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The Immorality of the State
by Mikhail Bakunin [1814-1876]
Transcribed by The Dak
Holiday Inn, Cambodia BBS 209/456-8584
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The existence of a single limited State necessarily presupposed the
existence, and if necessary provokes the formation of several States, it
being quite natural that the individuals who find themselves outside of this
State and who are menaced by it in their existence and liberty, should in
turn league themselves against it. Here we have humanity broken up into an
indefinite number of States which are foreign, hostile, and menacing toward
one another.
There is no common right, and no social contract among them, for if such a
contract and right existed, the various States would cease to be absolutely
independent of one another, becoming federated members of one great State.
Unless this great State embraces humanity as a whole, it will necessarily
have against it the hostility of other great States, federated internally.
Thus war would always be supreme law and the inherent necessity of the very
existence of humanity.
Every State, whether it is of a federative or a non-federative character,
must seek, under the penalty of utter ruin, to become the most powerful of
States. It has to devour others in order not to be devoured in turn, to
conquer in order not to be conquered, to enslave in order not to be enslaved
- for two similar and at the same time alien powers, cannot co-exist without
destroying each other.
THE STATE THEN IS THE MOST FLAGRANT NEGATION, THE MOST CYNICAL AND
COMPLETE NEGATION OF HUMANITY. It rends apart the universal solidarity of
all men upon earth, and it unites some of them only in order to destroy,
conquer, and enslave all the rest. It takes under its protection only its
own citizens, and it recognizes human right, humanity, and civilization only
within the confines of its own boundries. And since it does not recognize
any right outside of its own confines, it quite logically arrogated to itself
the right to treat with the most ferocious inhumanity all the foreign
populations whom it can pillage, exterminate, or subordinate to its will.
Since international law does not exist, and since it never can exist in a
serious and real manner without undermining the very foundations of the
principle of absolute State sovereignty, the State cannot have any duties
toward foreign populations. If then it treats humanely a conquered people,
if it does not go to the full length in pillaging and exterminating it, and
does not reduce it to the last degree of slavery, it does so perhaps because
of considerations of political expediency and prudence, or even because of
pure magnanimity, but never because of duty - for it has an absolute right to
dispose of them in any way it deems fit.
This flagrant negation of humanity, which constitutes the very essence of
the State, is from the point of view of the latter the supreme duty and the
greatest virtue: it is called PATRIOTISM and it constitutes the TRANSCENDENT
MORALITY of the State. We call it the transcendent morality because
ordinarily it transcends the level of human morality and justice, whether
private or common, and thereby it often sets itself in shard contradiction to
them. Thus, for instance, to offend, oppress, rob, plunder, assassinate, or
enslave one's fellowman is, to the ordinary morality of man, to commit a
serious crime.
In public life, on the contrary, from the point of view of patriotism,
when it is done for the greater glory of the State in order to conserve or to
enlarge its power, all that becomes a duty and a virtue. And this duty, this
virtue, are obligatory upon every patriotic citizen. Everyone is expected to
discharge those duties not only in respect to strangers but in respect to his
fellow-citizens, members and subjects of the same State, whenever the welfare
of the State demands it from him.
The supreme law of the State is self-preservation at any cost. And since
all States, ever since they came to exist upon the earth, have been condemned
to perpetual struggle - a struggle against their own populations, whom they
oppress and ruin, a struggle against all foreign States, every one of which
can be strong only if the others are weak - and since the States cannot hold
their own in this struggle unless they constantly keep on augmenting their
power against their own subjects as well as against the neighborhood States -
- it follows that the supreme law of the State is the augmentation of its
power to the detriment of internal liberty and external justice.
Such is in its stark reality the sole morality, the sole aim of the State.
It worships God himself only because he is its own exclusive God, the
sanction of its power and of that which it calls its right, that is, the
right to exist at any cost and always to expand at the cost of other States.
Whatever serves to promote this end is worthwhile, legitimate, and virtuous.
Whatever harms it is criminal. The morality of the State then is the
reversal of human justice and human morality.
The State has to recognize in its own hypocritical manner the powerful
sentiment of humanity. In the face of this fainful alternative there remains
only one way out: and that it hypocrisy. The States pay their outward
respects to this idea of humanity; they speak and apparently act only in the
name of it, but they violate it every day. This, however, should not be held
against the States. They cannot act otherwise, their position having become
such that they can hold their own only by lying. Diplomacy has no other
mission.
Therefore what do we see? Every time a State wants to declare war upon
another State, it starts off by launching a manifesto addressed not only to
its own subjects but to the whole world. In this manifesto it declares that
right and justice are on its side, and it endeavors to prove that it is
actuated only by love of peace and humanity and that, imbued with generous
and peaceful sentiments, it suffered for a long time in silence until the
mounting iniquity of its enemy forced it to bare its sword. At the same time
it vows that, disdainful of all material conquest and not seeking any
increase in territory, it will put and end to this war as soon as justice is
reestablished. And its antagonist answers with a similar manifesto, in which
naturally right, justice, humanity, and all the generous sentiments are to be
found respectively on its side.
Those mutually opposed manifestos are written with the same eloquence,
they breathe the same virtuous indignation, and one is just as sincere as the
other; that is to say both of them are equally brazen in their lies, and it
is only fools who are deceived by them. Sensible persons, all those who have
had some political experience, do not even take the trouble of reading such
manifestoes. On the contrary, they seek ways to uncover the interests
driving both adversaries into this war, and to weigh the respective power of
each of them in order to guess the outcome of the struggle. Which only goes
to prove that moral issues are not at stake in such wars.
Perpetual war is the price of the State's existence. The rights of
peoples, as well as the treaties regulating the relations of the States, lack
any moral sanction. In every definite historic epoch they are the material
expression of the equilibrium resulting from the mutual antagonism of States.
So long as States exist, there will be no peace. There will be only more or
less prolonged respites, armistices concluded by the perpetually belligerent
States; but as soon as the State feels sufficiently strong to destroy this
equilibrium to its advantage, it will never fail to do so. The history of
humanity fully bears out this point.
Crimes are the moral climate of the States. This explains to us why ever
since history began, that is, ever since States came inmto existence, the
political world has always been and still continues to be the stage for high
knavery and unsurpassed brigandage - brigandage and knavery which are held in
high honor, since they are ordained by patriotism, transcendent morality, and
by the supreme interest of the State. This explains to us why all the
history of ancient and modern States is nothing more than a series of
revolting crimes; why present and past kings and ministers of all times and
of all countries - statesmen, diplomats, bureaucrats, and warriors - if
judged from the point of view of simple morality and human justice, deserve a
thousand times the gallows of penal servitude.
For there is no terror, cruelty, sacrilege, perjury, imposture, infamous
transaction, cynical theft, brazen robbery or foul treason which has not been
committed and all are still being committed daily by representatives of the
State, with no other excuse than this elastic, at times so convenient and
terrible phrase REASON OF STATE.