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278 lines
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Plaintext
278 lines
8.9 KiB
Plaintext
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The Immorality of the State
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by Mikhail Bakunin [1814-1876]
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Transcribed by The Dak
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Holiday Inn, Cambodia BBS 209/456-8584
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=======================================
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The existence of a single limited State necessarily presupposed the
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existence, and if necessary provokes the formation of several States, it
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being quite natural that the individuals who find themselves outside of this
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State and who are menaced by it in their existence and liberty, should in
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turn league themselves against it. Here we have humanity broken up into an
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indefinite number of States which are foreign, hostile, and menacing toward
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one another.
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There is no common right, and no social contract among them, for if such a
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contract and right existed, the various States would cease to be absolutely
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independent of one another, becoming federated members of one great State.
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Unless this great State embraces humanity as a whole, it will necessarily
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have against it the hostility of other great States, federated internally.
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Thus war would always be supreme law and the inherent necessity of the very
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existence of humanity.
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Every State, whether it is of a federative or a non-federative character,
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must seek, under the penalty of utter ruin, to become the most powerful of
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States. It has to devour others in order not to be devoured in turn, to
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conquer in order not to be conquered, to enslave in order not to be enslaved
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- for two similar and at the same time alien powers, cannot co-exist without
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destroying each other.
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THE STATE THEN IS THE MOST FLAGRANT NEGATION, THE MOST CYNICAL AND
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COMPLETE NEGATION OF HUMANITY. It rends apart the universal solidarity of
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all men upon earth, and it unites some of them only in order to destroy,
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conquer, and enslave all the rest. It takes under its protection only its
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own citizens, and it recognizes human right, humanity, and civilization only
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within the confines of its own boundries. And since it does not recognize
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any right outside of its own confines, it quite logically arrogated to itself
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the right to treat with the most ferocious inhumanity all the foreign
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populations whom it can pillage, exterminate, or subordinate to its will.
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Since international law does not exist, and since it never can exist in a
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serious and real manner without undermining the very foundations of the
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principle of absolute State sovereignty, the State cannot have any duties
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toward foreign populations. If then it treats humanely a conquered people,
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if it does not go to the full length in pillaging and exterminating it, and
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does not reduce it to the last degree of slavery, it does so perhaps because
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of considerations of political expediency and prudence, or even because of
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pure magnanimity, but never because of duty - for it has an absolute right to
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dispose of them in any way it deems fit.
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This flagrant negation of humanity, which constitutes the very essence of
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the State, is from the point of view of the latter the supreme duty and the
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greatest virtue: it is called PATRIOTISM and it constitutes the TRANSCENDENT
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MORALITY of the State. We call it the transcendent morality because
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ordinarily it transcends the level of human morality and justice, whether
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private or common, and thereby it often sets itself in shard contradiction to
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them. Thus, for instance, to offend, oppress, rob, plunder, assassinate, or
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enslave one's fellowman is, to the ordinary morality of man, to commit a
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serious crime.
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In public life, on the contrary, from the point of view of patriotism,
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when it is done for the greater glory of the State in order to conserve or to
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enlarge its power, all that becomes a duty and a virtue. And this duty, this
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virtue, are obligatory upon every patriotic citizen. Everyone is expected to
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discharge those duties not only in respect to strangers but in respect to his
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fellow-citizens, members and subjects of the same State, whenever the welfare
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of the State demands it from him.
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The supreme law of the State is self-preservation at any cost. And since
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all States, ever since they came to exist upon the earth, have been condemned
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to perpetual struggle - a struggle against their own populations, whom they
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oppress and ruin, a struggle against all foreign States, every one of which
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can be strong only if the others are weak - and since the States cannot hold
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their own in this struggle unless they constantly keep on augmenting their
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power against their own subjects as well as against the neighborhood States -
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- it follows that the supreme law of the State is the augmentation of its
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power to the detriment of internal liberty and external justice.
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Such is in its stark reality the sole morality, the sole aim of the State.
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It worships God himself only because he is its own exclusive God, the
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sanction of its power and of that which it calls its right, that is, the
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right to exist at any cost and always to expand at the cost of other States.
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Whatever serves to promote this end is worthwhile, legitimate, and virtuous.
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Whatever harms it is criminal. The morality of the State then is the
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reversal of human justice and human morality.
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The State has to recognize in its own hypocritical manner the powerful
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sentiment of humanity. In the face of this fainful alternative there remains
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only one way out: and that it hypocrisy. The States pay their outward
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respects to this idea of humanity; they speak and apparently act only in the
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name of it, but they violate it every day. This, however, should not be held
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against the States. They cannot act otherwise, their position having become
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such that they can hold their own only by lying. Diplomacy has no other
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mission.
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Therefore what do we see? Every time a State wants to declare war upon
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another State, it starts off by launching a manifesto addressed not only to
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its own subjects but to the whole world. In this manifesto it declares that
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right and justice are on its side, and it endeavors to prove that it is
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actuated only by love of peace and humanity and that, imbued with generous
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and peaceful sentiments, it suffered for a long time in silence until the
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mounting iniquity of its enemy forced it to bare its sword. At the same time
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it vows that, disdainful of all material conquest and not seeking any
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increase in territory, it will put and end to this war as soon as justice is
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reestablished. And its antagonist answers with a similar manifesto, in which
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naturally right, justice, humanity, and all the generous sentiments are to be
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found respectively on its side.
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Those mutually opposed manifestos are written with the same eloquence,
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they breathe the same virtuous indignation, and one is just as sincere as the
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other; that is to say both of them are equally brazen in their lies, and it
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is only fools who are deceived by them. Sensible persons, all those who have
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had some political experience, do not even take the trouble of reading such
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manifestoes. On the contrary, they seek ways to uncover the interests
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driving both adversaries into this war, and to weigh the respective power of
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each of them in order to guess the outcome of the struggle. Which only goes
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to prove that moral issues are not at stake in such wars.
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Perpetual war is the price of the State's existence. The rights of
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peoples, as well as the treaties regulating the relations of the States, lack
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any moral sanction. In every definite historic epoch they are the material
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expression of the equilibrium resulting from the mutual antagonism of States.
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So long as States exist, there will be no peace. There will be only more or
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less prolonged respites, armistices concluded by the perpetually belligerent
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States; but as soon as the State feels sufficiently strong to destroy this
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equilibrium to its advantage, it will never fail to do so. The history of
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humanity fully bears out this point.
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Crimes are the moral climate of the States. This explains to us why ever
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since history began, that is, ever since States came inmto existence, the
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political world has always been and still continues to be the stage for high
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knavery and unsurpassed brigandage - brigandage and knavery which are held in
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high honor, since they are ordained by patriotism, transcendent morality, and
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by the supreme interest of the State. This explains to us why all the
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history of ancient and modern States is nothing more than a series of
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revolting crimes; why present and past kings and ministers of all times and
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of all countries - statesmen, diplomats, bureaucrats, and warriors - if
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judged from the point of view of simple morality and human justice, deserve a
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thousand times the gallows of penal servitude.
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For there is no terror, cruelty, sacrilege, perjury, imposture, infamous
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transaction, cynical theft, brazen robbery or foul treason which has not been
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committed and all are still being committed daily by representatives of the
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State, with no other excuse than this elastic, at times so convenient and
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terrible phrase REASON OF STATE.
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