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681 lines
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<xml><p>
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The Computational Self
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by Robert M. Galatzer-Levy, M.D.
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180 <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> Michigan Avenue
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<ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Illinois</ent> 60601
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CIS PPN 722551101
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This is a paper original delivered at the First Annual Mathematics
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and Psychoanalysis Meeting in <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>, N.Y. on June 6, 1988. Any
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comments are very welcome.
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What I have to say today is more by way of posing a problem
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and indicating an area where I suspect the solution to lie than a
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coherent presentation of a new theory. I am going to talk about
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some elementary ideas from a branch of psychoanalysis called self
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psychology and some elementary ideas from computer science that
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seem to me to provide a framework for thinking about the self of
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self psychology and then invite you all to let me know whether what
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I have said has made sense and whether you can see directions for
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the development of these notions.
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Freud's effort to explain mental life on the basis of drives
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that are the psychological representations of biological
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disequilibria fell on hard times as he tried to work out the theory
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in detail. He introduced a new entity, the ego, dangerously close
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to a homunculus within the mind, that performed certain functions
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and vigorously protected itself from being "overwhelmed" or
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traumatized. The ego's functions included managing the persons
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relation to reality, regulations of drives, object relations,
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thought processing, defensive functions, perceptions and motor
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activity, and integration of all other psychological functions -
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its so called synthetic function.
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The concept of the ego became the center of <ent type='NORP'>American</ent>
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psychoanalytic theory in the forties ,fifties and sixties. Despite
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heroic, rigorous efforts to sharpen the terms's meaning, the
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confusion Freud left between the ego and the subjective experience
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of the self continued. This persistent confusions was not merely
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the result of intellectual sloppiness. Nor was it, as Bruno
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Bettleheim proposes, the result of Freud's English translators'
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discomfort the soul-like implications of the Freud's original idea.
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The difficult is more fundamental. The terminologic and theoretic
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confusion reflected a clinical reality.
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It often happens that people who functioned badly in the areas
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called "ego functions" also have major disturbances in their
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experience of the self and that the two types of difficulty are
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exacerbated or diminished in concert. The idea of the ego as a
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unitary entity is not just as a convenient, if confusing, name for
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the set of functions described earlier, a sort of waste basket for
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what is neither id nor superego. The term reflect the commonly
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observed covariation in these functions.
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The systematic exploration of the self experience began in
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psychoanalysis in the years following the second <ent type='EVENT'>world war</ent>, though,
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of course the concept of self has been the object of study since
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the dawn of civilization. Although he had significant
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psychoanalytic precursors, notably in the work of <ent type='PERSON'>Paul Federn</ent>, Erik
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<ent type='PERSON'>Erikson</ent> was the first to propose that the core of much
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psychopathology lies in disorders of self experience. Erikson's
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concept of identity, which amalgamated the many sources of beliefs
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about who one is is both evocative of common experience and proved
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clinically useful. Many kinds of difficultly, as well a normal, and
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supernormal psychological development can be usefully explored as
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experiences of loss or diffusion of identity or attempts to
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establish a satisfactory identity where one was lacking.
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Erikson's work is problematic from a psychoanalytic point of
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view for two reasons. First, reading <ent type='PERSON'>Erikson</ent> carefully one
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discovers that his wonderful portrayal of emotional states through
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imagery, metaphor and clinical detail is not matched by explicit,
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clear theoretical formulations. Second, his writings often focus
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on external environmental effects rather than people's
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psychological worlds and the manner of their construction.
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<ent type='PERSON'>Erikson</ent> never systematically described his therapeutic
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approach to his patients. However, it is clear that he consistently
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placed a positive connotation on his patients' struggles. He
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demonstrated how manifest psychopathology could be understood as
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potentially successful attempts to achieve valuable identities,
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that while there might be difficulties in the way the patient's
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basic project and his ways of attempting to accomplish it were
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closer to healthy development than the patient or the society might
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recognize. Erikson's psychobiographical studies of Luther, <ent type='PERSON'>Gandhi</ent>,
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<ent type='PERSON'>Hitler</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> are messages to readers, many of them young, about
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the value of their struggles to form workable identities. Erikson's
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implicit view is that an appreciative stance toward the patients'
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struggles which include or dominated by external realities is
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therapeutic.
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In the years following the second <ent type='EVENT'>world war</ent> Harry Stack
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<ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>, observed that the experience of the self of many of his
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schizophrenic patients was grossly disturbed. Borrowing from the
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<ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent> School of Sociology, most notably <ent type='PERSON'>George Herbert Mead</ent>,
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<ent type='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> conceptualized the self as a summation of social roles,
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some of them retained without full awareness from archaic periods
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of development. In this "interpersonal theory" of psychology
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pathology resulted from a self system that was internal incongruent
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or problematic in terms of the environment. Therapeutic
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intervention consisted in understanding and appropriately revising
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the self system in the light of more mature and current
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understanding. What is central to our discussion is Sullivan's view
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that the self system was both the product of the external
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environment and made no sense whatever outside of a social system.
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Several analysts, notably <ent type='PERSON'>Klein</ent>, Winnicott, Khan, Fairburn,
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Bion, Spitz, and <ent type='ORG'>Modell</ent> emphasized the role of holding environment,
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environmental container or the "mother" in the development of the
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self. From their very different perspectives each emphasized how
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the self's growth required an external situation of being "held"
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as the emerging and vulnerable self gained strength and autonomy.
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People whose psychopathology centered in problematically self
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development, a condition that all these authors equated with
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difficulties in the first two years of life, could work out their
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problems if provided with an analytic situation that allowed them
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to reengage those phases with the analyst experienced as the
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archaic maternal environment of that era. Some of these analysts
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believed, like Melaine <ent type='PERSON'>Klein</ent>, that these very early situations
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involved inherent conflicts that now be resolved through
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interpretation in analysis. Others like <ent type='PERSON'>Donald Winnicott</ent> held that
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new experiences, "beyond interpretation," with a good-enough object
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were needed so that the developmental failure could be righted
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through new development. The theoretical formulations of many of
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these authors was either so inherently fantastic, or so abstruse,
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or so unsystematic that their work has had relatively little
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influence on psychoanalytic theory beyond the range of their
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immediate followers. It is only now being integrated into the
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mainstream of psychoanalytic thought.
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<ent type='PERSON'>Margaret Mahler</ent> and her coworkers also concerned themselves
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with he early development of the self. They centered their
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attention on the era of late toddlerhood that involved the
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difficulties of the child emerging from a state they called
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"symbiosis" in which the experience of the self includes the care
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taking environment into a state of being an individual in one's own
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right. Based on treatment experiences with youngsters and adults
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who seemed to have difficulties in the area of the self experience
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and observations of toddlers, which unfortunately were dominated
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by their preexisting theory, <ent type='PERSON'>Mahler</ent> and her group concluded that
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much of the difficulty in self experience arose from a failure to
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adequately separate from the mother of infancy. Although there are
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many well informed analysts who would disagree with me, I will
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assert that the overwhelming data of infant and later developmental
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studies demonstrate that Mahler's symbiotic phase is not part of
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normal development nor is separateness, in the sense she meant it,
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characteristic of ordinary or healthy more mature psychological
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function.
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However the clinical observations that lead to Mahler's
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thinking and that have been explained in terms of her theories are
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certainly common. That is, there are many people who seem to have
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shaky experiences of themselves and function with a conflicting
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notions that on the one hand they desperately need other people if
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they are to function at all reasonably and that some core aspect
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of themselves is in danger precisely in these urgently needed
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interactions.
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Starting in the sixties in <ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent> <ent type='PERSON'>Heinz Kohut</ent> initiated a
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psychoanalytic study of disorders of the self. His approach to
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these researches was methodologically distinct and is worth a
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moment's pause. First he took a radical position, that he claimed,
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incorrectly at the time, to be a standard one, that psychoanalytic
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data was collected in a manner different from that of the natural
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sciences. He asserted that it is possible and usually to
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immediately comprehend complex psychological configurations in
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others and that such understanding ordinary mode of operation of
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the working analyst. Empathy for other's internal states, as a mode
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of comprehension, was, for <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent>, similar to the way we perceive
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faces - as a complete and immediate gestalt. Analytic training and
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technique are designed to maximize the analyst's ability to use
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this investigative tool and to overcoming its pitfalls, just a
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training in microscopy enables us to vastly extend ordinary visual
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capacities. While <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> claimed to be making explicit what everyone
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did anyway, his position, right or wrong, was deeply antithetical
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to Freud's view of psychoanalysis as a natural science-like
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investigation and also Hartman's explicit statements that empathy
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in the sense that <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> meant it had no appropriate role in
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psychoanalytic investigation.
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A second, and less problematically, position about
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psychoanalytic investigative method was Kohut's position on
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transference. In his early writings on self psychology <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent>
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assumed that the only data to be taken seriously in psychoanalysis
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were the data of the transference. The various stories the patient
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told, the analyst's conceptual framework and responses and all the
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other stuff the analyst commonly use to frame a picture of the
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patient's psychology was of minimal importance compared to the job
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of describing and understanding the interaction between patient
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and analyst. <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> also believed that premature interpretations to
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the effect that the patient was avoiding knowing something about
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himself often interfered with the full blossoming of the
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transference. According to <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent>, premature interpretations,
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particularly premature interpretations of defense often resulted
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in the analyst discovering evidence that confirmed their
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preexisting notions because they misunderstood possibly contrary
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clinical facts as representative of the patients' avoidance of
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already known realities.
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Using empathy and the exploration of transference as their
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primary tools, <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> and his students treated a group of patients
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whose distress took three overlapping forms. One group of patients
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suffered from feelings of depletion, emptiness, triviality and/or
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fragmentation. These experiences often took symbolic expression in
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the form of hypochondriasis. Another set of patients were engaged
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in activities that seemed enormously driven or addictive such as
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sexual promiscuity and perversion, shop lifting, desperately
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clinging relations to other people and substance abuse. Finally,
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some of the patients had chronic and acute states of tantrum like
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rage.
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In analysis, at least as conducted by <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> and his followers,
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these patients developed characteristic attitudes to the analyst
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that <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> labeled selfobject transferences. Characteristically,
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often against considerable internal resistance, these patients came
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to experience the analyst as essential to their well being. His
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physical or psychological absence variously precipitated great
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distress and/or the reemergence of symptoms that had been
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previously remitted. For example, a young man who had entered
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analysis much distressed by his promiscuous homosexual behavior
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reported what for him was a major business success during a
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session. The analyst, noting that the patient's anxiety had
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interfered with an even greater accomplishment, made the plausible
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interpretation that the patient had inhibited himself from doing
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even better because he experienced his business competitor as like
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the analyst and feared the analyst's reprisal if the patient beat
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him in competition. The interpretation was bolstered by several
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significant details that made it plausible and the patient thought
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it was "right on the mark" and promised "to try to do better next
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time." Retrospectively he said he had felt irritable and "headachy"
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during and immediately after the interpretation was given. That
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evening he returned to a gay pornographic movie theatre were there
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was much sexual activity among the patrons. Before the analysis
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this was one of his regular haunts but he had stopped patronizing
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the theatre many months before. The patient allowed several men to
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perform fellatio on him. He felt angry and painfully excited as he
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thought the fallators really appreciated what he had. In response
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to what he felt was the analysts inadequately appreciative response
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the patient had desperately turned to a more concrete indication
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that someone could appreciate his accomplishments. Another patient
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experienced every weekend as "like being sent away to live in the
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<ent type='LOC'>Sahara</ent> in a desert" and the return to the analysis as "like coming
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back to the oasis."
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When their feelings are not interrupted these patients like
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these experience the analyst in characteristic ways that <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent>
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described with oversimplifying systemticity. Some patients
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idealized the analyst seeing in him the embodiment of strength and
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good and feeling alive and whole in his presence. Others find
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relief in the sense of being in a unity with their analyst, or
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being like him or being appreciated by him. Interruptions in these
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states of mind commonly bring with them inordinate distress or
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symptoms which could be reasonably understood as experiences of a
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fragmented or devitalized self or attempts to avoid those
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experiences.
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From these clinical experiences <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> posited that there were
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a group of people for whom the maintenance of a satisfactory self
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experience was centrally important because it was so problematic.
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The analyses of these patients was characterized by the use of the
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analyst to maintain the a cohesive and vital self by using the
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image of the analyst as part of the self or as a support for the
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self. Any interruption in the capacity to use the analyst in this
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manner lead to the reemergence of problems in this area. The
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situation within the analysis was equated with postulated normal
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developmental states in which the caretaker ordinarily performs the
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functions for the self. These functions <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> called selfobject
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functions and he believed his patients to be suffering from
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disorders of the self resultant on traumatic failures of early
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selfobject functions. As in normal development small, empathically
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supported, failures in the selfobject function allow patients to
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identify with the image of the way the analyst should have
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functioned and to make those functions more their own. However
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mental health does not consist in giving up self objects. <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent>
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asserted that selfobject functions normally continue across the
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course of life and that it is their qualities, not their existence,
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that is altered with maturity. (Having made this assertion <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent>
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never elaborated or demonstrated it. Recently <ent type='PERSON'>Bertram Cohler</ent> and
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myself have undertaken the task of exploring the empirical evidence
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for Kohut's position.)
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Kohut's findings, and the findings of many of those who have
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examined the psychology of the self from other viewpoints, have
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been questioned in too apparently distinct ways, whose
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interconnection I will show you in a moment.
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The first objection is that Kohut's theories serve to avoid
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painful psychological truths. Many of the phenomena <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> observed
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had been observed previously and classified as defensive
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operations. For example, idealizations of the analyst were commonly
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understood as ways both to avoid knowing of the unconscious
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demeaning of the analyst and to arrange for disappointments when
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the analyst fails to live up to the idealization as he inevitably
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must. The idea that the patient "needs" the analyst to function in
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some certain fashion lest his core being be seriously damaged could
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be understood as a fantasied misunderstanding designed to
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rationalize wishes whose non-fulfillment may be extremely
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frustrating but not inherently, must less psychologically fatally,
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damaging.
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The second set of objections has to do with the theory of the
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self. <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> never clearly defines his central concept of the self.
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Essentially he says that everyone knows from experience what the
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self is and leaves it at that. After studying the many discussions
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of the meaning of the "self" in the psychoanalytic literature one
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is reminded of the Buddha's comments on the self. He said that
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those who believe in the self are like "a man who says that he is
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in love with the most beautiful woman in the land, but is unable
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to specify her name, her family or her appearance" (<ent type='PERSON'>Digha Nikaya</ent>
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I 193, quoted in <ent type='ORG'>Carrithers</ent> (1983).) The essential theoretical
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difficulty was clarified by <ent type='PERSON'>Meissner</ent> who pointed out that the term
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self as habitually used by <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> and most other writers whose work
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places the self at the center of psychological life, is
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consistently used to refer to both a psychological representation
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and also a psychological agent. Although more systematic
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researchers, for example <ent type='PERSON'>Hartman</ent>, limit the concept of self to a
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psychological representation of the person, they also give the self
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a markedly subsidiary role in psychology. Meissner's argument is
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quite similar to Schafer's later discussions of internalization in
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which <ent type='PERSON'>Schafer</ent> observed that the elaborate analytic theories of
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internalization were in fact nothing more then the translation into
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psychoanalytic jargon of unconscious fantasies and did not, in his
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view represent, represent actual psychological mechanism and in
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fact obscured, what actually happens when we have experience that
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had been described as the taking in of another person or aspects
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of that person.
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The two problems with self psychology, its use as a defense
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against painful insight and its confusion of agent and image, are
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related. Notice that if the self is "only" a psychological
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representation it would follow that the patient's idea that had
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will be dysfunctional as a direct result of some impairment in this
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representation seems mistaken - or at least so it seemed to many
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thoughtful psychoanalysts. Only the impairment of some mental
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agency could really result in dysfunction. It was if the patient
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complained that his car did not function because part of a picture
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of the vehicle had been obliterated. The idea that the patient is
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in error in this regard supports the clinical stance that the
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patient's fears in these matters are not an accurate assessment of
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the situation but rather fantasies motivated by their unconscious
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desires to hide deeper psychological realities.
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Now of course we all know that there are "mere"
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representations that are very good for actually doing things and
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whose faultiness causes no end of problems. These representations
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are called programs.
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Now, I suspect that once stated the notion that the self is
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a program which like other programs is capable of change by
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altering its representation and at the same time is an active agent
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is neither a surprising or remarkable idea. However, when one
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notices that fifty years or so of both clinical and theoretic
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psychoanalytic thinking about the self has been profoundly
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influenced by the idea that the existence of such an object is a
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logical impossibility the point seems more worth making. The other
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advantage of making this point is that it invites us to use what
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we know about programs to think about the self and suggests the
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systematic characterization of the self as a program.
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Let us begin the selfobject function whose enemies are want
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to equate it with some form of mysticism. We know, of course, that
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programs have meaning and function only within computational
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environments. An inappropriate computational environment can alter
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the meaning and operation of the program or render it altogether
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meaningless. For example a routine that calls a global variable
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gives a different value depending on the value of that variable;
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a program written in C for which one has no compiler is totally
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useless. The use of the term "computation environment" in computer
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science is relative to the process being discussed and only has
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meaning once one specifies what program is being referred to. An
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expression only has meaning within an environment. Having bound a
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global variable that value then becomes part of the computational
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environment of the programs running within that context. Of course
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from a different viewpoint the program that sets up the environment
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for our first program itself has an environment. Thus ordinarily
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we expect that program will "need" appropriate environments in the
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same way that self psychology predicts that people need
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selfobjects.
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What one chooses to call program and what environment
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obviously effects the picture of the situation that emerges and is
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a function of the interest of the investigator. Similarly the
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boundaries of the self depend on the point of view we adopt based
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on the focus of our interests. It is only important to notice that
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the choice is ours, not intrinsic to the system under study and
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that it is important not to become confused about the principles
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governing the entities we have defined. A few decades ago von
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Bertalanfy made a minor industry of pointing out the inappropriate
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application of conservation principles to "open" systems that were
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mistakenly treated as having no energy flux across their
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boundaries.
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The mechanics of the selfobject or the environment is
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naturally important but by no means definitive in terms of its
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function. In one since it is obviously of considerable importance
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whether a subroutine that is called is available in <ent type='ORG'>RAM</ent>, is
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currently located on a easily accessed storage device or is located
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on a tape that the machines operator must fetch and mount before
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it can be used. In another sense these mechanical considerations
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are of minor importance in our understanding of the program.
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Likewise whether the capacity to be soothed is a readily available
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group of psychological functions represented within the cranium,
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the activity of a caretaker who is but a cry away or requires some
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elaborate undertaking - say a few years of psychoanalysis - can be
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regarded as involving no essential difference in this function.
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Although he never would have put it in this way this is an
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essential aspect of what <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent> was trying to point to in the idea
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of the selfobject - something that functions as an essential aspect
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of the self or of the support of the self but which because of the
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mechanics of its availability is at times less efficiently
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accessible than other aspects of the self that we are more
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accustomed to including in our idea of the self. This computational
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relative inaccessablity commonly is associated with the need for
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particular perceptual inputs and computational assistance.
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For instance the phenomenon of "social referencing" has been
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studied extensively from a social psychological point of view.
|
|
Starting at about age seven months given a novel situation or a
|
|
situation with elements that suggest danger babies look to
|
|
caregivers for cues about whether to proceed and base their actions
|
|
on the caretaker's response. Toddlers as they move away from mother
|
|
in a play ground frequently turn around, checking mother's
|
|
expression before proceeding further. In the toddlers experience
|
|
the decision does not take its basis in the issue of whether
|
|
mother, as a person approves or disapproves of the action, rather
|
|
the mother's approving response registers as an impersonal "It is
|
|
okay." The toddler has not called the person "mother" in this
|
|
situation but has rather expanding his computational resources
|
|
which happen at the moment to be located in the being we would
|
|
refer to as his mother. The child needs loves nor hates the mother
|
|
in this context but does need her to function. If she is
|
|
functioning well like any computational resource he remains unaware
|
|
of her presence. It is only her failure of availability that makes
|
|
her of interest, just as we are generally unaware of our memories
|
|
except when we have difficulty recollecting something we need to
|
|
continue our thinking.
|
|
Those of you familiar with <ent type='PERSON'>Marvin Minsky</ent>'s work recently
|
|
summarized in <ent type='ORG'>The Society</ent> of Mind will recognize in these ideas a
|
|
particular application of the multi-hierarchy computational model
|
|
that can be used to explore processing within many levels of human
|
|
function from neurons to societal organizations. The issue of a
|
|
non-pejorative attitude to what we call mysticism comes to mind
|
|
here. Much of what is referred to as mystical might well be
|
|
considered as attempts to comprehend hierarchically higher
|
|
computational structures within the computational world of lower
|
|
order entities.
|
|
The self as a program does two important things that are the
|
|
subject of our constant attention in our analytic work. The program
|
|
monitors its own operation and ordinarily modifies itself in
|
|
response to such monitoring. The type of programs we are familiar
|
|
with in daily work with computers generally have facilities to
|
|
monitor and modify their own execution to a limited extent. Error
|
|
trapping of one type or other is virtually universally employed so
|
|
that unexpected or undesirable situations do not result in the
|
|
continuation of "business as usual" but instead lead to some kind
|
|
of branching in the process. In an "error" situation the new
|
|
execution often takes the form of enlarging the computational
|
|
environment to include the operator who is asked how to proceed or
|
|
to correct some situation that impedes the computation or to
|
|
authorize the use of additional computational resources. For
|
|
example if the execution of a program requires more than a certain
|
|
amount of time the systems operator may be asked whether to
|
|
continue or abort the execution.
|
|
Similarly, but much more extensively, the self is engaged in
|
|
a constant process of monitoring its own function and functional
|
|
needs, arranging for them to be met or attempting to compensate for
|
|
their not being met. We have already implicitly discussed the
|
|
ongoing monitoring of computational resources and the recognition
|
|
of the need to evoke devices such as the perception of other people
|
|
to serve as selfobjects. The detailed study of the nature,
|
|
functions and situations in which these additional computational
|
|
devices are called or where calls to such devices is avoided
|
|
constitutes a major area of psychoanalytic investigation that
|
|
encompasses much of object relations theory, including self
|
|
psychology, attachment theory, the concept of the transitional
|
|
object and the role of cultural experience.
|
|
In the von <ent type='ORG'>Neumann</ent> architecture computer design was dominated
|
|
by the wish to avoid programming errors. This was accomplished by
|
|
carefully separating data, programs and processing functions and
|
|
forcing sequential processing so that except in terms of the
|
|
overall duration of computation the outcome of a computation was
|
|
unaffected by the time required for each computational step.
|
|
Furthermore building this basic architecture requires the
|
|
anticipation at least the basic architecture of the system from
|
|
its beginning. It cannot result of the evolutionary piecing
|
|
together of elements designed for other functions as the brain must
|
|
have evolved.
|
|
The <ent type='PERSON'>von Neuman</ent> architecture is so excellent an environment for
|
|
humans to design programs for that it dominated computer design for
|
|
almost four decades. However as von <ent type='ORG'>Neumann</ent> noted from early on
|
|
this architecture is a poor model for brain functioning. The
|
|
microsecond firing times of neurons are much to slow to allow
|
|
brains to do the things they do all the time with a von <ent type='ORG'>Neumann</ent>
|
|
machines. Furthermore brains are the result of a bioevolutionary
|
|
process, not a unitary design and its programmer is not an
|
|
individual who sets out to explicitly specify processes but an
|
|
environment with many other things on its mind than programming
|
|
brains. Of course we know from direct study of brains that they
|
|
operate through massively parallel processing.
|
|
Fortunately for those of us interested in brains and their
|
|
productions it has become clear that the technological limitations
|
|
inherent in the von <ent type='ORG'>Neumann</ent> architecture make it essential that
|
|
other architectures be explored in depth to make more capable
|
|
computers. The last five years has seen an explosion of
|
|
publications about parallel processing architecture and we will be
|
|
among the beneficiaries of the resultant intellectual advances.
|
|
But, of course, the problems that von <ent type='ORG'>Neumann</ent> sought to avoid
|
|
in computer design are precisely the problems that emerge in
|
|
parallel processing. It is simply much more difficult to predict
|
|
what is going to happen when things do not go on sequentially, when
|
|
the distinction between memory and processing is abandoned and
|
|
simple hierarchies of bindings are abandoned. Now rather then
|
|
building the absence of these difficulties into the architecture
|
|
of the system it becomes necessary to discover ways to overcome
|
|
them. A much more elaborate system of error trapping and control
|
|
becomes essential.
|
|
Parallel systems are highly vulnerable to internal conflicts
|
|
and instabilities. Attempts to remove these features from the
|
|
system usually entail the loss of precisely what has been gained
|
|
through parallelism. To give an very elementary but quite everyday
|
|
example, when a database can be updated through several different
|
|
inputs there is considerable danger that attempting simultaneous
|
|
updating of a record will result in loss of data or undesirable
|
|
results. Suppose I am making a deposit in my savings account at the
|
|
same time that interest is being calculated and recorded in the
|
|
same record. In many database systems the entire record is
|
|
retrieved updated and stored again. So in this instance the
|
|
original record is retrieved by both the deposit and the interest
|
|
function. Each, independently updates the record and then writes
|
|
it to the storage device. Either the deposit or the interest
|
|
payment, whichever is stored last, will be recorded but not both.
|
|
A simple solution that is used in many database systems is to make
|
|
the record available to only one potential input at a time by
|
|
locking it to other users while it is in the hands of a potential
|
|
inputter. In essence one suspends parallel processing and goes to
|
|
sequential processing in the face of such potential errors. This
|
|
is an awful solution for simple database management, although as
|
|
anyone who has worked with such a system knows it can be thoroughly
|
|
annoying. But such a general solution for a massively parallel
|
|
system would slow the whole thing to a snails pace. Thus special
|
|
mechanism for recognizing, protecting against and resolving
|
|
conflicts are expected to be a central aspect of massively parallel
|
|
system.
|
|
But notice how close we have gotten to the ordinary stuff of
|
|
psychoanalytic clinical work. A lot of what we do in analysis has
|
|
to do with successes and failures to resolve conflicts between
|
|
computational results achieved through parallel processing of
|
|
situations. To give a much oversimplified instance, a young man
|
|
who might displace a supervisor by putting forward his own ideas
|
|
expresses them but muddles their presentation. Analysis reveals
|
|
that his actions result from two parallel, conflicting computations
|
|
and an attempt to resolve that conflict. On the one hand are a
|
|
variety of factors including his wish for greater prestige and
|
|
material wealth that in turn reflect a long sequence of
|
|
developmental processes and on the other his assumption (which is
|
|
outside of awareness) that he will be harmed in various ways if he
|
|
pursues these wishes results in a state of conflict. This conflict
|
|
and potential conflicts are dealt with variously by some higher
|
|
order resolutions or through the isolation of the processes from
|
|
one another by a variety of means. The resulting action,
|
|
unfortunately called a "compromise formation" in psychoanalytic
|
|
jargon is an attempt to synthesize the results of these two groups
|
|
of computations.
|
|
An even greater danger to the system than partially
|
|
contradictory computational results is its own instability.
|
|
Computational process may become chaotic, disorganized or pass
|
|
through a catastrophe as we recognize in depth when we study them
|
|
in terms of dynamical systems. It is reasonable to expect that a
|
|
computational system can only function in anything like a
|
|
satisfactory manner if such situations is rigorously limited to
|
|
lower levels of function and if the system has extensive safeguards
|
|
against higher level catastrophes or chaos.
|
|
Again this is precisely what we find clinically. The most
|
|
central concerns in disorders of the self frequently are concerns
|
|
about discontinuous and disorderly change. A typical error trapping
|
|
procedure in the area where catastrophic change seems a danger is
|
|
to avoid all change whatsoever and to attempt to isolate the
|
|
computational processes from outside influences that might result
|
|
in change. Recently I described how the process of working through
|
|
in psychoanalysis, the repeated reexamination if slightly different
|
|
versions of paradigmatic situations within an analysis, could
|
|
usefully be regarded as the reestablishment of a Boltzman
|
|
algorithm-like psychological function by which existing "solutions"
|
|
are repeatedly and automatically reexamined both to achieve greater
|
|
optimality and to integrate data that may have been unavailable at
|
|
the time they were formed. I said that much psychopathology could
|
|
be usefully characterized as the interruption of this ordinary
|
|
process in the face of a perceived threat of disruption or
|
|
disorganization and that what we often think of as the curative
|
|
factor of working through is just the resumption of normal
|
|
psychological function.
|
|
This brings us to the third way in which the self differs from
|
|
the programs we are most familiar with from the study of computers.
|
|
The self is self developing. Here my opinions are somewhat
|
|
different from many of my psychoanalytic colleagues, so let me
|
|
spell them out briefly. As she attempted to explore the concepts
|
|
of normality and pathology in childhood, <ent type='PERSON'>Anna Freud</ent> discovered that
|
|
the presence or absence of symptoms per se was not an adequate
|
|
guide in assessing children. She concluded that childhood was
|
|
normatively a period of change and development and these were its
|
|
primary tasks. The failure of such for such development to be
|
|
ongoing was the essence of psychological disturbance in childhood.
|
|
For <ent type='PERSON'>Anna Freud</ent>, who had a clear picture of what psychological
|
|
health was like in adulthood, the task of childhood was move toward
|
|
such mature functioning and she posited a drive to "the completion
|
|
of development."
|
|
Three groups of observation impressed me into extending her
|
|
notion. First the past quarter century has yielded a massive
|
|
demonstration that human development normal continues across the
|
|
entire life course - that the idea of a definite mature
|
|
developmental state whether occurring with the resolution of the
|
|
Oedipus complex or the end of late adolescence or whenever else is
|
|
mistaken. Second there seem to be quite diverse ways to be
|
|
psychologically healthy which becomes readily apparent if we avoid
|
|
employing a priori notions of the meaning of health. Finally the
|
|
work begun by <ent type='PERSON'>Marsh</ent> to the effect that programs can be written not
|
|
with specific goals in mind but rather that proceed to explore and
|
|
develop in area that are vaguely defined by such criteria as
|
|
"interestingness" corresponded so well to the observations of
|
|
workers like <ent type='ORG'>Piaget</ent> who found that exploration and development were
|
|
self motivating that it seemed likely that the human mind is such
|
|
a system. It thus seems reasonable to posit that an ongoing
|
|
function of the self is its own reorganization and development.
|
|
Indeed it was this point that first led to my interest in a
|
|
computation model of the self because the question of how the self
|
|
could be both agent and representation and in particular how it
|
|
could be an agent acting on itself as a representation has a long
|
|
standing concrete instaniation in Lisp. Lisp, one of the two oldest
|
|
high level programming languages in common use, was specifically
|
|
designed to manipulate list of symbols. Of course lisp programs are
|
|
themselves list of symbols so that lisp programs can be operated
|
|
on my lisp programs including the program itself. The species that
|
|
seemed so internally contradictory that analysts denied there
|
|
existence have in fact been around for a long time.
|
|
Now, of course such programs are not without very serious
|
|
problems - in particular they too can be much less stable and far
|
|
less predictable than those programs were program and data are kept
|
|
strictly separate. As with parallel processing one way to protect
|
|
from the dangers inherent in such a structure is to carefully limit
|
|
in advance the changes the program can make in itself. Another
|
|
possibility is to monitor the development of the program and
|
|
introduce error trapping and correction as untoward consequences
|
|
of the rewriting occur. A combination of the two approaches would
|
|
seem to be necessary. In a sequential system for example a fatal
|
|
error occurs if a real interminable loop is introduced into a
|
|
program. Here, however, parallelism and conflict can be of
|
|
considerable help. Freud's idea of a tripartite model of mind
|
|
essentially involves the parallel processing of data, the
|
|
consequent development and resolution of conflict so that a variety
|
|
of needs can be met through these various modes of processing. In
|
|
particular aspects of the mind can monitor the ongoing process of
|
|
the development of the self - interrupting and altering it when it
|
|
comes parlously close to instability or stagnation.
|
|
The hierarchical level at which these process can proceed are
|
|
various and new levels in the hierarchy seem to develop with
|
|
greater maturity. In particular greater capacities for abstraction
|
|
both from data and process appear to be a normal part of human
|
|
development. With these capacity comes increased abilities for
|
|
metacognition. Piaget's observation of the progressive decentering
|
|
of cognition with the related capacity, for example to think about
|
|
thinking, represents such an elaboration of abstraction
|
|
hierarchies.
|
|
Among the many objections that could be raised to my
|
|
discussion is the importance I lay on introspection and
|
|
subjectivity as a source of information about psychological
|
|
processes. From a computational viewpoint consciousness is an odd,
|
|
unnecessary, or at least peculiar phenomenon, while from the point
|
|
of view of classical psychoanalysis precisely what is most
|
|
interesting about people is barred from the conscious awareness.
|
|
Thus subjective reports about experience should be relatively
|
|
uninteresting to both groups. However, following <ent type='PERSON'>Vygotsky</ent> and
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Basch</ent>, I take a different point of view about consciousness.
|
|
<ent type='ORG'>Consciousness</ent> is a state that we employ when automatic functioning
|
|
becomes problematic. For example we only become aware of walking
|
|
when we stumble or when we are learning how to do it and only
|
|
attend to it in detail if something impedes are ability to walk.
|
|
It is thus precisely in areas of difficulty that we expect
|
|
awareness to appear. So it is the areas of difficulty that we
|
|
should find well represented in consciousness. Freud's idea of
|
|
bringing the unconscious into awareness then is nothing more then
|
|
the extension of this normal process into areas in which it is not
|
|
employed. In particular the mechanism of repression reflects a
|
|
special procedure to keep ideas separate from each other by not
|
|
bringing them into awareness. But more generally we can use
|
|
subjective experience as at least a preliminary guide to the
|
|
computational difficulty.
|
|
I am well aware of having painted the picture of the
|
|
computational self with extremely broad strokes and having done
|
|
violence to many subtle and important issues in the process. At the
|
|
same time I am impressed that psychoanalysts having discovered that
|
|
the Freudian and ego-psychological paradigms are inadequate have
|
|
largely abandoned the attempt to develop broad theories that
|
|
encompass the particular data of the psychoanalytic field, choosing
|
|
instead to focus on smaller more tractable problems and maintaining
|
|
an unavowed theoretical agnosticism.
|
|
An exception to this abandonment of theory lies in the work
|
|
of the self psychologists. However their conceptualizations,
|
|
especially those of <ent type='PERSON'>Kohut</ent>, while evocative remain vague. I think
|
|
it is clear that the computational properties of the mind must find
|
|
representation in personal psychology. I have suggested one
|
|
possibility for how this may occur using the computational self as
|
|
the central organizer for my thinking and attempting to show how
|
|
ideas from computer science may yield models that are congruent
|
|
with our clinical experience. Just as I believe development is the
|
|
central activity of the self so to I believe development should be
|
|
the central goal of our intellectual activities. Thus if this
|
|
paper, despite its flaws does nothing more then stimulate some of
|
|
you to think along these lines and to help me do so more cogently
|
|
I will be satisfied.</p></xml> |