
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Senate ratified the treaty in secret session and ordered that it not be
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published. When Benjamin Franklin's grandson published it anyway, the
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exposure and resulting public up-roar so angered the Congress that it
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passed the Alien and Sedition Acts (1798) so federal judges could
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prosecute editors and publishers for reporting the truth about the
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government.
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Since we had won the Revolutionary War, why would our Senators agree
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to pay reparations to the loser? And why would they agree to pay
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600,000 pounds sterling, eleven years after the war ended? It doesn't
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make sense, especially in light of Senate's secrecy and later fury over
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being exposed, unless we assume our Senators had been bribed to serve
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the British monarchy and betray the American people. That's subversion.
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The United States Bank had been opposed by the Jeffersonians from the
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beginning, but the Federalists (the pro-monarchy party) won out in its
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establishment. The initial capitalization was $10,000,000 -- 80% of
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which would be owned by foreign bankers. Since the bank was
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authorized to lend up to $20,000,000 (double its paid in capital), it was a
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profitable deal for both the government and the bankers since they could
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lend, and collect interest on, $10,000,000 that didn't exist.
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However, the European bankers outfoxed the government and by 1796,
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the government owed the bank $6,200,000 and was forced to sell its
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shares. (By 1802, our government owned no stock in the United States
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Bank.)
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The sheer power of the banks and their ability to influence representative
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government by economic manipulation and outright bribery was exposed
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in 1811, when the people discovered that european banking interests
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owned 80% of the bank. Congress therefore refused to renew the bank's
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charter. This led to the withdrawal of $7,000,000 in specie by european
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investors, which in turn, precipitated an economic recession, and the
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War of 1812.
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That's destruction.
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There are undoubtedly other examples of the monarchy's efforts to
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subvert or destroy the United States; some are common knowledge,
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others remain to be disclosed to the public. For example, David Dodge
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discovered a book called "2 VA LAW" in the Library of Congress Law
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Library. According to Dodge, "This is an un-catalogued book in the rare
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book section that reveals a plan to overthrow the constitutional
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government by secret agreements engineered by the lawyers. That is one
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of the reasons why this amendment was ratified by Virginia and the
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notification ~lost in the mail.' There is no public record that this book
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exists."
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That may sound surprising, but according to The Gazette (5/10/91), "the
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Library of Congress has 349,402 un-catalogued rare books and 13.9
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million un-catalogued rare manuscripts." There may be secrets buried in
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that mass of documents even more astonishing than a missing
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Constitutional Amendment.
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TITLES OF NOBILITY
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In seeking to rule the world and destroy the United States, bankers
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committed many crimes. Foremost among these crimes were fraud,
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conversion, and plain old theft. To escape prosecution for their crimes,
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the bankers did the same thing any career criminal does. They hired and
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formed alliances with the best lawyers and judges money could buy.
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These alliances, originally forged in Europe (particularly in Great
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Britain), spread to the colonies, and later into the newly formed United
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States of America.
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Despite their criminal foundation, these alliances generated wealth, and
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ultimately, respectability. Like any modern member of organized crime,
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English bankers and lawyers wanted to be admired as "legitimate
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businessmen". As their criminal fortunes grew so did their usefulness, so
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the British monarchy legitimized these thieves by granting them "titles of
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nobility".
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Historically, the British peerage system referred to knights as "Squires"
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and to those who bore the knight's shields as "Esquires". As lances,
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shields, and physical violence gave way to the more civilized means of
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theft, the pen grew mightier (and more profitable) than the sword, and
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the clever wielders of those pens (bankers and lawyers) came to hold
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titles of nobility. The most common title was "Esquire" (used, even
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today, by some lawyers).
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INTERNATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION
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In Colonial America, attorneys trained attorneys but most held no "title
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of nobility" or "honor". There was no requirement that one be a lawyer
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to hold the position of district attorney, attorney general, or judge; a
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citizen's "counsel of choice" was not restricted to a lawyer; there were no
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state or national bar associations. The only organization that certified
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lawyers was the International Bar Association (IBA), chartered by the
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King of England, headquartered in London, and closely associated with
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the international banking system. Lawyers admitted to the IBA received
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the rank "Esquire" -- a "title of nobility".
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"Esquire" was the principle title of nobility which the 13th Amendment
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sought to prohibit from the United States. Why? Because the loyalty of
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"Esquire" lawyers was suspect. Bankers and lawyers with an "Esquire"
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behind their names were agents of the monarchy, members of an
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organization whose principle purposes were political, not economic, and
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regarded with the same wariness that some people today reserve for
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members of the KGB or the CIA.
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Article 1, Sect. 9 of the Constitution sought to prohibit the International
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Bar Association (or any other agency that granted titles of nobility) from
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operating in America. But the Constitution neglected to specify a
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penalty, so the prohibition was ignored, and agents of the monarchy
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continued to infiltrate and influence the government (as in the Jay Treaty
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and the US Bank charter incidents). Therefore, a "title of nobility"
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amendment that specified a penalty (loss of citizenship) was proposed in
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1789, and again in 1810. The meaning of the amendment is seen in its
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intent to prohibit persons having titles of nobility and loyalties foreign
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governments and bankers from voting, holding public office, or using
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their skills to subvert the government.
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HONOR
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The missing Amendment is referred to as the "title of nobility"
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Amendment, but the second prohibition against "honour" (honor), may
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be more significant.
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According to David Dodge, Tom Dunn, and Webster's Dictionary, the
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archaic definition of "honor" (as used when the 13th Amendment was
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ratified) meant anyone "obtaining or having an advantage or privilege
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over another". A contemporary example of an "honor" granted to only a
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few Americans is the privilege of being a judge: Lawyers can be judges
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and exercise the attendant privileges and powers; non-lawyers cannot.
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By prohibiting "honors", the missing Amendment prohibits any
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advantage or privilege that would grant some citizens an unequal
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opportunity to achieve or exercise political power. Therefore, the second
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meaning (intent) of the 13th Amendment was to ensure political equality
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among all American citizens, by prohibiting anyone, even government
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officials, from claiming or exercising a special privilege or power (an
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"honor") over other citizens.
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If this interpretation is correct, "honor" would be the key concept in the
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13th Amendment. Why? Because, while "titles of nobility" may no
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longer apply in today's political system, the concept of "honor" remains
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relevant.
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For example, anyone who had a specific "immunity" from lawsuits which
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were not afforded to all citizens, would be enjoying a separate privilege,
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an "honor", and would therefore forfeit his right to vote or hold public
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office. Think of the "immunities" from lawsuits that our judges, lawyers,
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politicians, and bureaucrats currently enjoy. As another example, think
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of all the "special interest" legislation our government passes: "special
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interests" are simply euphemisms for "special privileges" (honors).
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WHAT IF? (Implications if Restored)
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If the missing 13th Amendment were restored, "special interests" and
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"immunities" might be rendered unconstitutional. The prohibition
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against "honors" (privileges) would compel the entire government to
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operate under the same laws as the citizens of this nation. Without their
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current personal immunities (honors), our judges and I.R.S. agents
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would be unable to abuse common citizens without fear of legal liability.
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If this 13th Amendment were restored, our entire government would have
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to conduct itself according to the same standards of decency, respect,
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law, and liability as the rest of the nation. If this Amendment and the
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term "honor" were applied today, our government's ability to
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systematically coerce and abuse the public would be all but eliminated.
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Imagine. Imagine!
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A government without special privileges or immunities. How could we
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describe it? It would be ... almost like ... a government ... of the people
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... by the people ... for the people!
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Imagine: a government ... whose members were truly accountable to the
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public; a government that could not systematically exploit its own
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people!
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It's unheard of ... it's never been done before. Not ever in the entire
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history of the world.
|
|
|
|
Bear in mind that Senator George Mitchell of Maine and the National
|
|
Archives concede this 13th Amendment was proposed by Congress in
|
|
1810. However, they explain that there were seventeen states when
|
|
Congress proposed the "title of nobility" Amendment; that ratification
|
|
required the support of thirteen states, but since only twelve states
|
|
supported the Amendment, it was not ratified. The Government Printing
|
|
Office agrees; it currently prints copies of the Constitution of the United
|
|
States which include the "title of nobility" Amendment as proposed, but
|
|
un-ratified.
|
|
|
|
Even if this 13th Amendment were never ratified, even if Dodge and
|
|
Dunn's research or reasoning is flawed or incomplete, it would still be an
|
|
extraordinary story.
|
|
|
|
Can you imagine, can you understand how close we came to having a
|
|
political paradise, right here on Earth? Do you realize what an
|
|
extraordinary gift our forebears tried to bequeath us? And how close we
|
|
came?
|
|
|
|
One vote. One state's vote.
|
|
|
|
The federal government concedes that twelve states voted to ratify this
|
|
Amendment between 1810 and 1812. But they argue that ratification
|
|
require thirteen states, so the Amendment lays stillborn in history,
|
|
unratified for lack of a just one more state's support.
|
|
|
|
One vote.
|
|
|
|
David Dodge, however, says one more state did ratify, and he claims he
|
|
has the evidence to prove it.
|
|
|
|
|
|
PARADISE LOST, RATIFICATION FOUND
|
|
In 1789, the House of Representatives compiled a list of possible
|
|
Constitutional Amendments, some of which would ultimately become
|
|
our Bill of Rights. The House proposed seventeen; the Senate reduced
|
|
the list to twelve. During this process that Senator Tristrain Dalton
|
|
(Mass.) proposed an Amendment seeking to prohibit and provide a
|
|
penalty for any American accepting a "title of Nobility" (RG 46 Records
|
|
of the U.S. Senate). Although it wasn't passed, this was the first time a
|
|
"title of nobility" amendment was proposed.
|
|
|
|
Twenty years later, in January, 1810, Senator Reed proposed another
|
|
"Title of Nobility" Amendment (History of Congress, Proceedings of the
|
|
Senate, p. 529-530). On April 27, 1810, the Senate voted to pass this
|
|
13th Amendment by a vote of 26 to 1; the House resolved in the
|
|
affirmative 87 to 3; and the following resolve was sent to the States for
|
|
ratification:
|
|
|
|
"If any citizen ofthe United States shall Accept, claim,
|
|
receive or retain any title of nobility or honour, or shall,
|
|
without the consent of Congress, accept and retain any
|
|
present, pension, office or emolument of any kind
|
|
whatever, from any emperor, king, prince or foreign
|
|
power, such person shall cease to be a citizen of the
|
|
United States, and shall be incapable of holding any
|
|
office of trust or profit under them, or either of them."
|
|
|
|
The Constitution requires three-quarters of the states to ratify a proposed
|
|
amendment before it may be added to the Constitution. When Congress
|
|
proposed the "Title of Nobility" Amendment in 1810, there were
|
|
seventeen states, thirteen of which would have to ratify for the
|
|
Amendment to be adopted. According to the National Archives, the
|
|
following is a list of the twelve states that ratified, and their dates of
|
|
ratification:
|
|
|
|
Maryland, Dec. 25, 1810 Vermont, Oct. 24, 1811
|
|
Kentucky, Jan. 31, 1811 Tennessee, Nov. 21, 1811
|
|
Ohio, Jan. 31, 1811 Georgia, Dec. 13, 1
|
|
Delaware, Feb. 2, 1811 North Carolina, Dec.23, 1811
|
|
Pennsylvania, Feb. 6, 1811 Massachusetts, Feb. 27, 1812
|
|
New Jersey, Feb. 13, 1811 New Hampshire, Dec. 10, 1812
|
|
|
|
Before a thirteenth state could ratify, the War of 1812 broke out with
|
|
England. By the time the war ended in 1814, the British had burned the
|
|
Capitol, the Library of Congress, and most of the records of the first 38
|
|
years of government. Whether there was a connection between the
|
|
proposed "title of nobility" amendment and the War of 1812 is not
|
|
known. However, the momentum to ratify the proposed Amendment was
|
|
lost in the tumult of war.
|
|
|
|
Then, four years later, on December 31, 1817, the House of
|
|
Representatives resolved that President Monroe inquire into the status of
|
|
this Amendment. In a letter dated February 6, 1818, President Monroe
|
|
reported to the House that the Secretary of State Adams had written to
|
|
the governors of Virginia, South Carolina and Connecticut to tell them
|
|
that the proposed Amendment had been ratified by twelve States and
|
|
rejected by two (New York and Rhode Island), and asked the governors
|
|
to notify him of their legislature's position. (House Document No. 76)
|
|
(This, and other letters written by the President and the Secretary of
|
|
State during the month of February,1818, note only that the proposed
|
|
Amendment had not yet been ratified.
|
|
|
|
However, these letters would later become crucial because, in the
|
|
absence of additional information they would be interpreted to mean the
|
|
amendment was never ratified).
|
|
|
|
On February 28, 1818, Secretary of State Adams reported the rejection
|
|
of the Amendment by South Carolina. [House Doc. No. 129]. There are
|
|
no further entries regarding the ratification of the 13th Amendment in the
|
|
Journals of Congress; whether Virginia ratified is neither confirmed nor
|
|
denied. Likewise, a search through the executive papers of Governor
|
|
Preston of Virginia does not reveal any correspondence from Secretary
|
|
of State Adams. (However, there is a journal entry in the Virginia House
|
|
that the Governor presented the House with an official letter and
|
|
documents from Washington within a time frame that conceivably
|
|
includes receipt of Adams' letter.) Again, no evidence of ratification;
|
|
none of denial.
|
|
|
|
However, on March 10, 1819, the Virginia legislature passed Act No.
|
|
280 (Virginia Archives of Richmond, "misc.' file, p. 299 for micro-film):
|
|
|
|
"Be it enacted by the General Assembly, that there
|
|
shall be published an edition of the Laws of this
|
|
Commonwealth in which shall be contained
|
|
the following matters, that is to say: the
|
|
Constitution of the united States and the amendments
|
|
thereto..."
|
|
|
|
This act was the specific legislated instructions on what was, by law, to
|
|
be included in the re-publication (a special edition) of the Virginia Civil
|
|
Code. The Virginia Legislature had already agreed that all Acts were to
|
|
go into effect on the same day -- the day that the Act to re-publish the
|
|
Civil Code was enacted. Therefore, the 13th Amendment's official date
|
|
of ratification would be the date of re-publication of the Virginia Civil
|
|
Code: March 12, 1819.
|
|
|
|
The Delegates knew Virginia was the last of the 13 States that were
|
|
necessary for the ratification of the 13th Amendment. They also knew
|
|
there were powerful forces allied against this ratification so they took
|
|
extraordinary measures to make sure that it was published in sufficient
|
|
quantity (4,000 copies were ordered, almost triple their usual order), and
|
|
instructed the printer to send a copy to President James Monroe as well
|
|
as James Madison and Thomas Jefferson. (The printer, Thomas Ritchie,
|
|
was bonded. He was required to be extremely accurate in his research
|
|
and his printing, or he would forfeit his bond.)
|
|
|
|
In this fashion, Virginia announced the ratification: by publication and
|
|
dissemination of the Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution.
|
|
There is question as to whether Virginia ever formally notified the
|
|
Secretary of State that they had ratified this 13th Amendment. Some
|
|
have argued that because such notification was not received (or at least,
|
|
not recorded), the Amendment was therefore not legally ratified.
|
|
However, printing by a legislature is prima facie evidence of ratification.
|
|
|
|
Further, there is no Constitutional requirement that the Secretary of
|
|
State, or anyone else, be officially notified to complete the ratification
|
|
process. The Constitution only requires that three-fourths of the states
|
|
ratify for an Amendment to be added to the Constitution. If three-
|
|
quarters of the states ratify, the Amendment is passed. Period. The
|
|
Constitution is otherwise silent on what procedure should be used to
|
|
announce, confirm, or communicate the ratification of amendments.
|
|
|
|
Knowing they were the last state necessary to ratify the Amendment, the
|
|
Virginians had every right announce their own and the nation's
|
|
ratification of the Amendment by publishing it on a special edition of the
|
|
Constitution, and so they did.
|
|
|
|
Word of Virginia's 1819 ratification spread throughout the States and
|
|
both Rhode Island and Kentucky published the new Amendment in
|
|
1822. Ohio first published in 1824. Main ordered 10,000 copies of the
|
|
Constitution with the 13th Amendment to be printed for use in the
|
|
schools in 1825, and again in 1831 for their Census Edition. Indiana
|
|
Revised Laws of 1831 published the 13th Article on p. 20.
|
|
Northwestern Territories published in 1833. Ohio published in 1831
|
|
and 1833. Then came the Wisconsin Territory in 1839; Iowa Territory in
|
|
1843; Ohio again, in 1848; Kansas Statutes in 1855; and Nebraska
|
|
Territory six times in a row from 1855 to 1860.
|
|
|
|
So far, David Dodge has identified eleven different states or territories
|
|
that printed the Amendment in twenty separate publications over forty-
|
|
one years. And more editions including this 13th Amendment are sure to
|
|
be discovered. Clearly, Dodge is onto something.
|
|
|
|
You might be able to convince some of the people, or maybe even all of
|
|
them, for a little while, that this 13th Amendment was never ratified.
|
|
Maybe you can show them that the ten legislatures which ordered it
|
|
published eighteen times we've discovered (so far) consisted of ignorant
|
|
politicians who don't know their amendments from their ... ahh, articles.
|
|
You might even be able to convince the public that our forefathers never
|
|
meant to "outlaw" public servants who pushed people around, accepted
|
|
bribes or special favors to "look the other way." Maybe. But before you
|
|
do, there's an awful lot of evidence to be explained.
|
|
|
|
|
|
THE AMENDMENT DISAPPEARS
|
|
In 1829, the following note appears on p. 23, Vol. 1 of the New York
|
|
Revised Statutes:
|
|
|
|
"In the edition of the Laws of the U.S. before referred to,
|
|
there is an amendment printed as article 13, prohibiting
|
|
citizens from accepting titles of nobility or honor, or
|
|
presents, offices, &c. from foreign nations. But, by a
|
|
message of the president of the United States of the 4th
|
|
of February, 1818, in answer to a resolution of the house
|
|
of representatives, it appears that this amendment had
|
|
been ratified only by 12 states, and therefore had not
|
|
been adopted. See Vol. IV of the printed papers of the
|
|
1st session of the 15th congress, No. 76."
|
|
|
|
In 1854, a similar note appeared in the Oregon Statutes. Both notes refer
|
|
to the Laws of the United States, 1st vol. p. 73 (or 74).
|
|
|
|
It's not yet clear whether the 13th Amendment was published in Laws of
|
|
the United States, 1st Vol., prematurely, by accident, in anticipation of
|
|
Virginia's ratification, or as part of a plot to discredit the Amendment by
|
|
making is appear that only twelve States had ratified. Whether the Laws
|
|
of the United States Vol. 1 (carrying the 13th Amendment) was re-called
|
|
or made-up is unknown. In fact, it's not even clear that the specified
|
|
volume was actually printed -- the Law Library of the Library of
|
|
Congress has no record of its existence.
|
|
|
|
However, because the notes authors reported no further references to the
|
|
13th Amendment after the Presidential letter of February, 1818, they
|
|
apparently assumed the ratification process had ended in failure at that
|
|
time. If so, they neglected to seek information on the Amendment after
|
|
1818, or at the state level, and therefore missed the evidence of Virginia's
|
|
ratification. This opinion -- assuming that the Presidential letter of
|
|
February, 1818, was the last word on the Amendment -- has persisted to
|
|
this day.
|
|
|
|
In 1849, Virginia decided to revise the 1819 Civil Code of Virginia
|
|
(which had contained the 13th Amendment for 30 years). It was at that
|
|
time that one of the code's revisers (a lawyer named Patton) wrote to the
|
|
Secretary of the Navy, William B. Preston, asking if this Amendment
|
|
had been ratified or appeared by mistake. Preston wrote to J. M.
|
|
Clayton, the Secretary of State, who replied that this Amendment was
|
|
not ratified by a sufficient number of States. This conclusion was based
|
|
upon the information that Secretary of State J.Q. Adams had provided
|
|
the House of Representatives in 1818, before Virginia's ratification in
|
|
1819. (Even today, the Congressional Research Service tells anyone
|
|
asking about this 13th Amendment this same story: that only twelve
|
|
states, not the requisite thirteen, had ratified.) However, despite
|
|
Clayton's opinion, the Amendment continued to be published in various
|
|
states and territories for at least another eleven years (the last known
|
|
publication was in the Nebraska territory in 1860).
|
|
|
|
Once again the 13th Amendment was caught in the riptides of American
|
|
politics. South Carolina seceded from the Union in December of 1860,
|
|
signalling the onset of the Civil War. In March, 1861, President
|
|
Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated. Later in 1861, another proposed
|
|
amendment, also numbered thirteen, was signed by President Lincoln.
|
|
This was the only proposed amendment that was ever signed by a
|
|
president. That resolve to amend read:
|
|
|
|
"ARTICLE THIRTEEN, No amendment shall be made
|
|
to the Constitution which will authorize or give to
|
|
Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within
|
|
any State, with the domestic institutions thereof,
|
|
including that of persons held to labor or service by the
|
|
laws of said State."
|
|
|
|
(In other words, President Lincoln had signed a resolve that would have
|
|
permitted slavery, and upheld states' rights.) Only one State, Illinois,
|
|
ratified this proposed amendment before the Civil War broke out in
|
|
1861.
|
|
|
|
In the tumult of 1865, the original 13th Amendment was finally removed
|
|
from our Constitution. On January 31, another 13th Amendment (which
|
|
prohibited slavery in Sect. 1, and ended states' rights in Sect. 2) was
|
|
proposed. On April 9, the Civil War ended with General Lee's surrender.
|
|
On April 14, President Lincoln (who, in 1861, had signed the proposed
|
|
Amendment that would have allowed slavery and states rights) was
|
|
assassinated. On December 6, the "new" 13th Amendment loudly
|
|
prohibiting slavery (and quietly surrendering states rights to the federal
|
|
government) was ratified, replacing and effectively erasing the original
|
|
13th Amendment that had prohibited "titles of nobility" and "honors".
|
|
|
|
|
|
SIGNIFICANCE OF REMOVAL
|
|
To create the present oligarchy (rule by lawyers) which we now endure,
|
|
the lawyers first had to remove the 13th "titles of nobility" Amendment
|
|
that might otherwise have kept them in check. In fact, it was not until
|
|
after the Civil War and after the disappearance of this 13th Amendment,
|
|
that American bar associations began to appear and exercise political
|
|
power.
|
|
|
|
Since the unlawful deletion of the 13th Amendment, the newly
|
|
developing bar associations began working diligently to create a system
|
|
wherein lawyers took on a title of privilege and nobility as "Esquires"
|
|
and received the "honor" of offices and positions (like district attorney or
|
|
judge) that only lawyers may now hold. By virtue of these titles, honors,
|
|
and special privileges, lawyers have assumed political and economic
|
|
advantages over the majority of U.S. citizens. Through these privileges,
|
|
they have nearly established a two-tiered citizenship in this nation where
|
|
a majority may vote, but only a minority (lawyers) may run for political
|
|
office. This two- tiered citizenship is clearly contrary to Americans'
|
|
political interests, the nation's economic welfare, and the Constitution's
|
|
egalitarian spirit.
|
|
|
|
The significance of this missing 13th Amendment and its deletion from
|
|
the Constitution is this: Since the amendment was never lawfully
|
|
nullified, it is still in full force and effect and is the Law of the land. I
|
|
public support could be awakened, this missing Amendment might
|
|
provide a legal basis to challenge many existing laws and court decisions
|
|
previously made by lawyers who were unconstitutionally elected or
|
|
appointed to their positions of power; it might even mean the removal of
|
|
lawyers from our current government system.
|
|
|
|
At the very least, this missing 13th Amendment demonstrates that two
|
|
centuries ago, lawyers were recognized as enemies of the people and
|
|
nation. Some things never change.
|
|
|
|
|
|
THOSE WHO CANNOT RECALL HISTORY .... Heed warnings of
|
|
Founding Fathers
|
|
In his farewell address, George Washington warned of
|
|
|
|
"... change by usurpation; for through this, in one
|
|
instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the
|
|
customary weapon by which free governments
|
|
are destroyed."
|
|
|
|
In 1788, Thomas Jefferson proposed that we have a Declaration of
|
|
Rights similar to Virginia's. Three of his suggestions were "freedom of
|
|
commerce against monopolies, trial by jury in all cases" and "no
|
|
suspensions of the habeas corpus."
|
|
|
|
No doubt Washington's warning and Jefferson's ideas were dismissed as
|
|
redundant by those who knew the law. Who would have dreamed our
|
|
legal system would become a monopoly against freedom when that was
|
|
one of the primary causes for the rebellion against King George III?
|
|
|
|
Yet, the denial of trial by jury is now commonplace in our courts, and
|
|
habeas corpus, for crimes against the state, suspended. (By crimes
|
|
against the state, I refer to "political crimes" where there is no injured
|
|
party and the corpus delicti [evidence] is equally imaginary.)
|
|
|
|
The authority to create monopolies was judge-made law by Supreme
|
|
Court Justice John Marshall, et al during the early 1800's. Judges (and
|
|
lawyers) granted to themselves the power to declare the acts of the
|
|
People "un-Constitutional", waited until their decision was
|
|
grandfathered, and then granted themselves a monopoly by creating the
|
|
bar associations.
|
|
|
|
Although Article VI of the U.S. Constitution mandates that executive
|
|
orders and treaties are binding upon the states ("... and the Judges in
|
|
every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or
|
|
Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding."), the supreme Court
|
|
has held that the Bill of Rights is not binding upon the states, and
|
|
thereby resurrected many of the complaints enumerated in the
|
|
Declaration of Independence, exactly as Thomas Jefferson foresaw in
|
|
"Notes on the State of Virginia", Query 17, p. 161, 1784:
|
|
|
|
"Our rulers will become corrupt, our people careless...
|
|
the time for fixing every essential right on a legal basis
|
|
is [now] while our rulers are honest, and ourselves
|
|
united. From the conclusion of this war we shall
|
|
be going downhill. It will not then be necessary to
|
|
resort every moment to the people for support.
|
|
They will be forgotten, therefore, and their rights
|
|
disregarded. They will forget themselves, but in the
|
|
sole faculty of making money, and will never think of
|
|
uniting to effect a due respect for their rights. The
|
|
shackles, therefore, which shall not be knocked
|
|
off at the conclusion of this war, will remain on us long,
|
|
will be made heavier and heavier, till our rights shall
|
|
revive or expire in a convulsion."
|
|
|
|
We await the inevitable convulsion.
|
|
|
|
Only two questions remain: Will we fight to revive our rights? Or will
|
|
we meekly submit as our last remaining rights expire, surrendered to the
|
|
courts, and perhaps to a "new world order"?
|
|
|
|
|
|
MORE EDITIONS FOUND
|
|
As we go to press, I've received information from a researcher in Indiana,
|
|
and another in Dallas, who have found five more editions of statutes that
|
|
include the Constitution and the missing 13th Amendment.
|
|
|
|
These editions were printed by Ohio, 1819; Connecticut (one of the
|
|
states that voted against ratifying the Amendment), 1835; Kansas, 1861;
|
|
and the Colorado Territory, 1865 and 1867.
|
|
|
|
These finds are important because: 1) they offer independent
|
|
confirmation of Dodge's claims; and 2) they extend the known dates of
|
|
publication from Nebraska 1860 (Dodge's most recent find), to Colorado
|
|
in 1867.
|
|
|
|
The most intriguing discovery was the 1867 Colorado Territory edition
|
|
which includes both the "missing" 13th Amendment and the current 13th
|
|
Amendment (freeing the slaves), on the same page. The current 13th
|
|
Amendment is listed as the 14th Amendment in the 1867 Colorado
|
|
edition.
|
|
|
|
This investigation has followed a labyrinthine path that started with the
|
|
questions about how our courts evolved from a temple of the Bill of
|
|
Rights to the current star chamber and whether this situation had
|
|
anything to do with retiring chief Justice Burger's warning that we were
|
|
"about to lose our constitution". My seven year investigation has been
|
|
fruitful beyond belief; the information on the missing 13th Amendment
|
|
is only a "drop in the bucket" of the information I have discovered. Still,
|
|
the research continues, and by definition, is never truly complete.
|
|
|
|
If you will, please check your state's archives and libraries to review any
|
|
copies of the Constitution printed prior to the Civil War, or any books
|
|
containing prints of the Constitution before 1870. If you locate anything
|
|
related to this project we would appreciate hearing from you so we may
|
|
properly fulfill this effort of research. Please send your comments or
|
|
discoveries to:
|
|
|
|
|
|
ARGUMENTS
|
|
Imagine a nation which prohibited at least some lawyers from serving in
|
|
government. Imagine a government prohibited from writing laws
|
|
granting "honors" (special privileges, immunities, or advantages) to
|
|
individuals, groups, or government officials. Imagine a government that
|
|
could only write laws that applied to everyone, even themselves, equally.
|
|
|
|
It's never been done before. Not once.
|
|
|
|
But it has been tried: In 1810 the Congress of the United States
|
|
proposed a 13th Amendment to the Constitution that might have given us
|
|
just that sort of equality and political paradise.
|
|
|
|
The story begins (again) in 1983, when David Dodge and Tom Dunn
|
|
discovered an 1825 edition of the Maine Civil Code which contained the
|
|
U.S. Constitution and a 13th Amendment which no longer appears on
|
|
the Constitution:
|
|
|
|
If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim,
|
|
receive, or retain any title of nobility or honor, or
|
|
shall without the consent of Congress, accept and
|
|
retain any present, pension, office, or emolument
|
|
of any kind whatever, from any emperor, king, prince,
|
|
or foreign power, such person shall cease to be a
|
|
citizen of the United States, and shall be incapable
|
|
of holding any office of trust or profit under them,
|
|
or either of them. {Emphasis added]
|
|
|
|
As outlined in the August AntiShyster, this Amendment would have
|
|
restricted at least some lawyers from serving in government, and would
|
|
prohibit legislators from passing any special interest legislation, tax
|
|
breaks, or special immunities for anyone, not even themselves. It might
|
|
have guaranteed a level of political equality in this nation that most
|
|
people can't even imagine.
|
|
|
|
Since 1983, researchers have uncovered evidence that:
|
|
1) The 13th Amendment prohibiting "titles of nobility" and "honors"
|
|
appeared in at least 30 editions of the Constitution of the United States
|
|
which were printed by at least 14 states or territories between 1819 and
|
|
1867; and 2) This amendment quietly disappeared from the Constitution
|
|
near the end of the Civil War.
|
|
|
|
Either this Amendment:
|
|
1) Was unratified and mistakenly published for almost 50 years; or 2)
|
|
Was ratified in 1819, and then illegally removed from the Constitution
|
|
by 1867.
|
|
|
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If this 13th Amendment was unratified and mistakenly published, the
|
|
story has remained unnoticed in American history for over a century. If
|
|
so, it's at least a good story -- an extraordinary historical anecdote.
|
|
On the other hand, if Dodge is right and the Amendment was truly
|
|
ratified, an Amendment has been subverted from our Constitution. If so,
|
|
this "missing" Amendment would still be the Law, and this story could
|
|
be one of the most important stories in American History.
|
|
|
|
Whatever the answer, it's certain that something extraordinary happened
|
|
to our Constitution between 1819 and 1867.
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|
|
|
|
|
PROS AND CONS (for Ratification)
|
|
Of course, there are two sides to this issue. David Dodge, the principal
|
|
researcher, argues that this 13th Amendment was ratified in 1819 and
|
|
then subverted from the Constitution near the end of the Civil War. U.S.
|
|
Senator George Mitchell of Maine, and Mr. Dane Hartgrove (Acting
|
|
Assistant Chief, Civil Reference Branch of the National Archives) have
|
|
argued that the Amendment was never properly ratified and only
|
|
published in error.
|
|
|
|
There is some agreement. Both sides agree the Amendment was
|
|
proposed by Congress in 1810. Both sides also agree that the proposed
|
|
Amendment required the support of at least thirteen states to be ratified.
|
|
Both sides agree that between 1810 and 1812 twelve states voted to
|
|
support ratification.
|
|
|
|
The pivotal issue is whether Virginia ratified or rejected the proposed
|
|
Amendment. Dodge contends Virginia voted to support the Amendment
|
|
in 1819, and so the Amendment was truly ratified and should still be a
|
|
part of our Constitution. Senator Mitchell and Mr. Hartgrove disagree,
|
|
arguing that Virginia did not ratify.
|
|
|
|
Unfortunately, several decades of Virginia's legislative journals were
|
|
misplaced or destroyed (possibly during the Civil War; possibly during
|
|
the 1930's). Consequently, neither side has found absolute proof that
|
|
the Virginia legislature voted for (or against) ratification.
|
|
|
|
A series of letters exchanged in 1991 between David Dodge, Sen.
|
|
Mitchell, and Mr. Hartgrove illuminate the various points of
|
|
disagreement
|
|
|
|
After Dodge's initial report of a "missing" Amendment in the 1825 Maine
|
|
Civil Code, Sen. Mitchell explained that this edition was a one-time
|
|
publishing error:
|
|
|
|
"The Main Legislature mistakenly printed the
|
|
proposed Amendment in the Maine Constitution
|
|
as having been adopted. As you know, this was a
|
|
mistake, as it was not ratified."
|
|
|
|
Further, "All editions of the Maine Constitution printed after 1820 [sic]
|
|
exclude the proposed amendment; only the originals contain this error."
|
|
Dodge dug deeper, found other editions (there are 30, to date) of state
|
|
and territorial civil codes that contained the missing Amendment, and
|
|
thereby demonstrated that the Maine publication was not a "one-time"
|
|
publishing error.
|
|
|
|
|
|
YES VIRGINIA, THERE IS A RATIFICATION
|
|
After examining Dodge's evidence of multiple publications of the
|
|
"missing" Amendment, Sen. Mitchell and Mr. Hartgrove conceded the
|
|
Amendment had been published by several states and was ratified by
|
|
twelve of the seventeen states in the Union in 1810. However, because
|
|
the Constitution requires that three-quarters of the states vote to ratify an
|
|
Amendment, Mitchell and Hartgrove insisted that the 13th Amendment
|
|
was published in error because it was passed by only twelve, not thirteen
|
|
States.
|
|
|
|
Dodge investigated which seventeen states were in the Union at the time
|
|
the Amendment was proposed, which states had ratified, which states
|
|
had rejected the amendment, and determined that the issue hung on
|
|
whether one last state (Virginia) had or had not, voted to ratify.
|
|
After several years of searching the Virginia state archive, Dodge made a
|
|
crucial discovery: In Spring of 1991, he found a misplaced copy of the
|
|
1819 Virginia Civil Code which included the "missing" 13th
|
|
Amendment.
|
|
|
|
Dodge notes that, curiously, "There is no public record that shows this
|
|
book [the 1819 Virginia Civil Code] exists. It is not catalogued as a
|
|
holding of the Library of Congress nor is it in the National Union
|
|
Catalogue. Neither the state law library nor the law school in Portland
|
|
were able to find any trace that this book exists in any of their computer
|
|
programs."
|
|
|
|
*1*
|
|
Dodge sent photo-copies of the 1819 Virginia Civil Code to Sen.
|
|
Mitchell and Mr. Hartgrove, and explained that, "Under legislative
|
|
construction, it is considered prima facie evidence that what is published
|
|
as the official acts of the legislature are the official acts." By publishing
|
|
the Amendment as ratified in an official publication, Virginia
|
|
demonstrated: 1) that they knew they were the last state whose vote was
|
|
necessary to ratify this 13th Amendment; 2) that they had voted to ratify
|
|
the Amendment; and 3) that they were publishing the Amendment in a
|
|
special edition of their Civil Code as an official notice to the world that
|
|
the Amendment had indeed been ratified.
|
|
|
|
Dodge concluded, "Unless there is competing evidence to the contrary, it
|
|
must be held that the Constitution of the United States was officially
|
|
amended to exclude from its body of citizens any who accepted or
|
|
claimed a title of nobility or accepted any special favors. Foremost in
|
|
this category of ex-citizens are bankers and lawyers."
|
|
|
|
|
|
RATIONALES (for Ratification)
|
|
Undeterred, Sen. Mitchell wrote that, "Article XIII did not receive the
|
|
three-fourths vote required from the states within the time limit to be
|
|
ratified." (Although his language is imprecise, Sen. Mitchell seems to
|
|
concede that although the Amendment had failed to satisfy the "time
|
|
limit", the required three-quarters of the states did vote to ratify.)
|
|
Dodge replies: "Contrary to your assertion.., there was no time limit for
|
|
amendment ratification in 1811. Any time limit is now established
|
|
by Congress in the Resolves for proposed amendments."
|
|
|
|
In fact, ratification time limits didn't start until 1917, when Sect. 3 of the
|
|
Eighteenth Amendment stated that,
|
|
"This Article shall be inoperative unless it shall have
|
|
been ratified within seven years from the date of
|
|
submission ... to the States by Congress."
|
|
A similar time limit is now included on other proposed Amendments, but
|
|
there was no specified time limit when the 13th Amendment was
|
|
proposed in 1810 or ratified in 1819.
|
|
|
|
Sen. Mitchell remained determined to find some rationale, somewhere,
|
|
that would defeat Dodge's persistence. Although Sen. Mitchell
|
|
implicitly conceded that his "published by error" and "time limit"
|
|
arguments were invalid, he continued to grope for reasons to dispute the
|
|
ratification:
|
|
"... regardless of whether the state of Virginia did ratify
|
|
the proposed Thirteenth Amendment... on March 12, 1819, this
|
|
approval would not have been sufficient to amend
|
|
the Constitution. In 1819, there were twenty-one states
|
|
in the United States and any amendment would have
|
|
required approval of sixteen states to amend the
|
|
Constitution. According to your own research, Virginia
|
|
would have only been the thirteenth state to approve
|
|
the proposed amendment."
|
|
|
|
Dodge replies: "Article V [amendment procedures] of the Constitution
|
|
is silent on the question of whether or not the framers meant three-
|
|
fourths of the states at the time the proposed amendment is submitted to
|
|
the states for ratification, or three-fourths of the states that exist at som
|
|
future point in time. Since only the existingstates were involved in the
|
|
debate and vote of Congress on the Resolve proposing an Amendment,
|
|
it is reasonable that ratification be limited to those States that took an
|
|
active part in the Amendment process."
|
|
|
|
Dodge demonstrated this rationale by pointing out that, "President
|
|
Monroe had his Secretary of State... [ask the] governors of Virginia,
|
|
South Carolina, and Connecticut, in January, 1818, as to the status of
|
|
the amendment in their respective states. The four new states (Louisiana,
|
|
Indiana, Mississippi, and Illinois) that were added to the union between
|
|
1810 and 1818 were not even considered."
|
|
|
|
From a modern perspective, it seems strange that not all states would be
|
|
included in the ratification process. But bear in mind that our
|
|
perspective is based on life in a stable nation that's added only five new
|
|
states in this century -- about one every eighteen years. However,
|
|
between 1803 and 1821 (when the 13th Amendment ratification drama
|
|
unfolded), they added eight states -- almost one new state every two
|
|
years. This rapid national growth undoubtedly fostered national
|
|
attitudes different from our own. The government had to be filled with
|
|
the euphoria of a growing Republic that expected to quickly add new
|
|
states all the way to the Pacific Ocean and the Isthmus of Panama. The
|
|
government would not willingly compromise or complicate that growth
|
|
potential with procedural obstacles; to involve every new state in each
|
|
on-going ratification could inadvertently slow the nation's growth.
|
|
For example, if a territory petitioned to join the Union while an
|
|
Amendment was being considered, its access to statehood might depend
|
|
on whether the territory expected to ratify or reject a proposed
|
|
amendment. If the territory was expected to ratify the proposed
|
|
Amendment government, officials who favored the Amendment might try
|
|
to accelerate the territory's entry into the Union. On the other hand,
|
|
those opposed to the Amendment might try to slow or even deny a
|
|
particular territory's statehood. These complications could unnecessarily
|
|
slow the entry of new states into the nation, or restrict the nation's ability
|
|
to pass new Amendments. Neither possibility could appeal to
|
|
politicians. Whatever the reason, the House of Representatives
|
|
resolved to ask only Connecticut, South Carolina, and Virginia for their
|
|
decision on ratifying the 13th Amendment -- they did not ask for the
|
|
decisions of the four new states. Since the new states had
|
|
Representatives in the House who did not protest when the resolve was
|
|
passed, it's apparent that even the new states agreed that they should not
|
|
be included in the ratification process.
|
|
|
|
In 1818, the President, the House of Representatives, the Secretary of
|
|
State, the four "new" states, and the seventeen "old" states, all clearly
|
|
believed that the support of just thirteen states was required to ratify the
|
|
13th Amendment. That being so, Virginia's vote to ratify was legally
|
|
sufficient to ratify the "missing' Amendment in 1819 (and would still be
|
|
so today).
|
|
|
|
|
|
INSULT TO INJURY
|
|
Apparently persuaded by Dodge's various arguments and proofs that the
|
|
"missing" 13th Amendment had satisfied the Constitutional requirements
|
|
for ratification, Mr. Hartgrove (National Archives) wrote back that
|
|
Virginia had nevertheless failed to satisfy the bureaucracy's procedural
|
|
requirements for ratification:
|
|
"Under current legal provisions, the Archivist of the
|
|
United States is empowered to certify that he has in
|
|
his custody the correct number of state certificates
|
|
of ratification of a proposed constitutional amendment
|
|
to constitute its ratification by the United States of
|
|
America as a whole. In the nineteenth century, that
|
|
function was performed by the Secretary of State.
|
|
Clearly, the Secretary of State never received a
|
|
certificate of ratification of the title of nobility
|
|
amendment from the Commonwealth of Virginia,
|
|
which is why that amendment failed to become the
|
|
Thirteenth Amendment to the United States
|
|
Constitution."
|
|
This is an extraordinary admission.
|
|
|
|
Mr. Hartgrove implicitly concedes that the 13th Amendment was ratified
|
|
by Virginia and satisfied the Constitution's ratification requirements.
|
|
However, Hartgrove then insists that the ratification was nevertheless
|
|
justly denied because the Secretary of State was not properly notified
|
|
with a "certificate of ratification". In other words, the government's last,
|
|
best argument that the 13th Amendment was not ratified boils down to
|
|
this: Though the Amendment satisfied Constitutional requirement for
|
|
ratification, it is nonetheless missing from our Constitution simply
|
|
because a single, official sheet of paper is missing in Washington. Mr.
|
|
Hartgrove implies that despite the fact that three-quarters of the States in
|
|
the Union voted to ratify an Amendment, the will of the legislators and
|
|
the people of this nation should be denied because somebody screwed up
|
|
and lost a single "certificate of ratification". This "certificate" may be
|
|
missing because either 1) Virginia failed to file a proper notice; or 2) the
|
|
notice was "lost in the mail; or 3) the notice was lost, unrecorded,
|
|
misplaced, or intentionally destroyed, by some bureaucrat in Washington
|
|
D.C.
|
|
|
|
This final excuse insults every American's political rights, but Mr.
|
|
Hartgrove nevertheless offers a glimmer of hope: If the National
|
|
Archives "received a certificate of ratification of the title of nobility
|
|
amendment from the Commonwealth of Virginia, we would inform
|
|
Congress and await further developments." In other words, the issue of
|
|
whether this 13th Amendment was ratified and is, or is not, a legitimate
|
|
Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, is not merely a historical curiosity
|
|
-- the ratification issue is still live.
|
|
|
|
*2*
|
|
But most importantly, Hartgrove implies that the only remaining
|
|
argument against the 13th Amendment's ratification is a procedural error
|
|
involving the absence of a "certificate of ratification".
|
|
|
|
Dodge countered Hartgrove's procedure argument by citing some of the
|
|
ratification procedures recorded for other states when the 13th
|
|
Amendment was being considered. He notes that according to the
|
|
Journal of the House of Representatives. 11th Congress, 2nd Session, at
|
|
p. 241, a "letter" (not a "certificate of ratification") from the Governor of
|
|
Ohio announcing Ohio's ratification was submitted not to the Secretary
|
|
of State but rather to the House of Representatives where it "was read
|
|
and ordered to lie on the table." Likewise, "The Kentucky ratification
|
|
was also returned to the House, while Maryland's earlier ratification is
|
|
not listed as having been return to Congress."
|
|
|
|
The House Journal implies that since Ohio and Kentucky were not
|
|
required to notify the Secretary of State of their ratification decisions,
|
|
there was likewise no requirement that Virginia file a "certificate of
|
|
ratification" with the Secretary of State. Again, despite arguments to the
|
|
contrary, it appears that the "missing" Amendment was Constitutionally
|
|
ratified and should not be denied because of some possible procedural
|
|
error.
|
|
|
|
|
|
QUICK, MEN! TO THE ARCHIVES!
|
|
Each of Sen. Mitchell's and Mr. Hartgrove's arguments against
|
|
ratification have been overcome or badly weakened. Still, some of the
|
|
evidence supporting ratification is inferential; some of the conclusions
|
|
are only implied. But it's no wonder that there's such an austere
|
|
sprinkling of hard evidence surrounding this 13th Amendment:
|
|
According to The Gazette (5/10/91), the Library of Congress has
|
|
349,402 un-catalogued rare books and 13.9 million un-catalogued rare
|
|
manuscripts. The evidence of ratification seems tantalizingly close but
|
|
remains buried in those masses of un-catalogued documents, waiting to
|
|
be found. It will take some luck and some volunteers to uncover the
|
|
final proof.
|
|
|
|
We have an Amendment that looks like a duck, walks like a duck, and
|
|
quacks like a duck. But because we have been unable to find the
|
|
eggshell from which it hatched in 1819, Sen. Mitchell and Mr. Hartgrove
|
|
insist we can't ... quite ... absolutely prove it's a duck, and therefore, the
|
|
government is under no obligation to concede it's a duck.
|
|
|
|
Maybe so.
|
|
|
|
But if we can't prove it's a duck, they can't prove it's not. If the proof of
|
|
ratification is not quite conclusive, the evidence against ratification is
|
|
almost nonexistent, largely a function of the government's refusal to
|
|
acknowledge the proof. We are left in the peculiar position of boys
|
|
facing bullies in the schoolyard. We show them proof that they should
|
|
again include the "missing" 13th Amendment on the Constitution; they
|
|
sneer and jeer and taunt us with cries of "make us". Perhaps we shall.
|
|
The debate goes on. The mystery continues to unfold. The answer lies
|
|
buried in the archives.
|
|
|
|
If you are close to a state archive or large library anywhere in the USA,
|
|
please search for editions of the U.S. Constitution printed between 1819
|
|
and 1870. If you find more evidence of the "missing" 13th Amendment
|
|
please contact
|
|
|
|
David Dodge,
|
|
POB 985,
|
|
Taos,New Mexico, 87571.
|
|
|
|
1) It's worth noting that Rick Donaldson, another researcher,
|
|
uncovered certified copies of the 1865 and 1867 editions of the
|
|
Colorado Civil Codes which also contain the missing Amendment.
|
|
Although these editions were stored in the Colorado state archive, their
|
|
existence was previously un-catalogued and unknown to the Colorado
|
|
archivists.
|
|
|
|
2) This raises a fantastic possibility. If there's insufficient evidence
|
|
that Virginia did ratify in 1819, there is no evidence that Virginia did
|
|
not. Therefore, since there was no time limit specified when the
|
|
Amendment was proposed, and since the government clearly believed
|
|
only Virginia's vote remained to be counted in the ratification issue, the
|
|
current state legislature of Virginia could theoretically vote to ratify the
|
|
Amendment, send the necessary certificates to Washington, and thereby
|
|
add the Amendment to the Constitution.
|