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102 lines
6.0 KiB
Plaintext
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Shadow Government - By John Jackson (c) 1990-1994
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Partisan sex
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by John A. Jackson
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When I was a child, I heard hints that a certain sexual activity caused
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blindness.
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Now, in the light of Paula Jones's lawsuit against President Clinton, I
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understand that the rumor was correct, but the activity wrong. It's other
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people's sexual acts that make us go blind.
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Indeed, the ugliest thing about the controversy over Jones's suit is not the
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pathetic assault allegedly performed by the President, but the disgusting
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hypocrisy and self-interestedness shown by both his critics andhis defenders.
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On Clinton's side, feminists who lionized Anita Hill when she took on
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Clarence Thomas have fallen all over themselves to label Jones a "kook" and a
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"slut" and a mercenary out for a quick profit.
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Even Hill herself has gone on TV to deny there is any comparison between
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herself and Jones, as if the comparison did not occur at once and to everyone.
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Among Clinton's critics, however, a legion of male politicians who had never
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shown the slightest interest in stopping the abuse of women in this society
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have equally been quick to jump to Jones's defense. In Jones, they are saying,
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Bill Clinton has victimized every woman--and he must pay.
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Missing in all this fervor has been the slightest trace of intellectual
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independence. In every instance of which I am aware, from Rush Limbaugh and Pat
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Buchanan on the right to Susan Estrich or Eleanor Clift on the left, the past
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political allegiance of the commentator predetermined what he or she has to
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say.
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People who see Clinton as advancing themselves or their pet policies
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universally acquit him of this offense, as if no liberal could molest a woman,
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while those who oppose Clinton for partisan reasons incline with few exceptions
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to convict.
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(Fans of the imperial presidency, who are usually Republicans, havetaken to
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asserting that a common worm like Jones lacks the status to sue an exalted
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being like the President, while John McLaughlin, himself the target of sexual
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harassment suits, has bemoaned the accusation's damage to the office and
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predicted Clinton's exoneration.)
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For myself, I found both Hill and Jones eminently worth hearing. Jones has a
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serious case. The conduct she is alleging was offensive enough to be criminal,
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and she asserts she has
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corroboration.
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I would like to see Jones's charges tested in court and in public,
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preferably without the already initiated assassination of her character by
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Clinton's hired guns.
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I would not like to see the suit dismissed on some flimsy technicality or
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because of judicial cowardice. The public interest demands that the case be
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heard.
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But that solution does not meet all the requirements of the case.
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The nation must have a president who is not generally believed to be a sex
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fiend and an assaulter of unwilling women.
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But it needs even more the unbought and unbiased reflections of its
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political intellects, and those it clearly does not now have.
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Clinton may and probably should resign, so that the government will still
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have an effective head while he spends his time and energy--and otherpeople's
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money--defending the remnants of his sorry private character.
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But what can be done about the molders of opinion, the members of what I
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will call the commentariat? They will not resign. They are permanent. And, as
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the Jones case shows, they are endlessly
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corrupt. No honest person need consult most of them, and the nation cannot rely
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upon their honesty, their disinterest or their intelligence.
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The problem is not new, of course. Power always attracts its sycophants.
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Even shadow governments have shadow patronage to bestow. Even the GOP has its
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think tanks and its foundation
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grants.
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But a prescription is available.
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Back in 1945, in his essay, "Notes on Nationalism," George Orwell observed
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that "if one looks back over the past quarter of a century, one finds that
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there was hardly a single year when atrocity stories were not being reported
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from some quarter of the world; and yet...whether such deeds were
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reprehensible, or even whether they happened, was always decided (by the
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"intelligentsia") according to political predilection."
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Orwell concluded: "It can be argued that no unbiased outlook is possible,
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that all creeds and causes involve the same lies, follies and barbarities; and
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this is often advanced as a reason for keeping out ofpolitics altogether.
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"I do not accept this argument, if only because in the modern world no one
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describable as an intellectual can keep out of politics in the sense of not
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caring about them....
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"Whether it is possible to get rid of (partisan loves and hatreds), I do not
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know, but I do believe that it is possible to struggle against them, and that
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this is essentially a moral effort." (Emphases in the original.)
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A moral effort? Are we capable of it? Oh, Orwell, you grim man. And the real
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sin, as he sees it: "indifference to objective truth."
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What I will be looking for as the Jones case unfolds is some sign that
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somewhere such an effort is being made. And those who make that moral effort to
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see beyond their own political benefit,
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whether they are right or left in orientation, I will look to as honest men and
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women for advice about other things.
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I recommend that you do that, too. You and history are the audience.
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And commentators you find venal or corrupt in this instance? Well, write
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them off ruthlessly.
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Because the Jones case, along with the Whitewater scandal, subsumes so much
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that is known or suspected to be defective in the character of the president,
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it will stand for today's opinion makers as a kind of latter-day Watergate: a
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litmus of their and the nation's integrity. We who write about politics may
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imagine that in writing about these things we are subjecting the president to
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our judgment. But in setting forth our views we are inviting judgment, not only
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upon him, but upon ourselves as well.
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Whatever the public's questions about Clinton's character, there should be
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little doubt about what they think of us commentators.
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And what the commentary so far shows is that their disdain for us is well
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deserved.
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