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<p>CUBA, CASTRO, and the UNITED STATES
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or How One Man With A Cigar Dominated American Foreign Policy</p>
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<p> In 1959, a rebel, Fidel Castro, overthrew the reign of
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Fulgencia Batista in Cuba; a small island 90 miles off the
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Florida coast. There have been many coups and changes of
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government in the world since then. Few if any have had the
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effect on Americans and American foreign policy as this one.</p>
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<p>In 1952, Sergeant Fulgencia Batista staged a successful
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bloodless coup in Cuba . </p>
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<p>Batista never really had any cooperation and rarely
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garnered much support. His reign was marked by continual
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dissension.
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</p>
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<p> After waiting to see if Batista would be seriously opposed,
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Washington recognized his government. Batista had already
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broken ties with the Soviet Union and became an ally to the
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U.S. throughout the cold war. He was continually friendly and
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helpful to American business interest. But he failed to bring
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democracy to Cuba or secure the broad popular support that
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might have legitimized his rape of the 1940 Constitution.</p>
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<p>As the people of Cuba grew increasingly dissatisfied with
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his gangster style politics, the tiny rebellions that had
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sprouted began to grow. Meanwhile the U.S. government was
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aware of and shared the distaste for a regime increasingly
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nauseating to most public opinion. It became clear that Batista
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regime was an odious type of government. It killed its own
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citizens, it stifled dissent. (1)</p>
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<p> At this time Fidel Castro appeared as leader of the growing
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rebellion. Educated in America he was a proponent of the
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Marxist-Leninist philosophy. He conducted a brilliant guerilla
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campaign from the hills of Cuba against Batista. On January
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1959, he prevailed and overthrew the Batista government.</p>
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<p>Castro promised to restore democracy in Cuba, a feat
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Batista had failed to accomplish. This promise was looked
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upon benevolently but watchfully by Washington. Castro was
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believed to be too much in the hands of the people to stretch
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the rules of politics very far. The U.S. government supported
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Castro's coup. It professed to not know about Castro's
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Communist leanings. Perhaps this was due to the ramifications
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of Senator Joe McCarty's discredited anti-Communist diatribes.</p>
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<p>It seemed as if the reciprocal economic interests of the
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U.S. and Cuba would exert a stabilizing effect on Cuban
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politics. Cuba had been economically bound to find a market for
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its #1 crop, sugar. The U.S. had been buying it at prices much
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higher than market price. For this it received a guaranteed
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flow of sugar. (2)</p>
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<p>Early on however developments clouded the hope for peaceful
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relations. According to American Ambassador to Cuba, Phillip
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Bonsal, "From the very beginning of his rule Castro and his
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sycophants bitterly and sweepingly attacked the relations of
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the United States government with Batista and his regime".(3)
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He accused us of supplying arms to Batista to help overthrow
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Castro's revolution and of harboring war criminals for a
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resurgence effort against him. For the most part these were
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not true: the U.S. put a trade embargo on Batista in 1957
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stopping the U.S. shipment of arms to Cuba. (4) However, his
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last accusation seems to have been prescient.</p>
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<p>With the advent of Castro the history of U.S.- Cuban
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relations was subjected to a revision of an intensity and
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cynicism which left earlier efforts in the shade. This
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downfall took two roads in the eyes of Washington: Castro's
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incessant campaign of slander against the U.S. and Castro's
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wholesale nationalization of American properties.</p>
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<p>These actions and the U.S. reaction to them set the stage
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for what was to become the Bay of Pigs fiasco and the end of
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U.S.- Cuban relations.</p>
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<p>Castro promised the Cuban people that he would bring land
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reform to Cuba. When he took power, the bulk of the nations
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wealth and land was in the hands of a small minority. The huge
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plots of land were to be taken from the monopolistic owners and
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distributed evenly among the people. Compensation was to be
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paid to the former owners. According to Phillip Bonsal, "
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Nothing Castro said, nothing stated in the agrarian reform
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statute Castro signed in 1958, and nothing in the law that was
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promulgated in the Official Gazzette of June 3, 1959, warranted
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the belief that in two years a wholesale conversion of Cuban
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agricultural land to state ownership would take place".(5) Such
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a notion then would have been inconsistent with many of the
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Castro pronouncements, including the theory of a peasant
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revolution and the pledges to the landless throughout the
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nation. Today most of the people who expected to become
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independent farmers or members of cooperatives in the operation
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of which they would have had a voice are now laborers on the
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state payroll. (6) </p>
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<p>After secretly drawing up his Land Reform Law, Castro used
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it to form the National Institute of Agrarian Reform (INRA)
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with broad and ill defined powers. Through the INRA Castro
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methodically seized all American holdings in Cuba. He promised
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compensation but frequently never gave it. He conducted
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investigations into company affairs, holding control over them
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in the meantime, and then never divulging the results or giving
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back the control. (7)</p>
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<p>These seizures were protested. On January 11 Ambassador
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Bonsal delivered a note to Havana protesting the Cuban
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government seizure of U.S. citizens property. The note was
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rejected the same night as a U.S. attempt to keep economic
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control over Cuba. (8)</p>
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<p>As this continued Castro was engineering a brilliant
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propaganda campaign aimed at accusing the U.S. of "conspiring
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with the counter revolutionaries against the Castro regime"(9).
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Castro's ability to whip the masses into a frenzy with wispy
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fallacies about American "imperialist" actions against Cuba was
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his main asset. He constantly found events which he could work
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the "ol Castro magic " on, as Nixon said , to turn it into
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another of the long list of grievances, real or imagined, that
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Cuba had suffered.</p>
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<p>Throughout Castro's rule there had been numerous minor
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attacks and disturbances in Cuba. Always without any
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investigation whatsoever, Castro would blatantly and publicly
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blame the U.S.. </p>
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<p>Castro continually called for hearings at the Organization
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of American States and the United Nations to hear charges
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against the U.S. of "overt aggression". These charges were
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always denied by the councils. (10)</p>
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<p>Two events that provided fuel for the Castro propaganda
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furnace stand out. These are the "bombing" of Havana on
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October 21 and the explosion of the French munitions ship La
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Coubre on March 4, 1960.(11)</p>
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<p>On the evening of October 21 the former captain of the
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rebel air force, Captain Dian-Lanz, flew over Havana and
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dropped a quantity of virulently anti-Castro leaflets. This was
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an American failure to prevent international flights in
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violation of American law. Untroubled by any considerations of
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truth or good faith, the Cuban authorities distorted the
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facts of the matter and accused the U.S. of a responsibility
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going way beyond negligence. Castro, not two days later,
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elaborated a bombing thesis, complete with "witnesses", and
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launched a propaganda campaign against the U.S. Ambassador
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Bonsal said, "This incident was so welcome to Castro for his
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purposes that I was not surprised when, at a later date, a
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somewhat similar flight was actually engineered by Cuban secret
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agents in Florida."(12)</p>
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<p> This outburst constituted "the beginning of the end " in
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U.S.- Cuban relations. President Eisenhower stated ,"Castro's
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performance on October 26 on the "bombing" of Havana spelled
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the end of my hope for rational relations between Cuba and the
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U.S."(13)</p>
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<p>Up until 1960 the U.S. had followed a policy of non
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intervention in Cuba. It had endured the slander and seizure
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of lands, still hoping to maintain relations. This ended,
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when, on March 4, the French munitions ship La Coubre arrived
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at Havana laden with arms and munitions for the Cuban
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government. It promptly blew up with serious loss of life. (14)</p>
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<p>Castro and his authorities wasted no time venomously
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denouncing the U.S. for an overt act of sabotage. Some
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observers concluded that the disaster was due to the careless
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way the Cubans unloaded the cargo. (15) Sabotage was possible
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but it was preposterous to blame the U.S. without even a
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pretense of an investigation. </p>
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<p>Castro's reaction to the La Coubre explosion may have been
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what tipped the scales in favor of Washington's abandonment of
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the non intervention policy. This, the continued slander, and
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the fact that the Embassy had had no reply from the Cuban
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government to its representations regarding the cases of
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Americans victimized by the continuing abuses of the INRA.</p>
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<p>The American posture of moderation was beginning to become,
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in the face of Castro's insulting and aggressive behavior, a
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political liability. (16)</p>
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<p>The new American policy, not announced as such, but
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implicit in the the actions of the United States government was
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one of overthrowing Castro by all means available to the U.S.
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short of open employment of American armed forces in Cuba.</p>
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<p>It was at this time that the controversial decision was
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taken to allow the CIA to begin recruiting and training of
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ex-Cuban exiles for anti-Castro military service. (17)</p>
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<p>Shortly after this decision, following in quick steps,
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aggressive policies both on the side of Cuba and the U.S. led
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to the eventual finale in the actual invasion of Cuba by the
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U.S!</p>
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<p>In June 1960 the U.S. started a series of economic
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aggressions toward Cuba aimed at accelerating their downfall.</p>
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<p>The first of these measures was the advice of the U.S. to
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the oil refineries in Cuba to refuse to handle the crude
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petroleum that the Cubans were receiving from the Soviet Union.
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The companies such as Shell and Standard Oil had been buying
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crude from their own plants in Venezuela at a high cost. The
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Cuban government demanded that the refineries process the crude
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they were receiving from Russia at a much cheaper price. These
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refineries refused at the U.S. advice stating that there were
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no provisions in the law saying that they must accept the
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Soviet product and that the low grade Russian crude would
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damage the machinery. The claim about the law may have been
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true but the charge that the cheaper Soviet
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crude damaging the
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machines seems to be an excuse to cover up the attempted
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economic strangulation of Cuba. (The crude worked just fine as
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is soon to be shown)</p>
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<p>Upon receiving the refusal Che Gueverra, the newly
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appointed head of the National Bank,and known anti-American,
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seized all three major oil company refineries and began
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producing all the Soviet crude,not just the 50% they had
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earlier bargained for. This was a big victory and a stepping
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stone towards increasing the soon to be controversial alliance
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with Russia.</p>
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<p>On July 6, a week after the intervention of the refineries,
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President Eisenhower announced that the balance of Cuba's 1960
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sugar quota for the supply of sugar to the U.S. was to be
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suspended. (18). This action was regarded as a reprisal to
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the intervention of the refineries. It seems obvious that it
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was a major element in the calculated overthrow of Castro.</p>
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<p>In addition to being an act of destroying the U.S. record
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for statesmanship in Latin America, this forced Cuba into
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Russia's arms and vice-versa.</p>
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<p>The immediate loss to Cuba was 900,000 tons of sugar
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unsold. This was valued at about $100,000,000.(19) Had the
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Russians not come to the rescue it would have been a serious
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blow to Cuba. But come to the rescue they did, cementing the
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Soviet-Cuban bond and granting Castro a present he could have
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never given himself. As Ernest Hemingway put it,"I just hope to
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Christ that the United States doesn't cut the sugar quota. That
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will really tear it. It will make Cuba a gift to the
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Russians." (20) And now the gift had been made.</p>
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<p>Castro had announced earlier in a speech that action
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against the sugar quota would cost Americans in Cuba "down to
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the nails in their shoes" (21) Castro did his best to carry
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that out. In a decree made as the Law of Nationalization, he
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authorized expropriation of American property at Che Gueverra's
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discretion. The compensation scheme was such that under
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current U.S. - Cuban trade relations it was worthless and
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therefore confiscation without compensation.</p>
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<p>The Soviet Unions assumption of responsibility of Cuba's
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economic welfare gave the Russians a politico-military stake in
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Cuba. Increased arms shipments from the U.S.S.R and
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Czechoslovakia enabled Castro to rapidly strengthen and expand
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his forces. On top of this Cuba now had Russian military
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support. On July 9, three days after President Eisenhowers
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sugar proclamation, Soviet Premier Nikita Kruschev announced,
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"The U.S.S.R is raising its voice and extending a helpful hand
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to the people of Cuba.....Speaking figuratively in case of
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necessity Soviet artillerymen can support the Cuban people with
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rocket fire. (22) Castro took this to mean direct commitment
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made by Russia to protect the Cuban revolution in case of U.S.
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attack. The final act of the U.S. in the field of economic
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aggression against Cuba came on October 19, 1960, in the form
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of a trade embargo on all goods except medicine and medical
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supplies. Even these were to be banned within a few months.
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Other than causing the revolutionaries some inconvenience, all
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the embargo accomplished was to give Castro a godsend. For the
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past 25 years Castro has blamed the shortages, rationings,
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breakdowns and even some of the unfavorable weather conditions
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on the U.S. blockade.</p>
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<p>On January 6, 1961, Castro formally broke relations with
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the United States and ordered the staff of the U.S. embassy to
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leave. Immediately after the break in relations he ordered
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full scale mobilization of his armed forces to repel an
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invasion from the United States, which he correctly asserted
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was imminent. For at this time the Washington administration,
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under new President-elect Kennedy was gearing up for the Cuban
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exile invasion of Cuba. The fact that this secret was ill kept
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led to increased arms being shipped to Cuba by Russia in late
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1960.</p>
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<p>President Kennedy inherited from the Eisenhower-Nixon
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administration the operation that became the Bay of Pigs
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expedition. The plan was ill conceived and a fiasco.</p>
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<p>Both Theodore Sorensen and Arthur Schlesinger describe the
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President as the victim of a process set in motion before his
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inauguration and which he, in the first few weeks of his
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administration, was unable to arrest in spite of his
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misgivings. Mr. Schlesinger writes -"Kennedy saw the project
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in the patios of the bureaucracy as a contingency plan. He did
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not yet realize how contingency planning could generate its own
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reality." (23)</p>
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<p>The fact is that Kennedy had promised to pursue a more
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successful policy towards Cuba. I fail to see how the proposed
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invasion could be looked upon as successful. The plan he
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inherited called for 1500 patriots to seize control over their
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seven million fellow citizens from over 100,000 well trained,
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well armed Castroite militia!</p>
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<p>As if the plan wasn't doomed from the start, the
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information the CIA had gathered about the strength of the
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uprising in Cuba was outrageously misleading. If we had won,
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it still would have taken prolonged U.S. intervention to make
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it work. This along with Kennedys decision to rule out
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American forces or even American officers or experts, whose
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participation was planned, doomed the whole affair.</p>
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<p>Additionally these impromptu ground rules were not relayed
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to the exiles by the CIA, who were expecting massive U.S.
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military backing!</p>
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<p>The exiles had their own problems; guns didn't work, ships
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sank, codes for communication were wrong, the ammunition was
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the wrong kind - everything that could go wrong, did. As could
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be imagined the anti-Castro opposition achieved not one of its
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permanent goals. Upon landing at the Bay of Pigs on April 17,
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1961, the mission marked a landmark failure in U.S. foreign
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politics. By April 20, only three days later, Castro's forces
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had completely destroyed any semblance of the mission: they
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killed 300 and captured the remaining 1,200!</p>
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<p>Many people since then have chastised Kennedy for his
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decision to pull U.S. military forces. I feel that his only
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mistake was in going ahead in the first place, although, as
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stated earlier, it seems as if he may not have had much choice.</p>
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<p>I feel Kennedy showed surer instincts in this matter than
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his advisors who pleaded with him not to pull U.S. forces. For
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if the expedition had succeeded due to American armed forces
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rather than the strength of the exile forces and the anti-
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Castro movement within Cuba, the post Castro government would
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have been totally unviable: it would have taken constant
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American help to shore it up. In this matter I share the
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opinion of `ambassador Ellis O. Briggs, who has written "The
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Bay of Pigs operation was a tragic experience for the Cubans
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who took part, but its failure was a fortunate (if mortifying)
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experience for the U.S., which otherwise might have been
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saddled with indefinite occupation of the island.</p>
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<p>Beyond its immediately damaging effects, the Bay of Pigs
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fiasco has shown itself to have far reaching consequences.</p>
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<p>Washington's failure to achieve its goal in Cuba provided
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the catalyst for Russia to seek an advantage and install
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nuclear missiles in Cuba. The resulting "missile crisis" in
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1962 was the closest we have been to thermonuclear war.</p>
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<p>America's gain may have been America's loss. A successful
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Bay of Pigs may have brought the United States one advantage.
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The strain on American political and military assets resulting
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from the need to keep the lid on in Cuba might have lid on Cuba
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might have led the President of the United States to resist,
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rather than to enthusiastically embrace, the advice he received
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in 1964 and 1965 to make a massive commitment of American air
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power, ground forces, and prestige in Vietnam.</p>
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<p>Cuban troops have been a major presence as Soviet
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surrogates all over the world, notably in Angola.</p>
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<p>The threat of exportation of Castro's revolution permeates
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U.S.-Central and South American policy. (Witness the invasion
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of Grenada.)</p>
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<p>This fear still dominates todays headlines. For years the
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U.S. has urged support for government of El Salvador and the
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right wing Contras in Nicaragua. The major concern underlying
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American policy in the area is Castro's influence. The fear of
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a Castro influenced regime in South and Central America had
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such control of American foreign policy as to almost topple the
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Presidency in the recent Iran - Contra affair. As a result the
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U.S. government has once again faced a crisis which threatens
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to destroy its credibility in foreign affairs. All because of
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one man with a cigar.</p>
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<p>In concluding I would like to state my own feelings on the
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whole affair as they formed in researching the topic. To
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start, all the information I could gather was one-sided. All
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the sources were American written, and encompassed an American
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point of view. In light of this knowledge, and with the
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advantage of hindsight, I have formulated my own opinion of
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this affair and how it might have been more productively
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handled. American intervention should have been held to a
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minimum. In an atmosphere of concentration on purely Cuban
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issues, opposition to Castro's personal dictatorship could be
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expected to grow. Admittedly, even justified American
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retaliation would have led to Cuban counterretaliation and so
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on with the prospect that step by step the same end result
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would have been attained as was in fact achieved. But the
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process would have lasted far longer; measured American
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responses might have appeared well deserved to an increasing
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number of Cubans, thus strengthening Cuban opposition to the
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regime instead of, as was the case, greatly stimulating
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revolutionary fervor, leaving the Russians no choice but to
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give massive support to the Revolution and fortifying the
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belief among anti-Castro Cubans that the United States was
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rapidly moving to liberate them. The economic pressures
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available to the United States were not apt to bring Castro to
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his knees, since the Soviets were capable of meeting Cuban
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requirements in such matters as oil and sugar. I believe the
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Cuban government would have been doomed by its own
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disorganization and incompetence and by the growing
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disaffection of an increasing number of the Cuban people. Left
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to its own devices, the Castro regime would have withered on
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the vine.
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ammunition was
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|
the wrong kind - everything that could go wrong, di
|
|
Downloaded from Just Say Yes. 2 lines, More than 1500 files online!
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Do you write? Give us a call! 415-922-2008 CASFA </p>
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Just Say Yes 415-922-1613
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Reality Check 415-474-2602
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<p> "Raw Data for Raw Nerves"</p>
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</xml> |