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<conspiracyFile>I N V I S I B L E C O N T R A C T S
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George Mercier
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THIRD PARTY INTERFERENCE WITH A CONTRACT
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[Pages 89-130]
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[Certain conventions have been used in converting INVISIBLE CONTRACTS to an
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electronic medium. For an explanation of the conventions used, please download
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the file INCONHLP.ZIP for further illumination. Other background information as
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well is contained in INCONHLP.ZIP. It is advisable to EXIT this file right now
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and read the contents of INCONHLP.ZIP before proceeding with your study of this
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file.]
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In a Contract Law Judgment setting, questions sounding in the Tort of
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unfairness regarding the interference of a person not a party to a contract in
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causing a person who is a party to a contract not to honor his contract is
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irrelevant, as I will explain later on; and so when cries of unfairness wallow
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up at the Judgment Day, as claims of unfairness will be heard in having had
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Lucifer's low key assistants hacking away at us down here, those cries will
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then be in vain, as the unfairness in Contract Law of outside interference in
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contract administration is irrelevant in measuring contract performance itself.
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For example, the fact that an Employer terminated your livelihood, and you
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subsequently experienced a cessation of money coming in, and so that now you
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are unable to pay your apartment lease payments, is irrelevant in an Tenant
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Eviction Proceeding. Either you have paid your rent as the Lease Contract calls
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for, or you haven't. Even though the secondary effect of your livelihood being
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terminated directly restrained you from honoring your Lease Contract due to a
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lack of money, your Employer is not a party to that apartment Lease Contract,
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so what your Employer did or did not do is not relevant in a leasehold Eviction
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Proceeding. That is Contract Law Jurisprudence; its cold, mean, and it isn't
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really very "fair" -- so now addressing that face on, we should start to
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negotiate our personal business contracts on terms we can live with, rather
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than snicker at Judges when we are in default later on. Remember the reason why
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"fairness" is not relevant in a contract grievance: Because if judges allowed
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"fairness," so called, to enter into one side of the grievance and benefit one
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party, the effect of the entrance of such "fairness" into the evidentiary
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setting presented to the Judge for a ruling, will always work a Tort on the
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other party. What is the correct solution? Ignore all claims for "fairness" and
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just enforce the contract. Cold, brutal, mean, harsh? Yes... but proper. Rather
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than snicker at Judges at that late date well after you are in default, you
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might want to address the origin of your problem: You entered into a contract
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you could not handle under a worst case scenario (worst case meaning loss of
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livelihood).
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And those are the kinds of very narrow and precise lines that we need to think
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in, in understanding Contract Law. You may very well have legitimate mitigating
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circumstances to justify why you could not honor a contract -- but is an
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ELECTION OF REMEDIES for the Party that you are in default to, to decide what
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he intends to do with you, and it is not anything for an enforcement judge to
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take notice of.
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But contrary to the SUB ROSA silence of Lucifer on the existence of any
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Contracts in effect with Father, Father is in fact operating on Contracts and
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under Contract Law Jurisprudence with all of us down here, and not on the
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principles, fairness, equality, and justice of pure natural moral Tort Law. So
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only the content of our Contracts will be of concern to Father at the Last Day.
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Under the justice of natural Tort Law, the equality of judgment fairness
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requires that a person be adjudged on the basis of how other similar people are
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being adjudged; but this is not relevant to Father for our purposes at our
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Final Judgment. [118]
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[118]<div> There are
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many people who take the view, seemingly very reasonably that, since they have
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accepted Jesus Christ into their lives, and since they are just as good and
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moral as anyone else they know (and a lot more moral than many other people),
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then it is quite reasonable that they will be going to Heaven. This view is
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very widespread today, and it is also quite defective. First, the fact that you
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are just as good and moral as anyone else is irrelevant to Father in our
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impending Judgment Day to be held under a Contract Law jurisprudential setting.
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Father has no interest in any relative or collectively weighed anything. You,
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individually and personally, have either progressed under your Contract, or you
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haven't; and what some guy down the street does or avoids is not relevant to
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you and your Contract. The unfairness of possibly being treated worse than
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someone else in a grievance is a Tort Law argument. Second, the fact that you
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have accepted Jesus Christ into your life is very significant -- but only as a
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point of beginning, and not as a terminating wrap up to anything. The error
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made by many Christian folks -- that their acceptance of Jesus Christ completes
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their forward motions on Heavenly matters -- is the same error that many other
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folks make by assigning either a terminating or concluding attribute to the
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execution of contracts [like walking out of an automobile dealership with a
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sigh of relief that since you've the contract and the car is your's, well, that
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ends the matter; sorry, but that PURCHASE AND SALE CONTRACT only started the
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matter]. Entering into a contract -- whether with Heavenly Father or anyone
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else -- is always just a point of beginning, a fact that sharp Gremlins have
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taken very astute notice of. While taking about a Diplomatic Treaty that was
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just signed (and Treaties between Governments are contracts):
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"It is a fundamental mistake to assume that the treaty ends where it
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really begins. The signing of the document on June 28, 1919 at Versailles did
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not complete its history; it really began it. THE MEASURE OF WORTH LIES IN THE
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PROCESS OF ITS EXECUTION AND THE SPIRIT IN WHICH IT IS CARRIED OUT BY ALL OF
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THE PARTIES TO THE CONTRACT."
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- Bernard Baruch in THE MAKING OF THE REPARATIONS AND ECONOMIC SECTIONS
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OF THE TREATY, at page 8 [Harper & Brothers, New York (1920)]. (The italics
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formation of the last sentence was that way in the original, so it represents
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an idea Bernard Baruch deemed important). Here is a Gremlin -- Bernard Baruch
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--telling us that when he participated in partially negotiating the Treaty of
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Versailles in 1919, he knew that many folks commonly view the execution of
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Treaties to be the end of the matter; but sharp Gremlins know that contracts
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only start the action in motion; so we too should be cognizant of this
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attribute in Nature.
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<div>[118]
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Those Torts that are committed by us and those great things that are done by us
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outside of our Contracts are irrelevant to Father (and to ourselves at the
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Judgment Day); also irrelevant will be those factors of natural Tort Law, such
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as fairness, rights, equality, and justice. So the Illuminatti, going into the
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Judgment Day with their pure natural moral Tort Law excuses all very neatly
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lined up to justify, vitiate, and excuse their incredible abominations under
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Lucifer's brilliant counselling, will be just like a Constitutionalist, so
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called, going into a 7203 prosecution judgment with a bank account contract and
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arguing principles of natural and moral Tort Law (want of a MENS REA, morality,
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rights, basic justice, privacy rights, no CORPUS DELECTI damages, unfairness,
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excessive Eighth Amendment punishment for a mere omission, Common Law says...,
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etc.) and then demanding justice, and all of these elements of Tort Law
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pronounced very well through numerous Supreme Court rulings and Constitutional
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clauses; but they are not applicable to the merits of a Contract Law Judgment
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setting. Both the pseudo-clever Illuminatti Gremlin and well-meaning
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Constitutionalist who still needs intellectual development on Contract Law
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Jurisprudence, are both totally convinced that they are absolutely correct --
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but the unknown reality is that they are both just plain wrong, and for the
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identical same reason: Their arguments, reasoning, and justifications, although
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absolutely correct in another judgment setting of pure natural moral Tort Law,
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are off-point by a wide variance: Because in both of those Judgment Day and
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7203 judgment settings that the Illuminatti Gremlin and well-meaning
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Constitutionalist are being adjudged by, are under invisible Contract
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Jurisprudence and Contract Law, not Tort Law. [119]
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[119]<div> As a
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concluding by-line to this digressionary discussion here on Father and
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Contracts, if you'll but give it a few moments thought and imagination, it is
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interesting to note that this impending Judgment Day arrangement that Father
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designed, gives a generous built in structural edge to those persons who are
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trying to become the Sons of Eloha, and the procedure itself also creates
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obstacles for those who have no interest in such a Celestial Objective (as if
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the operation of the Judgment Day mechanical procedure itself assists in
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separating embryonic Eloha from their ministrants). So now we need to ask
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ourselves a question: Does that structural arrangement sound like it comes from
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someone who knows what he is doing? Yes, it sounds like Father knows exactly
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what he is doing; and if that is true, then we should listen very carefully to
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anything Father has to say and would like us to do. And consistent with
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Father's intentions to give his Sons the edge whenever possible, while exposing
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them to the same environment and standards as everyone else, comes the
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following arrangement: That after we enter into Father's Advanced Contracts
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down here there are some other circumstances we can go through down here to
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accelerate the Judgment Day to the present time (but that is another Letter). I
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am only making the comparative point here that the lack of national collective
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interest on the extreme significance of that Judgment Day accelerant statement
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replicates the lack of national collective interest on the extreme significance
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of bank accounts and other high-powered contracts as those Equity instruments
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define our sub-parity relationship with the King. In both cases, this
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information is freely floating around the countryside, but one first has to
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define objectives, ask questions, and then exert efforts in order to get to and
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then understand answers to questions. (And it is the discipline and serious
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attitude such a procedure requires which largely explains why there are so few
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people around who possess such important knowledge; not that there are few
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knowledgeable persons that is an inverse indicia to gauge the importance of the
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knowledge). <div>[119]
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Knowing what you do now about Tort Law rationale and our First Estate Contracts
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with Father, let us examine, just for the moment, the Old Testament's account
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of Sodom. There was a city, we are told, full of licentiousness and
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whoremongering, and although that behavior doesn't sound too attractive to most
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folks, let us consider the fact that in such behavior there are no damages
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being experienced by anyone, there is no MENS REA, and that all of the persons
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who participate in those orgies have consented -- and furthermore, biological
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benefits are present. (When criminals are about to work a crime on someone
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else, that advance planning in their minds is called the MENS REA. The reason
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why their mind is evil is because they were about to try and damage either
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another person, or someone else's property). [120]
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[120]<div> Furthermore,
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just to make things seem psychologically interesting back then, I am sure that
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Lucifer blended in some ceremonial flair into those orgies, by conveying the
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image that orgies were officially sanctioned, somehow. Like contemporary
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Witches emulating their mentors in Sodom by performing Fertility Rites on the
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Witches' Sabbath, an interesting sounding excuse will satisfy most folks. When
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Witches are not otherwise busy PULLING DOWN THE MOON, almost all of their rites
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involving licking down some slice of meat [see Raymond Buckland's THE TREE, THE
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COMPLETE BOOK OF SAXON WITCHCRAFT, from Seax-Wica Voys, Box 5149, Virginia
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Beach, Virginia 23455].
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<div>[120]
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So if everyone is consenting, and there are no damages, and there is no MENS
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REA, then there is nothing to remedy, and there is no cause of action to effect
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a "retort," and there is no retortional corrective justice to apply, since
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nothing went amiss in the first place. General reasoning in this area is very
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prevalent today (meaning that many folks today have no concern for the
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inappropriate use of those ecstatic circumstances which initiate mammalian
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reproduction). Heathens don't like to hear this kind of talk, but Father
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actually operates in an unchanging straight doctrinal line, without any skew to
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accommodate the pleasing intellectual music devils propagate that are sounding
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in the justifying Tort of liability mitigation, that now, just somehow,
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enhanced relative levels of technical knowledge ["this is the Information Age"]
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or that self-perceived aggrandizement of intellectual sophistication, relegates
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such anachronistic Stone Age bugaboo standards to a classification status
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demeaning to your enlightened standing. [121]
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[121]<div> "We do not
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believe in situation-itis; we do not go with the people who think that there is
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a different age, that this is a different time, that these people are more
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enlightened, or that [this standard] was for old times. Always the Lord will
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hold to his statements that he has given through the ages, and he will expect
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men to respect themselves, to respect their wives, and the wives to respect
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their husbands."
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- Spencer W. Kimball in CONFERENCE REPORTS ["God The Same Today"], page
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162 (April, 1975).
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<div>[121]
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What then gives Father the right to expect technical compliance with such
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ecstatic extracurricular circumstances that every person knows Father does not
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approve the inappropriate use of? What gives Father the right to penalize us
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for engaging in circumstances that not only damage no one, but are actually
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biologically beneficial -- circumstances which when administered clinically
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during the formative years under a therapeutic factual setting will actually
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correct impending deviancy inclinations? The answers lies in Contracts, for
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where there lies a Contract, a regulatory jurisdiction is in effect and there
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doesn't have to be any damages experienced for someone to be penalized for
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technical Contract violations; and furthermore, your excuses for non-compliance
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are irrelevant should a grievance ever come to pass. That is where Father got
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the right to turn Sodom upside down and terminate all people living therein,
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and Father did so without any nymph in Sodom being damaged, everyone consenting
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to that behavior, and the residents of Sodom never manifesting an evil state of
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mind towards other residents, as pure, raw fleshy Hedonism was practiced
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without let up. [122]
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[122]<div> "As a young
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man David demonstrated a courage and a strength and a power that likely has not
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been equaled in all of the great characters of the scriptures. He fought with
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wild beasts and overcame them, defeated the giant Goliath virtually with his
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hands, and then served through many years as the leader of Israel and
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demonstrated in the process tremendous control, tremendous discipline. The
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greatest enemy he had, perhaps, through most of these years -- at least the
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greatest threat to his existence -- was the man Saul. Yet on several occasions
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when David could have removed this threat by taking the life of Saul, who was
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in his hands, [David] withheld [himself] and controlled those impulses. That
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demonstrated tremendous power and control. Then later in life, as a mature man
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with all the strength that kind of life had brought him, David was unwise. It
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was not because David was weak that he fell. He was unwise. I suspect that
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David had reached the point where he felt he was strong enough to indulge the
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entertainment of some enticing possibilities. On the day he stood on his
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rooftop and observed the wife of one of his officers, instead of taking himself
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by the nape of the neck, so to speak, and saying 'David, get out of here!'
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David remained. David thought about the possibilities [of getting involved with
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this slice of meat], and those thoughts overcame David and eventually
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controlled him. One of the saddest entries in all the scriptures, I think, is
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that which the Lord gave the Prophet Joseph Smith in Section 132 of the
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DOCTRINES AND COVENANTS. Speaking of David's situation today, he said, 'For he
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hath fallen from his exaltation, and received his portion.' (D&C 132:39).
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"...David, King David, one of the greatest and powerful men of the Old
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Testament times, could have been today among the Gods if he had controlled his
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thoughts."
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- Dean L. Larsen in 1976 SPEECHES OF THE YEAR, at 121 [Brigham Young
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University Press, Provo, Utah (1976)]. The chronicles of David's life are
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presented in FIRST and SECOND SAMUEL. Notice how there was never any unjust
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damages created by David in his life down here; David did not lose his
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exaltation because he carefully avoided damaging others, as a lot of folks in
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Christiandom incorrectly believe is important, but actually David lost his
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Celestial Status in the impending Heavenly realms that lie ahead because of an
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infracted Contract under circumstances that created no damages whatsoever
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[David mentions that he entered into Father's EVERLASTING COVENANT in II SAMUEL
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23:5], the content of which prohibits promiscuous masculine excursions into the
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interior contours of feminine musculature, under certain circumstances. The
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defense argument that such ecstatic circumstances create a wide ranging array
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of beneficial biological and psychological side effects (which is factually
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correct) is not going to be relevant at the Last Day -- just like Tax
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Protesting arguments sounding in the Tort of Constitutional unfairness are not
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relevant when Federal Judges are enforcing express Commercial contracts (even
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though the Protestor is also factually correct as well in his Constitutional
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research). And Protestors continue to lose today on the same grounds and for
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the same reasons that good Christian folks will lose the Celestial Kingdom and
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take an honorable second place as an Angel: Because of failure to identify and
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come to grips with a series of invisible Contracts, and for failing to
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appreciate the extent to which contracts are elevated in Nature to an
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overruling dominate position in settling Judgments. Father's Covenants were
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deliberately designed to provide PERSONS operating under its jurisdictional
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penumbra with a confluence of contrasting incentives to exercise judgment on,
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and it is the outcome of those decisions which Covenant operants make for
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themselves -- that is what Father wants to see. Yet David, while he was still
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alive down here, knew that he had blown it but good:
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"[Jesus Christ told me that] he that ruleth over men must be just,
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ruling in the fear of God [and this is important to Father because impending
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Gods will themselves be ruling over angels and the like in the realms to come].
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[...These just persons, who are potential Gods], shall be as light in the
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morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender
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grass springing out of the Earth by clear shining after rain." After describing
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such a potential Celestial person in those terms, David admitted that he did
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not qualify:
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"...although my house be not so with God."
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- II SAMUEL 23:3 et seq.
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<div>[122]
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The questions of damages, of the presence of a MENS REA, and of consent are
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Tort Law arguments, and are not relevant when contracts are in effect. But
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wait,
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"I was never baptized, I never entered me into no Contracts with
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Father. My parents never got me involved with no church. I don't have me no
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baptism certificate in my closet."
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Yes, even you have invisible Contracts now in effect with Father. We all have
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Contracts in effect, and we all took out these contracts, all of us without any
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exceptions did this, back in the First Estate as Spirits. And it was then and
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there that we were on our knees before Father taking out Contracts in the
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angelic language we were then speaking, back before our memories were
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temporarily abated down here, that's when.
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This then is the Grand Key towards understanding why people want contracts out
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of you: Because that contract you gave them gives them the right to deal with
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you effectively at a later time. In the case of Heavenly Father, those previous
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existing First Estate Contracts give Father the right to deal effectively with
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us at a later time, both individually and collectively down here, should our
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degenerate Contract wickedness exceed his patience and threshold level of
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tolerance (as the Old Testament documents over and over again), as well as
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providing a Contract Law Jurisprudential judgment setting at the Last Day where
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Tort Law arguments of EVIL ACCOMPLISHED IN THE GOOD NAME OF JUSTICE are
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ignored. In the case of the King, he too wants contracts out of us to
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accomplish his revenue raising objectives, and then later enforceable against
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us under threat of incarceration otherwise not permissible absent a Commercial
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contract. In the case of Lucifer and certain Mafia Families, they too deal in
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contracts to deal effectively at a later time with a dissenter who leaves their
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ranks and starts to talk or otherwise creates troubles: By having the dissenter
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killed. In a contemporary Commercial setting, merchants, lending institutions,
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landlords, etc. all want recourse contracts out of you so they can deal
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effectively with you at a later time in Summary Judgment proceedings should
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there be a default. And on and on. [123]
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[123]<div> Illuminatti
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Gremlins, vipers, Bolsheviks, witches and other associated imps who circulate
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in that genre are not the only ones to be fooled and taken in on Tort Law
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reasoning down here. Certain eremitical monks are another prime example of well
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meaning people arranging their acts and behavior down here to take maximum
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advantage of the "avoidance of damages" question that haunts so many people. Of
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the numerous orders of monks around, such as the Trappists, the Carthusians,
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and the Benedictines, perhaps it is several of the Black Monk abbeys in Europe
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that are exemplary in their zeal not to damage anything, anyone, or any
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property, at any time. These particular Black Monks are doctrinaire Benedictine
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Monks. But unique to their own monastery sect, they walk through the air slowly
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and lead isolated and inactive lives. On their minds, they are taught not to
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influence the direction of anything else (i.e., avoid potential damages there).
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In Saint Benedictine's Rules [E.C. Butler, BENEDICTINE MONACHISM (1924)],
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chapters 23 to 30 talk about the relationship in effect between fault for
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damages and punishments to be expected. The head monk, the Abbott, is taught
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that he will be held accountable to answer for the souls of all of his monks
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||
before the judgment seat of God (chapters 2, 3, 27 and 64). Both the willful
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||
avoidance of damaging anything, and the doctrine that the Abbott is responsible
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before Father for the acts of others are Tort Law arguments, and are defective.
|
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Heavenly Father is dealing in Contracts; and expecting yourself to be magnified
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in stature before Father at the Last Day due to the mere absence of not having
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caused any damages down here or assuming responsibility for what a third person
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does or does not do, is absolutely incorrect. The only third party line of
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liability down here that we need to be concerned originates with Contracts,
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such as one that deems parents to be responsible for the acts of their
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offspring, if the child goes off on a negative tangent.
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<div>[123]
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Those who want to go forth and FILL THE MEASURE OF THEIR CREATION, just like
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Prophets and Patriarchs, need to go out and get some replacement Contracts with
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Father; [124]
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||
[124]<div> Our old
|
||
Patriarch Jeremiah once had a few words to say about the Principle of Nature
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||
that provides for a superseding layer of Covenants replacing a previous layer
|
||
of Covenants that have fulfilled their purpose. While quoting Jesus Christ,
|
||
Jeremiah said that:
|
||
"Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, that I will make a NEW COVENANT
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||
with the House of Israel, and with the House of Judah; Not according to the
|
||
Covenant that I made with their fathers in that day [when] I took them by the
|
||
hand to bring them out of Egypt; which my Covenant they [broke], although I was
|
||
a husbandman to them; but this shall be the Covenant that I will make with the
|
||
House of Israel; After those days, saith the Lord, I will put my Law in their
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inward parts, and write it in their hearts; and will be their God, and they
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shall be my people."
|
||
- JEREMIAH 31:31 et seq. Here we are being told that the terms of
|
||
Covenants that were once structured for folks in another area are going to be
|
||
replaced with terms of a NEW COVENANT for us; indirectly referring to the
|
||
modifications made in the LAW OF MOSES relating to blood sacrifice rites that
|
||
were deemed unnecessary after the Crucifixion perfected that phase of
|
||
ATONEMENT. This passage in JEREMIAH does not talk about our own specific
|
||
individual First Estate Contracts being replaced with another layer of NEW
|
||
COVENANTS in this Second Estate, but the Principle that is being spoken here,
|
||
of an organic growth in Covenants by reason of superseding replacement, applies
|
||
to us all individually, just as Jeremiah is telling us that it applies to the
|
||
House of Israel collectively. The operation of this Principle of Nature,
|
||
whether applied to us individually COVENANT BY SUCCESSIVE COVENANT or
|
||
collectively as a nation by a change in the terms of those COVENANTS EN MASSE,
|
||
is well known in Law and is called the MERGER DOCTRINE by American lawyers,
|
||
which I will discuss later. Jeremiah was a marvelous fellow, and I will have
|
||
more to say about him personally near the end of this Letter.
|
||
<div>[124]
|
||
the status of a person being a Prophet or Apostle down here does not exalt them
|
||
or confer upon them any special entitlement, as everyone is exalted by reason
|
||
of their Covenants with Father, and their status as Prophets are actually an
|
||
administrative work assignment for them. [125]
|
||
[125]<div> Your ability
|
||
to be exalted is neither diminished nor exalted because you are not a Prophet
|
||
or an Apostle.
|
||
"Here [we Apostles and Prophets are], who [like common Saints], are
|
||
destined to be exalted with the Gods, to become rulers in the Kingdoms of our
|
||
Father, to become equal with the Father and the Son..."
|
||
- Brigham Young, in a discourse delivered in the Bowery, Salt Lake
|
||
City, June 15, 1856; 3 JOURNAL OF DISCOURSES 354, at 360 [London (1856)].
|
||
<div>[125]
|
||
You don't need to be a Prophet, or raise people from the dead, or be endowed
|
||
with Celestial magic to snap your fingers and heal people of cancer, in order
|
||
to go forth and FILL THE MEASURE OF YOUR CREATION, but you do need to fulfill
|
||
difficult Contracts. [126]
|
||
[126]<div> "We are a
|
||
Covenant-making and a Covenant-taking people. We have the Gospel, which is the
|
||
NEW AND EVERLASTING COVENANT: NEW in that the Lord has revealed it anew in our
|
||
day; EVERLASTING in that its principles are eternal, have existed with God from
|
||
all eternity, and are the same unchangeable laws by which all men in all ages
|
||
may be Saved. The Gospel is the Covenant which God makes with his children here
|
||
on Earth that he will return them to His presence and give them Eternal Life,
|
||
if they will walk the paths of truth and righteousness while here. "We are the
|
||
children of the Covenant which God made with Abraham, or father. To Abraham,
|
||
God promised Salvation and Exaltation if he would walk as the Lord taught him
|
||
to walk. Further, the Lord Covenanted with Abraham that he would restore to
|
||
Abraham's seed the same laws and ordinances, in all their beauty and
|
||
perfection, which that ancient patriarch had received. 'For as many as receive
|
||
that Gospel,' the Lord said to him, 'shall be called after thy name, and shall
|
||
be accounted thy seed, and shall rise up and bless thee, as their father.'
|
||
(Abraham 2:10). "Now we have this same EVERLASTING COVENANT. We have the
|
||
restored Gospel, and every person who belongs to the Church, who has passed
|
||
through the waters of Baptism, has had the inestimatable privilege of making a
|
||
personal Covenant with the Lord that will save him provided he does the things
|
||
he agrees to do when he enters into that Covenant with God."
|
||
- Bruce R. McConkie in CONFERENCE REPORTS ["A Covenant People"], at
|
||
page 13 (October, 1950). "The Latter-day Saints are the people of God, a chosen
|
||
people, a royal priesthood, a covenant people, and a covenant-making people.
|
||
The greatest and most important blessings our Heavenly Father has for his
|
||
faithful sons and daughters are received by covenant."
|
||
- George F. Richards, in CONFERENCE REPORTS, page 129 (April, 1945).
|
||
<div>[126]
|
||
...Which leads us to the conclusory observation regarding the overall wisdom of
|
||
ignoring the terms and conditions of contracts we sometimes improvidently get
|
||
ourselves into: That people who are well seasoned experientially realize that
|
||
although ignorance may very well be bliss in the dreamy ALICE IN WONDERLAND
|
||
emotional aura it psychologically creates, this line on Contract Law
|
||
Jurisprudence is exemplary as to why ignorance is also highly self-damaging in
|
||
the practical setting. [127]
|
||
[127]<div> "The first
|
||
objective of our existence is to know and understand the principles of life, to
|
||
know good from evil, to understand light from darkness, to have the ability to
|
||
choose between that which gives and perpetuates life and that which would take
|
||
it away. The volition of the creature to choose is free; we have this power
|
||
given to us."
|
||
- Brigham Young, President of the Mormon Church, speaking in the Old
|
||
Tabernacle, Salt Lake City, December 8, 1867; 12 JOURNAL OF DISCOURSES 111, at
|
||
111 [London (1869)].
|
||
<div>[127]
|
||
Yes, the benefits inuring to persons entering into and honoring Father's New
|
||
and Everlasting Covenant are so great that the judgment of folks trying to
|
||
search for ways to work around it (by either adapting Tort Law reasoning ["I
|
||
don't need me none of that -- it's all the same God"] or by adapting a posture
|
||
of avoiding responsibility through claims of factual ignorance), really looks
|
||
pathetic by comparison. [128]
|
||
[128]<div> "We can not
|
||
receive, while in the flesh, the keys [of Celestial Jurisdiction] to form and
|
||
fashion kingdoms and to organize matter, for they are beyond our [limited]
|
||
capacity and calling [down here], [they are] beyond this world. In the
|
||
resurrection, men who have been faithful and diligent in all things in the
|
||
flesh, [who] have kept their First and Second Estate, [will] be crowned Gods,
|
||
even the Sons of God, [and] will be ordained to organize matter [and then go
|
||
off and create and people their own planets]."
|
||
- Brigham Young, in a discourse delivered in Farmington, Utah, August
|
||
24, 1872; 15 JOURNAL OF DISCOURSES 135, at 137 [London (1873)].
|
||
<div>[128]
|
||
And speaking of ignorance (and of staying in ignorance by choice): An
|
||
interesting secondary element surfaces in the Restraining Order and the
|
||
chronologically correlative criminal prosecution of Armen Condo. Not only did
|
||
Armen Condo not honor his contracts with the King, he did not even know of
|
||
their existence. [129]
|
||
[129]<div> A
|
||
necessarily difficult position to be in. However, since ignorance, whether real
|
||
or pretended, of the contract's existence does not vitiate one's liability,
|
||
then restraining one's self to remain within the contours of such intellectual
|
||
containment, in such a state of ignorance is self-damaging, and is to be
|
||
discouraged. And as for the Law of Contracts, whether known or unknown:
|
||
"A contract is an agreement in which a party undertakes to do, or not
|
||
to do, a particular thing. The law binds him to perform his undertaking, and
|
||
this is, of course, the obligation of the contract."
|
||
- STURGES VS. CROWNINSHIELD, 17 U.S. 122, at 197 (1819).
|
||
<div>[129]
|
||
This state of affairs of throwing criminal prosecutions against people who do
|
||
not even know of the evidentiary existence of a contract the King is operating
|
||
on, has been under consideration and review by the King's Agents in Washington.
|
||
Staff members in the Treasury Department have been analyzing the possible
|
||
benefits and consequences to the King if, in the justification of the Income
|
||
Tax, the IRS were to shift over to a correct presentation of the Law, in the
|
||
context of proper and natural morality and ethics, based on a voluntary
|
||
attachment of Equity Jurisdiction, and applicable only to a special class of
|
||
people. At the present time, the IRS presentation of the Law, in explaining why
|
||
an Income Tax is to be paid, continuously shifts attention over to the 16th
|
||
Amendment, and kind of winds up by saying that:
|
||
"...well, we collect the tax from every one because the 16th Amendment
|
||
tells us we need to."
|
||
You may be surprised to hear this somewhat pleasant note, but there is internal
|
||
disagreement within the Treasury Department on the long term wisdom of such an
|
||
erroneous presentation of the Law. And both Armen Condo and Irwin Schiff are
|
||
prime exemplary models to explain this interesting change in viewpoint now in
|
||
intellectual gestation within the senior administrative rank and file of the
|
||
King's own tax collectors. In Treasury staff meetings ever since the early
|
||
1970's, there has been concern expressed regarding the growing Tax Resistance
|
||
Movement, so called. [130]
|
||
[130]<div> "A growing
|
||
number of taxpayers are developing negative perceptions of the Federal Income
|
||
Tax. For example, surveys conducted by the ADVISORY COMMISSION ON
|
||
INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS finds that Americans perceive the Federal Income
|
||
Tax as the worst tax imposed on them and the least fair. Further, tax evasion
|
||
appears on the rise -- paralleling the increase in negative perception."
|
||
- Steven Kaplan and Phillip Reckers in A STUDY OF TAX EVASION JUDGMENTS
|
||
in 38 National Tax Journal 97, at 97 (March, 1985); citing in turn the research
|
||
of Myers and Shannon in CHANGING PUBLIC ATTITUDES ON GOVERNMENT AND TAXES
|
||
[Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, Washington, D.C.
|
||
(1980-1983)].
|
||
<div>[130]
|
||
Senior staff members have known about this Movement well in advance, back to
|
||
the early 1950's, and it was very clear to them at that time in the 1950's what
|
||
we now are seeing all around us: Open and growing resistance and defiance to
|
||
the assertion of tax collection authority by the King. [131]
|
||
[131]<div> Sharp
|
||
Congressmen themselves knew of this impending state of defiance back in the
|
||
1800's, before the original version of our present Income Tax was created:
|
||
"The imposition of the [income] tax will corrupt the people. It will
|
||
bring in its train the spy and the informer. It will necessitate a swarm of
|
||
officials with inquisitorial powers. It will be a step towards
|
||
centralization... It breaks another canon of taxation in that it is expensive
|
||
in its collection [a condition since remedied by the clever use of
|
||
administrative contracts to force people into a taxable status they would not
|
||
otherwise be in]..."
|
||
- Representative Robert Adams, speaking in opposition to the proposed
|
||
Income Tax Act of 1894, on the floor of the House of Representatives, January
|
||
26, 1894 [as quoted by Frank Chodorov in THE INCOME TAX, page 63 (Devin-Adair,
|
||
1954)]. [But as usual in Congress, cries and pleas for the continuance of the
|
||
quiescent STATUS QUO of the 1800's fell on deaf ears.]
|
||
<div>[131]
|
||
Back in the 1950's, statisticians in the Treasury Department, in their long
|
||
range (10, 20 and 30 year) revenue/budget projection plots, saw that the
|
||
combination of both inflation and the percentage progressive Income Tax would,
|
||
in just a few decades, be pushing just the average worker into highly
|
||
aggressive tax levels of up to 50%. [132]
|
||
[132]<div> Throughout
|
||
the years, numerous Hearings have been held and Bills introduced into the
|
||
Congress proposing a FLAT RATE TAX, but they have never gotten anywhere. See
|
||
such Senate Hearing s in THE FLAT TAX RATE ["Hearings Before the Committee on
|
||
Finance of the United States Senate"], 79th Congress, 2nd Session (September 28
|
||
and 19, 1982) [GPO, Washington (1983)]. Many of the persons presenting evidence
|
||
in that Hearing expressed knowledge on the enscrewment orientation of
|
||
progressive taxation, through their own words. When such widely held knowledge
|
||
jells into something tangible in the corridors of Congress is largely a
|
||
function of overcoming the Gremlins who now control the Congress.
|
||
<div>[132]
|
||
In the 1950's, those workers had then been paying just a small percentage.
|
||
[133]
|
||
[133]<div> As recently
|
||
as the early 1930's, a mere 5% was the maximum graduated federal income tax
|
||
due, but in time Bolshevik Gremlins changed that, by escalating taxing
|
||
percentage grabs to enscrewment levels more satisfactory to them. The schedule
|
||
was, at that time:
|
||
1-1/2% on the first $4000
|
||
3% on the next $4000
|
||
5% on the balance.
|
||
- WALL STREET JOURNAL, February 8, 1929 ["Income Tax in a Nutshell"],
|
||
page 4. <div>[133]
|
||
It was known at that time that there would be public concern of the growth from
|
||
those low taxation rates in practical effect then, to the substantially higher
|
||
tax rates expected in the future, and that this public concern would grow
|
||
increasingly with each passing year. [134]
|
||
[134]<div> This idea
|
||
has also been a dominate and recurring theme in research and literature in this
|
||
area of studying tax revolts. See generally:
|
||
- Lee Sigelman and David Lowery in THE TAX REVOLT: A COMPARATIVE STATE
|
||
ANALYSIS, 36 Western Political Science Quarterly, at 30 (March, 1983); This
|
||
paper explains eight different possible explanations of tax revolt success in
|
||
the 18 states where such revolts have surfaced as of 1983;
|
||
- Geoffrey Brennan and James Buchanan in THE LOGIC OF TAX LIMITS:
|
||
ALTERNATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL CONSTRAINTS ON THE POWER TO TAX, 32 National Tax
|
||
Journal, at 11 (1977);
|
||
- James Buchanan in WHY DOES GOVERNMENT GROW (an article appearing in
|
||
BUDGETS AND BUREAUCRATS, edited by Thomas Borcherding [Duke University Press,
|
||
Durham, North Carolina (1977)];
|
||
- James Buchanan in THE POTENTIAL FOR TAXPAYER REVOLT IN AMERICAN
|
||
DEMOCRACY, 59 Social Science Quarterly, at 691 (1979);
|
||
- James Buchanan and Richard Wagner in DEMOCRACY IN DEFICIT: THE
|
||
POLITICAL LEGACY OF LORD KEYNES [Academic Press, New York (1977)].
|
||
<div>[134]
|
||
And it was expected that the thrust of the public concern that was out in the
|
||
open, would be of the basic legitimacy of the Income Tax itself, and that such
|
||
concern would have a strong current under it due to its percentage progressive
|
||
nature that would accelerate into such noticeable levels when inflation was
|
||
strong for several years in a row; so much so that even ordinarily blind,
|
||
disinterested, naive and politically benign people would then perk up and take
|
||
interest; and even businessmen would start to slough off, rather than give away
|
||
their hard earned income stream to termites. With the annual increment in
|
||
Inflation, the public's questioning of the general illegitimacy of the Income
|
||
Tax would be incremented with each passing year, as it was expected that the
|
||
public would notice that although greater taxes are being paid, no additional
|
||
benefits or commensurate services were being experienced or being returned by
|
||
the King in one year to the next. This illegitimacy angle was expected to be a
|
||
"center of gravity" in the public's view, since the general public is unaware
|
||
of the ethical and moral basis of the Excise Income Tax, and of an attachment
|
||
of Equity Jurisdiction involved (in other words, the King can demand and get
|
||
anything from 0% to 100% in Equity and be morally correct, because your
|
||
participation with him in accepting his benefits in Commercial Equity is purely
|
||
voluntary, and so any amount of gain you acquired in King's Commerce is gain
|
||
that you would not otherwise have). That attachment of King's Equity
|
||
Jurisdiction always precedes the liability for the tax. And so it has been
|
||
expected for some time that the United States would one day experience the most
|
||
extreme and intolerable levels of income confiscation ever known to Americans:
|
||
Without any reciprocity by the King, without any apparent QUID PRO QUO [135]
|
||
[135]<div> The phrase
|
||
QUID PRO QUO means that there has been an exchange of "something for
|
||
something." It has a Roman origin to it, and is a term that appears in old
|
||
medieval English Crown cases I have read, and now carries on down to the
|
||
present time with Federal Judges. See IN RE LUEDER'S ESTATE, 164 F.2nd 128, at
|
||
135 (1947). <div>[135]
|
||
of incremental increase in benefits to be experienced from one year to the
|
||
next, and without any justification at all for the annual percentage
|
||
incrementation in tax extraction. These projection plots were not deemed to be
|
||
of very high priority at that time back in the 1950's, but the results and
|
||
findings were circulated among some administrative personnel and they
|
||
eventually made it over to two Congressional committees.
|
||
Under the Treasury Department's projection models and plots, it was predicted
|
||
that open defiance would come some day as such expected aggressive tax levels
|
||
are simply not bearable by average folks, previously quiescent, who would then
|
||
start to question the legitimacy of the tax itself. [136]
|
||
[136]<div> And other
|
||
top tax bureaucrats have repeated the warnings initially contained in that
|
||
Treasury Department report of the 1950's. At the close of the Johnson
|
||
Administration in 1969, Secretary of the Treasury Joseph W. Barr warned of a
|
||
growing resentment against higher taxes. [See the Foreword in THE INCOME TAX:
|
||
HOW PROGRESSIVE SHOULD IT BE? by The American Enterprise Institute, featuring
|
||
cross discussions on the question of progressivity with Charles Galvin and
|
||
Boris Bittker (AEI, Washington, 1969)].
|
||
<div>[136]
|
||
The catalytic effect of such aggressive tax levels would be the deprivation of
|
||
the ability of such average folks to provide minimum necessities for
|
||
themselves, such as housing and food. [137]
|
||
[137]<div> This is a
|
||
conclusion also reached by the Fund for Public Policy Research, in a report
|
||
entitled TAX CHANGES AND THE COMPOSITION OF FIXED INVESTMENT: AN AGGREGATE
|
||
SIMULATION by Aaron, Russek, and Singer. The study was conducted to inform the
|
||
Joint Congressional Committee on Internal Revenue Taxation as to the impact of
|
||
the Tax Reform Act of 1969 on investments in housing. [Washington, D.C.
|
||
(1969)]. Some of the data used in this report was obtained from the Federal
|
||
Reserve Board, who researches its own macro-economic taxation models
|
||
isochronously (ISOCHRONOUS means at regularly occurring intervals of time).
|
||
<div>[137]
|
||
One of the questions that was hypothetically addressed in the accompanying
|
||
report is the concern the Treasury had of the general institutionalized
|
||
acceptance of "Tax Protesting" by the public. Like the widespread flaunting of
|
||
the assertion of the King's law during Prohibition, a little resistance and a
|
||
few flare-ups can be managed well in the early stages with some well publicized
|
||
spankings, [138]
|
||
[138]<div> "...there is
|
||
one way by which the Government could avoid almost all resource costs in
|
||
enforcing the tax code: Penalize only a few taxpayers, but with inordinately
|
||
high fines or other punishments. Given that taxpayers are risk adverse, such a
|
||
strategy has a minimal resource cost while serving as an effective deterrent to
|
||
tax evasion."
|
||
- Jonathan Skinner and Joel Slemrod in ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVES ON TAX
|
||
EVASION, 38 National Tax Journal 345, at 346 (September, 1985). Notice why this
|
||
IN TERROREM method of collecting taxes would succeed: Because the Taxpayers are
|
||
deemed to be milktoast RISK ADVERSE persons [meaning that unlike Patriots,
|
||
Taxpayers would rather pay than put up a good fight]. The authors then discuss
|
||
and cite in turn two books that discuss ways on how the Government can magnify
|
||
the important image of such tax spankings administered to potential tax evaders
|
||
in the public's eye; see:
|
||
- Thomas McCaleb in TAX EVASION AND THE DIFFERENTIAL TAXATION OF LABOR
|
||
AND CAPITAL INCOME, 31 Public Finance Magazine 287 (1976);
|
||
- Nicholas Stern in ON THE ECONOMIC THEORY OF POLICY TOWARDS CRIME,
|
||
appearing in "Economic Models of Criminal Behavior" by Heineke, Editor [North
|
||
Holland Publishing, Amsterdam (1978)].
|
||
<div>[138]
|
||
but a lot of resistance later on produces Jury Nullification, widespread
|
||
administrative non-cooperation, secondary disrespect for the Law in general, a
|
||
growing underground economy, as well as numerous other technical problems. In
|
||
the present discussions that are now going on in Washington, there is a
|
||
minority viewpoint being developed that suggests the possibility that it might
|
||
be worthwhile for the United States to consider exploring the feasibility of
|
||
heading off the impending blossoming Resistance by preventative means, and one
|
||
possible way to do that would be by having the IRS justify the tax along
|
||
ethically specific and morally correct reasons, and on grounds harmonious with
|
||
Natural Law, involving citing just the Commerce Clause, equity benefits and
|
||
contracts (bank accounts, direct beneficial interest, adhesion, equity,
|
||
employment, political, and state Juristic Personalities), and to emphasize that
|
||
only special individuals in these classes who want these special juristic
|
||
benefits have any liability at all for the King's Equity participation tax on
|
||
incomes. Such an officially sanctioned justification would strip away the veil
|
||
of illegitimacy that now permeates the Income Tax among many people, and would
|
||
show to all the immoral position of Armen Condo and Irwin Schiff, as those two
|
||
were caught defiling themselves by dishonoring contracts they had with the
|
||
King. The consequences of this reversal of IRS public justification would be
|
||
manifold:
|
||
1. First, it would discredit people like Irwin Schiff and Armen Condo,
|
||
who have propagated legally defective tax related information around the
|
||
countryside. Appearing on television and selling large numbers of books, these
|
||
people develop a cult following [if CULT is the word] and contribute to the
|
||
institutionalization of public acceptance of defying the King, and their cult
|
||
continues to grow even though the information they propagate is misleading and
|
||
technically defective, and will collapse in front of a Federal Judge.
|
||
2. Tax revenues would decrease a bit in the near term as some people
|
||
shift their Status around to avoid being a Taxpayer; [139]
|
||
[139]<div> An
|
||
adjustment in status from Taxpayer to non-Taxpayer is a behavioral modification
|
||
designed to experience relief from a taxation load; if invisible juristic
|
||
taxation contracts remain in effect after the transition in status adjustment
|
||
was believed to have been completed, then what could be the provident saving of
|
||
resources then degenerates into TAX EVASION. Tax evaders have been thoroughly
|
||
studied, examined, and restudied over and over again [for the fabulous amount
|
||
of money at stake in this Gremlin enrichment game, we really do not need
|
||
collaborating documentation on what is merely COMMON SENSE, but termites do].
|
||
For the behavioral aspects of tax evasion, see:
|
||
- M.W. Spicer in A BEHAVIORAL MODEL OF INCOME TAX EVASION [Doctorial
|
||
Dissertation, Ohio State University (1974)];
|
||
- Michael Allingham and Agnew Sandow in INCOME TAX EVASION: A
|
||
THEORETICAL ANALYSIS, 1 Journal of Public Economics 323 (1972) [discusses the
|
||
utility maximizing behavior of Taxpayers who are subject to detection and
|
||
penalties, as viewed this way, these twin researchers modelled the tax evader
|
||
as persons who thus DEMAND the level of evasion given the PRICES for evasion as
|
||
set by the Government. In the context of constructing a supply and demand
|
||
model, these two authors concluded that the evading Taxpayer takes in factual
|
||
information (like the structure, enforcement effect, and punishments specified
|
||
in the tax code) as GIVEN criteria the Taxpayer cannot control, an then the
|
||
Taxpayer makes an assessment as to the most preferred dollar level that the tax
|
||
evasion is worth to him.]
|
||
- Charles Clotfelter in TAX EVASION AND TAX RATES: AN ANALYSIS OF
|
||
INDIVIDUAL RETURNS in 65 Review of Economic and Statistics 363 (1983)
|
||
[discusses direct measure of tax compliance based on 1969 IRS data called TCMP
|
||
(Tax Compliance Measurement Program), to examine the sensitivity of tax
|
||
compliance to the marginal tax rate (that mouthful means that Charles
|
||
Clotfelter did some statistical work and determined on his own that the lower
|
||
tax rate a Taxpayer is in, then the more compliance a Taxpayer would give back
|
||
to the Government [which is only common sense]).];
|
||
- Nathan Boidman in A SUMMARY OF WHAT CAN BE LEARNED FROM THE
|
||
EXPERIENCE OF OTHER COUNTRIES WITH INCOME TAX PROBLEMS, an article contained in
|
||
a publication called "Income Tax Compliance: A Report of the ABA Section of
|
||
Taxation Invitational Conference on Income Tax Compliance," at page 149
|
||
[American Bar Association, Washington (1983)];
|
||
- Age, income, moral beliefs and other economic factors have been found
|
||
to influence the tax evasion question. See A. Lewis in AN EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT
|
||
OF TAX MENTALITY in Public Forum Magazine, page 245 (1979); and Y.D. Song and
|
||
T.E. Yarbough in TAX ETHICS AND TAXPAYER'S ATTITUDES in Public Administration
|
||
Review Magazine, page 442 (1978);
|
||
- Based on sample data containing these five main demographic variables
|
||
suggestive of tax evaders: Age, Income by Category, Belief that tax evasion is
|
||
morally wrong, belief that the Federal Income Tax is fair, and economic
|
||
factors, Researcher A. Lewis generates a pretty accurate larger estimate of the
|
||
percentage of non-complying Taxpayers who exhibit tax evasion behavior, by
|
||
multiplying his sample data to the known entire national population that
|
||
conforms to each variable classification [see A. Lewis in THE PSYCHOLOGY OF
|
||
TAXATION [Saint Martin's Press, New York (1982)].
|
||
<div>[139]
|
||
3. Tax revenues would increase a bit as the immoral and unethical
|
||
position of Tax Protestors is frowned on, rather than cheered on by courtroom
|
||
supporters; and the resentment against paying a high percentage tax would
|
||
cease; [140]
|
||
[140]<div> When Tax
|
||
Protestors are parties to invisible juristic contracts, they are in fact tax
|
||
evaders, because they do in fact owe the tax, regardless of their political
|
||
philosophy justification sounding in the Tort of unfairness [even though many
|
||
Protestors do not want to admit it]. In Nature, whenever contracts are in
|
||
effect when a grievance is up for settlement, then the contract comes first,
|
||
and Tort arguments of unfairness come second; and nothing will change at the
|
||
Last Day. The economic perspective on tax evasion [meaning the effect of tax
|
||
evasion on tax receipts] has been frequently commented upon. For recent
|
||
technical examples see:
|
||
- Vidar Christianson in TWO COMMENTS ON TAX EVASION, 13 Journal of
|
||
Public Economics 389 (1980);
|
||
- Jonathan Skinner and Joel Slemrod in ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVES ON TAX
|
||
EVASION, 38 National Tax Journal 345 (September, 1985); discusses horizontal
|
||
fairness [HORIZONTAL means analyzed among Taxpayers of equal income] with
|
||
vertical fairness [VERTICAL means analyzed among Taxpayers of different
|
||
income], in an on-going practice of tax evasion:
|
||
"Public Policy towards tax evasion reflects complex and often competing
|
||
goals of collecting taxes efficiently and treating Taxpayers equitably. Since
|
||
Adam Smith, economists have been aware of the conflict between the
|
||
comprehensive collection of Government revenue and the costly and unfair or
|
||
"odious" method necessary to enforce these comprehensive collection rules."
|
||
- Skinner and Slemrod, id., at 345
|
||
That reference to Adam Smith is:
|
||
"A major source of Government revenue in Adam Smith's day was duties,
|
||
which 'by subjecting at least the dealers in the taxed commodities to the
|
||
frequent visits and odious examination of the tax gatherers, expose them
|
||
sometimes, no doubt to some degree of oppression; and always to trouble and
|
||
vexation; and although vexation... is not strictly speaking expense, it is
|
||
certainly equivalent to the experience at which every man would be willing to
|
||
redeem from it'."
|
||
- Adam Smith in II WEALTH OF NATIONS, at 430 [University of Chicago
|
||
Press, Chicago (1976)]. As can been seen from the days of Adam Smith, tax
|
||
collection is very much a continuing source of frictional confrontation between
|
||
the Crown and the Countryside, and under such an inherently tortional factual
|
||
setting, tax evasion will remain alive. Even though there is nothing immoral or
|
||
improper about the use of implied invisible contracts by Juristic Institutions
|
||
to raise revenue, tax evasion will so remain on the scene until such time as
|
||
Juristic Institutions are barred from raising revenue under these implied
|
||
contracts [as I will discuss later] (IMPLIED meaning invisible mass contracts
|
||
that are not individually negotiated with each Person); so Juristic
|
||
Institutions would then be required to rely on either express negotiated
|
||
contracts (meaning contracts negotiated with every Person individually), or
|
||
restricting the manipulative use of implied contracts to only those factual
|
||
settings where special optional benefits are being offered. In both instances,
|
||
you can forget about either of these contractual restrainments ever surfacing
|
||
in Constitutions.
|
||
<div>[140]
|
||
4. The underground economy, so called, would partially disappear, as
|
||
black markets in any commodity can only exist to escape the forced intervention
|
||
of Government that creates unnatural pricing. [141]
|
||
[141]<div> Concern for
|
||
the so called UNDERGROUND ECONOMY has been a recurring theme within the
|
||
corridors of Government. By calling it the UNDERGROUND ECONOMY, the King's
|
||
Agents are trying to color an illicit and tainted image in such activities; but
|
||
the King is in no position to do so.
|
||
[Later I will talk about the use of guns, literally, by Treasury agents
|
||
in the 1800's, to seal up a national monopoly on circulating Currency; in the
|
||
old days, private mints and businesses freely issued out their own circulating
|
||
coins and script, and so back then there was a real question as to whether or
|
||
not common folks were involved with what is called INTERSTATE COMMERCE; but
|
||
today everyone is automatically "in" this invisible INTERSTATE COMMERCE by the
|
||
use and recirculation of Federal Reserve Notes, because the King once used his
|
||
guns and bouncers to accomplish by hard physical duress what natural
|
||
competitive economic attraction and good common sense could not bring about: A
|
||
tight national Government monopoly on circulating Currency instruments,
|
||
enforced by penal statutes. Should we be surprised that today, the King's
|
||
Agents are now trying to twist things around enough so that those same common
|
||
folks who simply do not want to use the King's money are now colored as being
|
||
illicit participants in that vile, illegitimate "Underground Economy" -- but in
|
||
fact the King should be the VERY LAST ONE to talk about what is illicit, vile,
|
||
tainted, and unsavory[]. For recent recurring Government concerns echoed on
|
||
that heinous and obscene UNDERGROUND ECONOMY, see:
|
||
1. The Congressional testimony of IRS Commissioner Jerome Kurtz, and
|
||
two Treasury termites Richard Fogel and Robert Mason in Hearings entitled
|
||
SUBTERRANEAN OR UNDERGROUND ECONOMY, held by the Subcommittee on Commerce,
|
||
Consumers, and Monetary Affairs of the Committee on Governmental Operation;
|
||
House of Representatives, 96th Congress, First Session (September, 1979).
|
||
2. The Congressional testimony of Commissioner Roscoe Egger and termite
|
||
David Glickman (Deputy Assistant Treasury Secretary for Tax Policy) in
|
||
DISCLOSURE OF IRS INFORMATION TO ASSIST WITH THE ENFORCEMENT OF CRIMINAL LAW,
|
||
Senate Subcommittee on Oversight of the IRS, Senate Finance Committee, 97th
|
||
Congress, First Session (November, 1981); Committee Serial No. 97-58.
|
||
Commission Egger starts letting the UNDERGROUND ECONOMY have it at page 63.
|
||
3. See also Congressional Hearings entitled THE UNDERGROUND ECONOMY,
|
||
held by the Subcommittee on Oversight, Committee on Ways and Means, House of
|
||
Representatives, 96th Congress, First Session, Serial No. 96-70 (July,
|
||
September, October, 1979). Various different mathematical models have been
|
||
developed on the UNDERGROUND ECONOMY. One method developed initially in the
|
||
United States involves the use of making inferences about the underground
|
||
economy on the basis of changes in money holdings over a period of time; see:
|
||
- P.M. Guttman in THE SUBTERRANEAN ECONOMY, 33 Financial Analysts
|
||
Journal 26 (November/December, 1979);
|
||
- E.L. Feige in HOW BIG IS THE IRREGULAR ECONOMY?, 5 CHALLENGE 22
|
||
MAGAZINE, at page 5 (1979);
|
||
- B.S. Frey and W.W. Pommerehne in an article entitled MEASURING THE
|
||
HIDDEN ECONOMY: THOUGH THIS IS MADNESS, THERE IS METHOD IN IT, appears in a
|
||
book called THE UNDERGROUND ECONOMY IN THE UNITED STATES AND ABROAD, edited by
|
||
Vito Tanzi [Lexington Books, Toronto (1983)]. A British researcher developed an
|
||
UNDERGROUND ECONOMY model using differences between estimates of reported
|
||
income on tax returns and other estimates of income based on household and
|
||
industrial surveys of spending as an indicator of the percentage slice of the
|
||
economy going underground [see K. MacAfee in A GLIMPSE OF THE HIDDEN ECONOMY,
|
||
316 Economic Trends Magazine, at 81 (February, 1980)]. Another researcher based
|
||
in Italy used data from the relative level of public participation in what is
|
||
called the OFFICIAL LABOR PARTICIPATION RATE to arrive at his conclusions as to
|
||
the number and magnitude of which Italians are declining their Government's
|
||
invitation to deprive themselves of daily necessities so their Government can
|
||
engage in conquests [see B. Contini in an article entitled THE SECOND ECONOMY
|
||
OF ITALY, in Vito Tanzi's UNDERGROUND ECONOMY, id. Here in the United Stats,
|
||
one of the ways Government researchers probe for areas of "illicit"
|
||
subterranean activity is to examine what each American spends per year for food
|
||
and other retail purchases, and then figure up a national per person average.
|
||
Based on that information, a reasonable figure can be estimated that each
|
||
typical American would spend each year on, for example, food. Then checking
|
||
each city in the United States against that national average, they look for
|
||
food stores that are selling food to a known population area at a rate far in
|
||
excess of the national per person average -- then obviously there are more
|
||
people in that city than official census tracts are reporting. One such
|
||
representative metropolitan area of a city swirling in such an illicit vortex
|
||
of unreported income and officially nonexistent people, not surprisingly, is
|
||
Las Vegas, Nevada.
|
||
<div>[141]
|
||
(Bolshevik planners who have reasoned that the underground economy will
|
||
disappear altogether with their planned cashless society, with all financial
|
||
transactions reported to the IRS, are in error);
|
||
5. Tax revenues would increase in the long run, as most of those folks
|
||
who suddenly got rid of their bank accounts and other attachments of King's
|
||
Equity to save money found out that the loss of income, benefits, cutoff from
|
||
Commerce, deprivation of mortgage and loan availability, and other adverse
|
||
secondary effects just wasn't worth it. This is now happening on a small scale
|
||
with some commercially oriented enterprising type Patriots [142]
|
||
[142]<div> I feel
|
||
uncomfortable with the use of the word PATRIOT, but it does describe a
|
||
characteristic worthy of admiration, even though the majority of Patriots I
|
||
will be referring to in this letter have been engaged in highly immoral
|
||
activity, by dishonoring invisible contracts they have no knowledge of.
|
||
<div>[142]
|
||
who are re-entering the highways of Commerce and signing up with the King again
|
||
(but this time under careful circumstances). [143]
|
||
[143]<div> A British
|
||
researcher argues that the hard suppression of tax evasion by the Government is
|
||
actually self-defeating, since such a characteristically GESTAPO suppression of
|
||
evaders produces the secondary effect of reducing aggregate tax receipts by
|
||
having discouraged economic activity; which if, in contrast, would have
|
||
surpassed those taxes that were evaded [see B. Bracewell-Milnes in THE FISC AND
|
||
THE FUGITIVE: EXPLOITING THE QUARRY appearing in "The State of Taxation," The
|
||
Institute of Economic Affairs, London (1977)]. Many other parallels exist all
|
||
throughout the very wide ranging field of interpersonal relations that suggest
|
||
that the relaxed quiescent atmosphere generated by nice guys always yields the
|
||
most fruit; but Bolshevik Gremlins believe that they are on an important
|
||
mission and that terror is an important accessory instrument available to help
|
||
them accomplish their objectives, and so nice guys are in their way, and
|
||
Gremlins have no room for people that are in their way.
|
||
<div>[143]
|
||
6. Near term revenues would increase as Taxpayers who now view the tax
|
||
as either wrong, immoral, or illegitimate and then claim excessive deductions
|
||
would be hesitant to do so when the moral position is shifted around and now
|
||
it's their failure to pay their full share that is a serious act of
|
||
self-defilement on their part. [144]
|
||
[144]<div> But the
|
||
realization will never be universal:
|
||
"The problem [of both tax avoidance and evasion] is an ancient one. The
|
||
natural desire of the Citizen to pay as small a tax as possible is doubtless as
|
||
old as taxation. It would be difficult, indeed, to devise a system of taxation
|
||
under which it would not rear its head. In this day of manifold Governmental
|
||
activities with the consequent need for constant and fixed revenues, it is of
|
||
paramount importance that the revenue laws be so drawn and so administered that
|
||
the taxes imposed do not depend for their collection upon the whim, caprice, or
|
||
astuteness of Taxpayers and their counsels. An added consideration is the
|
||
equitable rights of Taxpayers themselves. It is of abiding importance to
|
||
Taxpayers as a class that each Taxpayer pay his proportion of the tax burden,
|
||
that each Citizen share the cost of Government in accordance with his ability
|
||
to pay. Hence, in combating both evasion and avoidance, the Government is
|
||
protecting itself and the equitable rights of all Taxpayers. The problem is one
|
||
in which small Taxpayers, in particular, have a very definite interest. John
|
||
Doe has a taxable net income of one thousand dollars. Generally, John Doe pays
|
||
his tax thereon. If he tries to avoid he usually evades, because he is unable
|
||
to employ skilled advisors, and many of the methods by which he might avoid are
|
||
not available to him. On the other hand, Henry Doe has a taxable net income of
|
||
three thousand dollars. He has skilled accountants and advisors to reduce this
|
||
net income and thereby minimize his tax liability. His business and investments
|
||
are, generally, of such a nature as to render available to him many tax saving
|
||
schemes. Hence, the ability to pay frequently carries with it the ability to
|
||
avoid. After all, tax avoidance cannot be had at the dollar book counter."
|
||
- Lucious Buck in INCOME TAX EVASION AND AVOIDANCE: SOME GENERAL
|
||
CONSIDERATIONS, 26 Georgetown Law Review 863, at 863 (1937).
|
||
<div>[144]
|
||
It is the opinion of staff members that although this is an interesting model
|
||
to consider, its revenue generating strength for the King lies in the
|
||
correction of wholesale public perception of the King being wrong and working
|
||
immoral acts on the countryside. Since a majority of Americans still do not
|
||
perceive of things being this way at the present time, this revenue enhancement
|
||
and Tax Resistance termination model is best kept on the back shelf, for a
|
||
while. [145]
|
||
[145]<div> At the
|
||
present time, while a majority of Americans still do not perceive of things as
|
||
being structurally wrong, however, there are many other folks who do possess
|
||
inclinations of irritation:
|
||
"In an era of heavy taxation, many taxpayers, not merely "tax
|
||
protestors," feel intense irritation at the federal tax authorities..."
|
||
- CAMERON VS. I.R.S., 773 F.2nd 126, at 129 (1985).
|
||
<div>[145]
|
||
The value in this story is the knowledge that the King's Tax Collectors in
|
||
Washington are not the intellectually lethargic and dim-witted bureaucrats some
|
||
people make them out to be. [146]
|
||
[146]<div> Tax
|
||
bureaucrats conduct extensive continuous statistical research on various
|
||
different methodologies of conducting the best CRACKING that can be had for the
|
||
tax collection dollar spent. Based on technical information derived from
|
||
sources within the IRS, researcher Ann Witte, et al., developed an economic
|
||
model of tax compliance by Americans. She came to the same conclusions that IRS
|
||
statistical termites had already arrived at long ago:
|
||
1. That the decline in tax audit rates during the 1970's may have
|
||
accounted for a substantial portion of the decline in compliance during that
|
||
period.
|
||
2. That increases in probability of tax audit and such things as
|
||
information reporting and tax withholding are likely devices to increase tax
|
||
code compliance [not very difficult to figure out, but bureaucrats need to have
|
||
it all handed to them].
|
||
3. That increases in moral ambivalence towards tax compliance will
|
||
increase tax non-compliance [not very difficult to figure out]. The IRS divides
|
||
Taxpayers into different strata of audit classes since it believes that
|
||
compliance behavior differs significantly on the basis of level and type of
|
||
income. Ann Witte constructed a statistical analysis for homogeneity of
|
||
coefficients across the seven audit classes that her sources in the IRS would
|
||
admit existed; she used LEAST SQUARES and a generalization of the CHOW TEST as
|
||
statistical tools to come to a conclusion. That yes, Taxpayers situated within
|
||
the seven different strata of audit classes developed by professional termites
|
||
in the IRS do in fact exhibit an amazingly similar MODUS VIVENDI to other
|
||
Taxpayers in the same class [MODUS VIVENDI means mode of living in the sense
|
||
that it is a temporary arrangement pending settlement of some grievance]. Yes,
|
||
those termites are quite proficient unknowing Bolshevik instrumentalities at
|
||
their juristic tasks of eating out our substance [see Ann Witte in THE EFFECT
|
||
OF TAX LAW AND TAX ADMINISTRATION ON TAX COMPLIANCE; THE CASE OF THE UNITED
|
||
STATES INDIVIDUAL INCOME TAX, 38 National Tax Journal 1 (March, 1985)].
|
||
<div>[146]
|
||
They are constantly polling public opinion and testing for factual knowledge,
|
||
to see what they can get away with. [147]
|
||
[147]<div> The
|
||
assessments and JUDGMENT CALLS that our King goes through in determining how
|
||
much money should stay on the farm, what minimum amount is needed by the farmer
|
||
for survival, and then how much should be turned over to the State for his own
|
||
Royal purposes, is the same JUDGMENT CALL that Gremlins nestled in Juristic
|
||
Institutions made world wide:
|
||
"We were back to food requisitioning, only now it was called a tax.
|
||
Then there was something called 'overfilling the quota.' What did that mean?
|
||
It meant that a Party secretary would go to a collective farm and determine how
|
||
much grain the collective farmers would need for their own purposes and how
|
||
much [grain] they had to turn over the State. Often, not even the local Party
|
||
committee would determine procurements; the State itself would set a quota for
|
||
the whole district. As a result, all too frequently, the peasants would have to
|
||
turn everything over they produced -- literally everything! Naturally, since
|
||
they received no compensation whatsoever for their work, they lost interest in
|
||
the collective farm and concentrated instead on their private plots to feed
|
||
their families."
|
||
- Nikita Khrushchev in his memoirs KHRUSHCHEV REMEMBERS: THE LAST
|
||
TESTAMENT, page 108 [Little Brown, Boston (1974); translated by Strobe
|
||
Talbott]. The reason why Gremlins world wide are continually confronted with
|
||
the same nagging taxation question over and over again, is because they are
|
||
dealing with DIRECT taxes operating largely on Citizenship Contracts, and so
|
||
there is inherently always going to be tension, friction, and confrontations,
|
||
as DIRECT TAXES by their nature require strict administrative compliance, which
|
||
is fundamentally out of harmony with the HAPPY GO LUCKY nonchalant ambivalence
|
||
many folks manifest. And there will also be correlative factual assessments
|
||
being made by Government as to just what the permissible levels of tolerable
|
||
enscrewment are, that can be sustained by the peasantry before EN MASSE
|
||
rejection gets out of hand. By the nature of DIRECT taxes, for the reciprocal
|
||
compensation demanded, there never is any relationship to juristic benefits
|
||
offered, nor any relationship between income extracted from people and
|
||
Governmental needs -- and so what we are left with is just an extraction
|
||
formula designed to maximize Crown enrichment.
|
||
<div>[147]
|
||
They are brilliant and they know exactly what they are doing at all times.
|
||
[148]
|
||
[148]<div> And they
|
||
also know exactly what they are doing when the go around the countryside
|
||
looking for some Tax Protesting giblets to crack:
|
||
"SENATOR SMOOTHERS: I have been concerned, Mr. Alexander, [Director of
|
||
the IRS in the mid 1970's], and the committee has received information
|
||
regarding how the IRS deals with its enemies, if you will, particularly the tax
|
||
protestor groups. We have information indicating that there has been an effort
|
||
made to infiltrate these groups, if you will, primarily based on their anti-IRS
|
||
activities, including such things as [their] efforts at physical destruction
|
||
[in] your [IRS offices and the filing of reams of blank returns. Is it your
|
||
view that IRS investigators should be used in this capacity, or is this a
|
||
matter better handled by other investigative agencies, like the FBI?
|
||
"MR. ALEXANDER: Mr. Smoothers, there have been instances where the use
|
||
of the techniques that you described would be necessary. Those instances are
|
||
few indeed. I think that the IRS has a responsibility to see to it that those
|
||
who attempt to defeat tax administration and tax enforcement do not succeed.
|
||
And, accordingly, as to tax resisters, we have an interest, and shall, I think,
|
||
maintain an interest in making their efforts fail. But we also have a duty in
|
||
the fulfillment of this limited goal to live up to constitutional principles
|
||
and the law, because we cannot enforce the law properly by violating the law [a
|
||
lie, but a CRACKER is not about to tell the Congress anything else]. ...Tax
|
||
protestors are indirectly related to tax administration, in that those who
|
||
preach resistance to tax laws are likely to practice resistance as well."
|
||
- HEARINGS TO STUDY GOVERNMENTAL OPERATIONS WITH RESPECT TO
|
||
INTELLIGENCE INFORMATION, 94th Congress, First Session, Volume 3 ["Internal
|
||
Revenue Service"], page 7; United States Senate (October 2, 1975). A Gremlin
|
||
once had a few words to say about EXECUTIVE POWER, such as that power wielded
|
||
by Presidents and his administrative assistants:
|
||
"Executive power combines policy-making with the direction of policy
|
||
execution. It is this combination that endows the executive organ in the
|
||
governmental structure with its crucial functional importance and vests it, or
|
||
rather the persons who symbolize or control it, with the mystique normally
|
||
surrounding a head of State or a monarch. In the minds of the people, a
|
||
president, a king, or even a premier... plays the role of leader, much in the
|
||
tradition of the family head, the village elder, or the tribal chief.
|
||
"Through the ages, society has depended on the chief executives for a
|
||
sense of direction, and they have stood at the apex of the social and political
|
||
hierarchy whenever necessity has forced men to band together. Executive power
|
||
may, in fact, be the oldest and the most necessary social institution in the
|
||
world. It has taken many forms, has been established through diverse channels
|
||
ranging from birth to purposely perpetrated death, and has been invested with
|
||
different ranges of authority at various places and times and in response to
|
||
varying requirements...
|
||
"The [bureaucratic] executive... is relatively unhindered in the
|
||
exercise of [this] power... Formal restraints, such as legal injunctions, are
|
||
also either absent or circumvented, while informal restraints [such as the
|
||
press] are somewhat more elastic in the assertion of their claims against the
|
||
executive."
|
||
- Zbigniew Brzezinski in IDEOLOGY AND POWER IN SOVIET POLITICS, at 13
|
||
[Fredrick Praeger Publisher, New York (1962)]. Gremlins know that folks will go
|
||
right ahead and improvidently place an aura of mystique about the nominees they
|
||
sponsor into visible executive positions in Juristic Institutions, such as
|
||
Presidents and Members of his Cabinet -- while the real action [the level where
|
||
the bureaucracy is interfacing with the public, the level where damages are
|
||
being created), is taking place at a lower level -- an invisible bureaucratic
|
||
level. And Gremlins are also cognizant of the fact that formal legal
|
||
restraints, such as those residing in the Constitution, are in fact
|
||
circumvented, as Mr. Alexander admitted; and third parties the public seems to
|
||
trust, like the Press, are noted for their acquiescence of mischief through
|
||
their silence. Always remember that Gremlins merely take advantage of what is
|
||
handed to them, and will back off when the knife encounters a bone instead of
|
||
more flesh; this is a Principle pronounced over and over again in
|
||
ecclesiastical settings, as Lucifer is identified as a clever adversary
|
||
specializing in taking prime advantages of weaknesses. Patriots assigning a
|
||
degree of trust in the Constitutional compliance inclinations of lower strata
|
||
bureaucratic underlings, by virtue of the stature possessed by a President
|
||
sponsored by Gremlins, are in error; as Gremlin Brzezinski pointed out, when
|
||
the house is under Gremlin management, such as the United States is today, the
|
||
policy maker is largely aloof from the administrative termite.
|
||
<div>[148]
|
||
So too, the IRS knows exactly what it is doing, just like the King. And its
|
||
present policy of justifying the tax based on a phony hybrid composite blend of
|
||
top-down universal Civil Law and 16th Amendment grounds is in place for just
|
||
one reason: Because at the present time it is to the King's financial advantage
|
||
to do so, due to baneful public IGNORANTIA JURIS. (But remember the King
|
||
propagates this erroneous justification because of the institutionalized
|
||
political banality of most Americans. Reverse the banality and the King will
|
||
very likely reverse himself). I have a hunch that the King's reversal will be
|
||
virtually automatic when the time is right. He closely monitors public opinion,
|
||
and he is careful in his public pronouncements. [149]
|
||
[149]<div> It is my
|
||
hunch that a contributing inducement element to the King's deceptive deflection
|
||
of the justification for the Income Tax, away from our Father's Common Law on
|
||
Contracts and towards the phony 16th Amendment, is likely to also indicate the
|
||
presence of a morbid intellectual disorder within the King's Senior Tax
|
||
Collectors in Washington: A disorder of deception. Consider the composite
|
||
conclusions that the psychological fantasy lie, of which Senior Tax Collectors
|
||
manifest with the deception, is a sign of intellectual morbidity when strongly
|
||
developed, and additionally, is a symptom of severe pathology [see Helene
|
||
Deustch and Paul Roazen, ON THE PATHOLOGICAL LIE, in the Journal of the
|
||
American Academy of Psychoanalysis, July, 1982, pages 369 to 386]. Another
|
||
article which explores the clinical need for the operant reconditioning of lie
|
||
therapies to correct structural deception disorders in the MODUS OPERANDI of
|
||
people is by Robert Langs, [writing in the INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF
|
||
PSYCHOANALYTIC PSYCHOTHERAPY, at pages 3 to 341 (1980-1981)], where he
|
||
discusses psychotherapeutic treatment modalities on the treatment of deception
|
||
disorders, especially psychoanalysis and psychoanalytically oriented
|
||
psychotherapy. Boy, that sounds like just the right medicine for the King's
|
||
Senior Tax Collectors.
|
||
<div>[149]
|
||
So all factors considered, it is unlikely that the King would not switch public
|
||
tax justification positions where it is to his own self-enrichment financial
|
||
advantage to do so. [150]
|
||
[150]<div> American
|
||
Jurisprudence, like Nature and society, is stratified into different statuses.
|
||
And people and objects situated within those different strata (statuses) have
|
||
different rights, motivations, and objectives. I am not convinced that there
|
||
are not other secondary elements coming into focus when coming to grips with
|
||
this psychological analysis of the King's Tax Collectors and their deception
|
||
regarding the legal validity and general tax relevancy of the 16th Amendment.
|
||
For an interesting discussion on the intricacies of deviant behavior manifested
|
||
in people by virtue of the elevated status they hold, see SOCIAL STRATIFICATION
|
||
AND DEVIANT BEHAVIOR by John Hewitt [published by Random House (1970)]. Mr.
|
||
Hewitt talks about the empirical connections between deviancy in MODUS OPERANDI
|
||
and self-perceived elevated status, when he discusses the "Analytical Models of
|
||
Social Stratification and Deviant Behavior."
|
||
<div>[150]
|
||
Just as there is deception and lies in the conveyance justification being
|
||
offered to Americans for an unreasonably sized chunk of their wealth, month in
|
||
and month out, year in and year out without any let up in sight, so too was the
|
||
Income Tax justified on fraudulent terms by Congressmen who, just like the
|
||
King's Senior Tax Collectors today, had a pure and perfect picture of their
|
||
MAGNUM Torts of deception and lies. Yes, if you were to believe Congressmen
|
||
trying to push the 1913 INCOME TAX ACT through Congress, the world was simply
|
||
crying out, insisting, and even strongly demanding that they be taxed, fleeced,
|
||
and thoroughly looted. [151]
|
||
[151]<div> "During
|
||
recent years there has been a general agitation and demand in almost every
|
||
state in the union and in almost every country in the world for intelligent,
|
||
fair, and practical reforms and readjustments of their tax systems to the end
|
||
that every citizen may be required to contribute to the wants of the Government
|
||
in proportion to the revenue he enjoys under its protection. To this end the
|
||
doctrine of equality of sacrifice or ability to pay is being universally
|
||
invoked."
|
||
- Representative George Hull, on the floor of the House of
|
||
Representatives in 1913; as quoted by Thomas Lyons in INCOME TAXES ["Modern
|
||
American Law Lecture"], page 14 (The Blackstone Institute, Chicago, 1920).
|
||
<div>[151]
|
||
But if that statement from George Hull is not enough to turn your stomach, then
|
||
perhaps some other previous statements, emanating from the floor of the
|
||
Congress in support of the WILSON TARIFF ACT OF 1894 [which contained an Income
|
||
Tax rider (the Income Tax bill would not pass the Congress by itself)], which
|
||
present a flowery wonderland promised to us all, if only we were just taxed
|
||
more heavily, just damaged more intensely, and deprived of just more wealth
|
||
through one more turn of the screws, is just strong enough to make someone
|
||
choke. [152]
|
||
[152]<div> Speaking of
|
||
the Income Tax provision of the WILSON TARIFF BILL, a Congressman once had a
|
||
few flowery words to say:
|
||
"The passage of the [Wilson] bill will mark the dawn of a brighter day,
|
||
with more sunshine, more of the songs of birds, more of that sweetest music,
|
||
the laughter of children, well fed, well clothed, well housed. Can we doubt
|
||
that in the bright, happier days to come, good, even-handed Democracy shall be
|
||
triumphant? God hasten the era of equality in taxation and in opportunity. And
|
||
God prosper the Wilson bill, first leaf in the book of reform in taxation, the
|
||
promise of a brightening future for those whose genius and labor create the
|
||
wealth of the land, and whose courage and patriotism are the only sure bulwark
|
||
and defense of the Republic."
|
||
- Representative David DeArmond, of Missouri (1894); [as quoted by
|
||
Frank Chodorov in THE INCOME TAX, page 41 (Devin-Adair, New York 1954)]. Always
|
||
remember that David DeArmond was sent to Washington from country folks in
|
||
Missouri -- ordinary Citizens just like us all, so to a large extent, he merely
|
||
replicated the indifferent will of his Constituents who actually admired a man
|
||
of his pathetic calibre; so before snickering at the clever Rothschilds, we
|
||
need to realize that we did this to ourselves. Although it is popular to
|
||
snicker at Congressmen, Congressmen reflect somewhat fairly the judgment
|
||
calibre of their Constituents, and so now the correct remedy lies not by
|
||
slothing off responsibility by pointing to someone else and blaming them, and
|
||
not by the selective political criticism of the world's Gremlins (exemplary of
|
||
Birchers and LaRouchies), but rather by a national internal self-examination
|
||
that originates, like everything else, individually:
|
||
"When politicians discover that the people will turn out in mass to the
|
||
primaries, their hope of controlling delegates in their own interest will
|
||
disappear; and whenever political conventions discover that the people will
|
||
carefully discriminate in the selection of officers, choosing only those who
|
||
live within the Law and who are pledged to support it -- those whose lives and
|
||
characters are above reproach -- then will political parties fear to put up for
|
||
election men who are unworthy. If the people will only exercise their
|
||
privileges as American Citizens, they will find in their own hands the power to
|
||
correct our present evils."
|
||
- Melvin J. Ballard in IMPROVEMENT ERA ["The Political Responsibility
|
||
of Latter-day Saints"], at 464 [Desert Book, Salt Lake City (1954)].
|
||
<div>[152]
|
||
The King's policy of keeping the ratio between the Income Tax bracket and the
|
||
percentage tax demanded where it is, is because it lies just below the
|
||
threshold toleration level, although not precisely so. The King's Agents are
|
||
constantly surveying us folks out here in the countryside to see how many of us
|
||
are in what tax bracket, so the King can reassess how much more tax
|
||
confiscation can be extracted from us without an unmanageable revolt. [153]
|
||
[153]<div> A Gremlin
|
||
once made a Statement that is a good representation as to how Gremlins think in
|
||
taxation areas:
|
||
"The problem of the Government is to fix rates which will bring in a
|
||
maximum amount of revenue to the Treasury and at the same time bear not too
|
||
heavily on the taxpayer or on business enterprises. A sound tax policy must
|
||
take into consideration three factors. It must produce sufficient revenue for
|
||
the Government; it must lessen, so far as possible, the burden of taxation on
|
||
those least able to bear it; and it must also remove those influences which
|
||
might retard the continued steady development of business and industry on
|
||
which, in the last analysis, so much of our prosperity depends."
|
||
- Gremlin Andrew Mellon in TAXATION: THE PEOPLE'S BUSINESS, at 9
|
||
[MacMillian Company, New York (1924)]. Notice what is important to Gremlins:
|
||
Maximum revenue generation for the Government; and maximum taxation from the
|
||
public that can be tolerated, individually and commercially. Gremlins do not
|
||
concern themselves with such pesky little nuisance questions as to whether the
|
||
Government really has any good cause to spend the money on in the first place;
|
||
Gremlins do not concern themselves with the correlative damages experienced by
|
||
folks as important resources are preemptively grabbed from them resulting in a
|
||
deprivation of minimal material needs to support a family. Gremlins do not want
|
||
you and I to have prosperity, they want the Government to have the prosperity,
|
||
so that once Government has got the money, then they can spend it.
|
||
<div>[153]
|
||
It is the possible likelihood that this threshold toleration level would be
|
||
overpassed and broken that concerns certain senior bureaucrats in Washington,
|
||
who are wise to the practical secondary consequences such a passing of the
|
||
threshold limit would create. The meaning of this concern is perhaps best
|
||
understood by the 1979 analogy of the oil pricing decisions made by Saudi
|
||
Arabia's Oil Minister, Sheik Admed Yamani. The Sheik's adamant refusal to raise
|
||
Saudi crude oil prices above the $40 per barrel limit in the face of such rare
|
||
and unusually strong world wide petroleum demand puzzled many observers. [154]
|
||
[154]<div> Saudi Arabia
|
||
accomplished its objective of restraining other oil producers by increasing
|
||
their oil production to maximum capacity, while refusing to raise its own
|
||
price. See numerous articles in the WALL STREET JOURNAL discussing the Saudi
|
||
Arabian crude oil pricing freeze while maximizing their own oil production to
|
||
physical limits:
|
||
- July 3, 1979 ["Saudi Arabia Is Said To Plan An Increase In Its Oil
|
||
Production"], page 3;
|
||
- July 10, 1979 ["President Confirms Saudi Move To Boost Oil Output
|
||
Sharply"], page 2 ("...Saudi production should have a moderating influence on
|
||
world oil prices...", id., at page 2);
|
||
- September 27, 1979 ["Saudis Allowing Higher Oil Level To Remain In
|
||
'79"], page 3;
|
||
- November 29, 1979 ["Collection of Confusions" poorly written
|
||
Editorial], page 2 (Saudi perspective on oil pricing);
|
||
- December 6, 1979 ["Saudi Arabia Probably Couldn't Bail Out Oil
|
||
Consumers If Output In Iran Collapsed"], page 2 (Saudi at maximum oil
|
||
capacity);
|
||
- December 13, 1979 ["Saudi Arabia Oil-Producing Capacity Is Up To
|
||
Almost 11000000
|
||
Barrels a Day"], page 3;
|
||
- October 27, 1980 ["How Energy Boss Met Secretly With Yamani On
|
||
Untimely Oil Deal"], page 1 (Saudi oil output raised, id., at page 23).
|
||
<div>[154]
|
||
From the viewpoint of some folks, the Sheik was passing up on a golden
|
||
opportunity to cream in some extra bucks while the oil boom lasted across those
|
||
several months. To other observers of the passing scene, the Sheik was a friend
|
||
of the United States, and was just a good, kind, caring, public welfare
|
||
oriented person who simply had the world's best interests in his heart as he
|
||
refused to raise prices any higher. But the real reason why Sheik Yamani was
|
||
trying to keep the oil prices artificially low is the same reason why the
|
||
Congress has fixed the Income Bracket/Percentage Tax ratios for the Income Tax
|
||
at their present levels: Because raising oil prices to levels above a threshold
|
||
toleration level then equal to higher priced alcohol would cause the universal
|
||
shift to alcohol and other non-crude oil based substitutes, and so oil would
|
||
then not be purchased at all in the future; just like more aggressive Income
|
||
Tax levels would cause folks to simply abandon taxes altogether, thus leaving
|
||
the King with nothing from these folks (as I mentioned that some Tax Collectors
|
||
have been concerned about since the 1950's). And that is the great art of
|
||
pricing in business: Keeping prices competitively high, but just below the
|
||
threshold level of rejection. [155]
|
||
[155]<div> For recent
|
||
commentary of this idea expressing similar conclusions in different words, and
|
||
based on different reasoning, see:
|
||
1. Jon Harkness in OPEC, RATIONALITY AND THE MACROECONOMY, 7 Journal of
|
||
Macroeconomics at 567 (Fall, 1985); the author discusses a simple two nation
|
||
macromodel with OPEC exploiting the vertical total supply curve of an open
|
||
economy. Has interesting theories intellectuals would like.
|
||
2. Marie Paule Donsimoni in STABLE HETEROGENEOUS CARTELS, 3
|
||
International Journal of Industrial Organizations, at 451 (December, 1985);
|
||
originates from the Netherlands. The author discusses how cartels constrict and
|
||
enlarge their supply of product as demand changes, in order to maintain high
|
||
prices and prevent cartel members from having an incentive to leave the cartel.
|
||
Under this model assumption, cartels composed of multiple types of firms can
|
||
prosper and enhance revenue with greater efficiency than firms can individually
|
||
outside of the cartel. Once established, cartels act like price leaders in an
|
||
industry, with the uniqueness, size, and composition of cartels changing
|
||
according to market demand.
|
||
3. M.A. Adelman in WESTERN HEMISPHERE PERSPECTIVES: OIL AND NATURAL
|
||
GAS, 3 Contemporary Policy Issues, at 3 (Summer, 1985). The author discusses
|
||
several competing and conflicting incentives to change pricing on oil, as they
|
||
continuously seek to shift that elusive equilibrium to favor themselves. The
|
||
individual market roles and shared concerns of Argentina, Canada, Ecuador and
|
||
Mexico are discussed.
|
||
4. Claudio Loderer in A TEST OF THE OPEC CARTEL HYPOTHESIS: 1974-1983
|
||
in 40 Journal of Finance, at 991 (July, 1985). Discusses oil pricing over the
|
||
last ten years, and addresses the hypothetical question as to whether or not
|
||
the collusive policies of OPEC really had that much of an effect on oil prices.
|
||
Very scholarly, with daily spot oil prices from 1973 to 1983, equations, tables
|
||
and other instruments for intellectuals to exercise with.
|
||
5. Frank Bass and Ram Rao in COMPETITION, STRATEGY, AND PRICE DYNAMICS;
|
||
A THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION, 22 Journal of Marketing Research, at
|
||
283 (August, 1985). Discusses the pricing impacts of new competition on
|
||
industries dominated not by cartels, but by oligopolies. The authors develop a
|
||
model reflecting some sensitivity resulting from demand diffusion, saturation,
|
||
and cost reductions through growth in market share and accumulated experience.
|
||
Price and market share dynamics are examined for the presence of a possibly
|
||
competitive oligopoly; the authors analyze the pricing geometries of
|
||
semiconductor manufacturing companies and conclude that the growth rate of the
|
||
demand pricing elasticity in integrated circuits and correlated semiconductor
|
||
products contributes significantly to pricing geometries (called PATHS by the
|
||
authors) across different products. With graphs and equations, this is an
|
||
intellectual's delight.
|
||
6. K. Sridhar Moorthy in USING GAME THEORY TO MODEL COMPETITION, 22
|
||
Journal of Marketing Research, at 262 (August, 1985). The author presents the
|
||
idea that competition springs from interdependence in effect between
|
||
competitors, such that actions taken by one firm will have impact and create
|
||
both opportunities and impediments on its competitors. The author creates a
|
||
GAME THEORY, whereby decision makers can model prospective reactions by
|
||
competitors on what it does. Applications are made into:
|
||
(a) Product and price competition;
|
||
(b) Price wars;
|
||
(c) The product quality/price relationship
|
||
(d) Competitive bidding competition.
|
||
7. Jehoshua Eliasberg in ANALYTICAL MODELS OF COMPETITION WITH
|
||
IMPLICATIONS FOR MARKETING: ISSUES, FINDINGS, AND OUTLOOK, 22 Journal of
|
||
Marketing Research, at 237 (August, 1985). The author uses oligopolies to
|
||
discuss how marketing managers are increasingly realizing the need to analyze
|
||
competition in formulating strategic marketing plans. New market entrants and
|
||
product line/distribution decisions are discussed in this fellow's pricing
|
||
models.
|
||
8. Robert T. Mason and David Easley in PREYING FOR TIME, 33 Journal of
|
||
Industrial Economics, at 445 (June, 1985). In an interesting article, the
|
||
authors discuss the use of predatory pricing models as a common everyday tool
|
||
of business conquest. The authors state that contrary to common view, such
|
||
predatory practices do not necessarily require the elimination of new
|
||
competitors [something that John Rockefeller would have accomplished back in
|
||
the 1800's out of the barrel of a gun and with the assistance of some
|
||
dynamite]; but that other business behavior often largely accomplishes the same
|
||
thing. With charts and equations.
|
||
9. P.A. Geroski et al in OLIGOPOLY, COMPETITION AND WELFARE: SOME
|
||
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS, 33 Journal of Industrial Economics, at page 369 (June,
|
||
1985); journal originates out of the United Kingdom. The authors review recent
|
||
literature on oligopolies; they err slightly when trying to define just what
|
||
creates monopolies, but are correct when they take the obvious position that
|
||
some monopolies have a protracted life about them over long periods of time.
|
||
10. Daniel Seligman in OPEC DISCOVERS THE PERILS OF PRICE FIXING, 112
|
||
Fortune Magazine, at 51 (July 22, 1985). The author views OPEC as collapsing in
|
||
ways predicted by classical theorems of the cartel theory of economics, for
|
||
many different reasons. Factually defective in some aspects, but it is
|
||
interesting light reading.
|
||
11. John Picinich in WHY OPEC IS STILL THE KEY TO LONG TERM OIL PRICES,
|
||
14 Futures; The Magazine of Commodities & Options, at 52 (May, 1985). This
|
||
author argues that OPEC is not on the threshold of collapse, and that with time
|
||
and huge oil reserves on its side, OPEC will likely dominate oil markets again
|
||
within a decade. Presents a good summary history of OPEC pricing in general,
|
||
and of the reduction in crude oil demand that gained momentum in 1983; here in
|
||
1985 OPEC is alive but has lost the standing ability to call the shots like
|
||
they used to.
|
||
12. William H. Miller in NO DEATHWATCH FOR OPEC, 225 Industry Week, at
|
||
40 (May 27, 1985). Openly discusses the view of others that OPEC will collapse,
|
||
and then offers his own views that OPEC is likely to get stronger in the
|
||
future, due to a combination of listed reasons. He cites the opinions of oil
|
||
analysts that United States oil production will fall synchronous with a rise in
|
||
demand, and the result will be that OPEC will hold the upper hand once again.
|
||
Those 12 articles are a representative profiling sample of the multiplicity of
|
||
recently appearing divergent views floating around on just one subject matter
|
||
(business cartels and their functional similitudes, and pricing), that are the
|
||
opinions of INTELLECTUALS -- as they go about their work reading,
|
||
contemplating, writing their own opinions, putting in an honest day's work
|
||
generating new theorems like they do. Sometimes they are correct, sometimes
|
||
they are in error, but the one denominator threading its way through all 12
|
||
articles was an omission of some additional factual information here and there
|
||
-- the effect of which would have been to both support and to countermand and
|
||
negate the theorems presented. And as we change settings over to where the imps
|
||
in the major media make their statements on television and in newspapers, they
|
||
too are in error as frequently as INTELLECTUALS are, as a composite blend of
|
||
lack of factual knowledge commingled with recurring overtones of philosophical
|
||
bias and Gremlin sponsored malice.
|
||
<div>[155]
|
||
No relationship to cost, no relationship to benefits received, no relationship
|
||
to hard intrinsic value. Just pricing based on Enscrewment (a similar
|
||
conclusion reached by others just cited in the footnote, but they use their own
|
||
proprietary language that removes identification of the moral orientation (for
|
||
good or evil) in the actors. As for pricing within the interior of shared
|
||
monopoly cartels -- this is why sophisticated pricing strategists know that
|
||
charging the highest momentary price the market will support is not necessarily
|
||
the best thing to do for yourself: You may win that battle under unusual
|
||
circumstances, but loose the long term war for several different secondary
|
||
reasons. And our King, with his monopoly, is no different in either motivation
|
||
or strategy. And that concern about likely rejection by ex-Taxpayers is also
|
||
the same reason why sophisticated attorneys who work for the King know that it
|
||
is often best to drop a prosecution, SANS GENE, in a low level Administrative
|
||
or Trial setting, rather than raise the presentation threshold level of the
|
||
grievance to senior judicial appellate forums and risk an adverse appellate
|
||
opinion on appeal that might benefit others, even if unreported. [156]
|
||
[156]<div> The decision
|
||
on whether or not to continue a prosecution at the appellate level is the same
|
||
exercise of discretion that prosecutors exercise when the criminal defendant is
|
||
initially charged with his crimes:
|
||
"The discretionary power... in determining whether a prosecution shall
|
||
be commenced or maintained [on Appeal] may well depend upon matters of policy
|
||
wholly apart from any question of PROBABLE CAUSE."
|
||
- UNITED STATES VS. COX, 342 F.2nd 167, at 171 (1965). Private
|
||
commentators as well have written on the discretion given to prosecuting
|
||
attorneys on the decision when to drop a case in whole or in part, although
|
||
they do not have the judgment to see what a marvelous administrative toll
|
||
PROSECUTOR'S DISCRETION is to keep potentially irritating cases out of
|
||
appellate forums, where even unreported Opinions might spell trouble for the
|
||
King in the future:
|
||
"Many persons who are in fact guilty of a crime and who could be
|
||
convicted are either not charged at all, are charged with a less serious
|
||
offense or a smaller number of offenses than the evidence would support, or are
|
||
subjected to informal control processes which do not require formal accusation.
|
||
Although some decisions not to charge or not to charge fully for reasons
|
||
unconnected with probability of guilt are made by the police, the primary
|
||
concern here is with those [decisions that are] made by the prosecutor. With
|
||
rare exceptions, legislatures and appellate judges officially approve of this
|
||
allocation of power to prosecutors, but the precise issue is infrequently
|
||
confronted in appellate litigation and is only occasionally dealt with
|
||
specifically in statutes."
|
||
- Frank Miller in THE DECISION TO CHARGE A SUSPECT WITH A CRIME
|
||
["Charging Discretion"], page 154 [Little Brown, Boston (1969)]. For commentary
|
||
on the DOCTRINE OF PROSECUTOR'S DISCRETION, see:
|
||
- Klein in THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY'S DISCRETION NOT TO PROSECUTE, 32 Los
|
||
Angeles Bar Bulletin 323, at 327 (1957);
|
||
- Kaplan in THE PROSECUTORIAL DISCRETION -- A COMMENT, 60 Northwestern
|
||
University Law Review 174 (1965);
|
||
- Baker in THE PROSECUTOR -- INITIATION OF PROSECUTION, 23 Journal of
|
||
Criminal Law 770 (1933);
|
||
- Jackson in THE FEDERAL PROSECUTOR, 24 Journal of the American
|
||
Judicature Society 18 (1940);
|
||
- Cates in CAN WE IGNORE LAWS? -- DISCRETION NOT TO PROSECUTE, 14
|
||
Alabama Law Review 1, at 7 (1962);
|
||
- Silbert in THE ROLE OF THE PROSECUTOR IN THE PROCESS OF CRIMINAL
|
||
JUSTICE, 63 American Bar Association Journal 1717 (1977).
|
||
<div>[156]
|
||
Like the Sub-Threshold Pricing Enscrewment Model in Commerce, there is also a
|
||
Sub-Threshold Prosecution Enscrewment Model in effect in the corridors of
|
||
Government as well, as the Judiciary is used latently by prosecutors in ways to
|
||
help enrich the King. [157]
|
||
[157]<div> Even
|
||
something as seemingly removed from the fine art of sequestering common public
|
||
knowledge of taxation by contract away from people, a field of law enforcement
|
||
seemingly aloof from the high stakes game of tax collection -- Federal
|
||
Anti-Trust Enforcement -- is actually swirling in the same vortex of
|
||
manipulative selective prosecution by use of strategy sessions held by United
|
||
States Deputy Attorneys General in Washington, as they go about their work
|
||
trying to make sure that only those cases conforming to a certain profile of
|
||
criteria within their classification are eventually sent to the Judiciary for
|
||
CRACKING, and one of those criteria is trying to identify, before prosecution
|
||
is initiated, which cases the Government is likely to prevail on during appeal
|
||
(see Suzanne Weaver in DECISION TO PROSECUTE: ORGANIZATION AND PUBLIC POLICY IN
|
||
THE ANTI-TRUST DIVISION, [MIT Press, Cambridge (1978); 2nd Edition]). So never
|
||
assume what the Law is by the mere silence of Judges, as a clever King has
|
||
selectively withheld cases potentially adverse to his position.
|
||
<div>[157]
|
||
[Incidentally, the Rothschilds and their ideological mentor, Karl Marx, have
|
||
planned this impending state of affairs since the Paris Communes of the 1800's,
|
||
but their SUB ROSA political involvement and quiet intellectual sponsorship
|
||
required our national consent through acts of own American legislatures, which
|
||
they got. (So we really did this to ourselves). And so I am only interested in
|
||
now addressing things as presently fabricated under American Law; and since the
|
||
King is now collecting Income Taxes exclusively by contract [numerous layers of
|
||
invisible contracts difficult to see], only the content of the contract is
|
||
relevant to discuss, when a grievance under the contract later comes up for
|
||
judicial review and enforcement. And so questions, sounding in the Tort of
|
||
unfairness, as to just who ultimately sponsored this grand scenario become
|
||
largely irrelevant, when contracts are in effect. The facts are that the Income
|
||
Tax has been around in the United States for a long time. The American
|
||
colonists had such a tax imposed on them, [158]
|
||
[158]<div> "[Income
|
||
Taxes] were imposed by several of the states at or shortly after the adoption
|
||
of the Federal Constitution, New York Laws 1778, chap. 17; Report of Oliver
|
||
Wolcott, Jr., Secretary of the Treasury, to the 4th Congress, 2nd Session
|
||
(1796), concerning direct taxes; AMERICAN STATE PAPERS, 1 Finance 423, 427,
|
||
429, 437, 439."
|
||
- SHAFFER VS. CARTER, 252 U.S. 37, at 51 (1919).
|
||
<div>[158]
|
||
and there was also one imposed during the Civil War under Abraham Lincoln.
|
||
[159]
|
||
[159]<div> Acts of
|
||
August 5, 1861 (Chapter 45, Section 49, 12 UNITED STATES STATUTES AT LARGE 292,
|
||
309) -- confined the Income Tax then to PERSONS residing within the United
|
||
States (meaning PERSONS accepting the benefits of the protection of the United
|
||
States) and United States Citizens residing abroad (meaning PERSONS operating
|
||
under the invisible Citizenship Contract). Yes, well before the 14th or 16th
|
||
Amendments, before Gremlin EXTRAORDINAIRE Karl Marx made his appearance on the
|
||
scene, Income Taxes were both laid on and successfully collected from, American
|
||
Citizens. I will discuss both the 14th and 16th Amendments later on, but you
|
||
should be aware that numerous people are arguing that you are not liable for
|
||
the present Income Tax of Title 26, based on infirmities and defenses centered
|
||
around the 14th or 16th Amendments; the information being disseminated by these
|
||
people is both erroneous at Law and factually defective (defective by
|
||
omission). <div>[159]
|
||
But the distinction between those prior belief and transient AD HOC taxing
|
||
occurrences and the present permanent Income Tax is that our contemporary
|
||
Income Tax has an underlying political objective as its primary goal: It was
|
||
originally designed and is now intended to forcibly screw, harm and damage
|
||
people, first, and then to raise revenue as a wealth transfer instrument,
|
||
second. [160]
|
||
[160]<div> I once had a
|
||
conversation with a Bolshevik Gremlin who works for the Brookings Institution
|
||
in Washington. There was an aura permeating the atmosphere around him that was
|
||
different, as if there was a demon chill in the air. Sensing this introduction
|
||
to Hell, I almost felt as if I was in Tubingen University in Germany, swirling
|
||
in the midst of the ghostly political tempest of devilish intrigue that has
|
||
been going on there since the days of Fredrich Schiller and George Hegel
|
||
institutionalized the kinky intellectual which that University generates, and
|
||
which ideological flotsam and doctrinal mischief continues on without abatement
|
||
down to the present day with Hans Kung and the Green Party. But when this
|
||
conversation drifted over towards the Income Tax, all of a sudden he sparkled
|
||
up a bit, and with a devilishly sneaky cackle and a crooked grin that stretched
|
||
fully from one ear over to the other, this little Bolshevik Gremlin then
|
||
immediately blurted out his high approval of the Income Tax by saying that
|
||
"...Oh, we don't want to enrich them too quickly." He seemed excessively
|
||
concerned, even fixated, on their objective that the countryside be allowed
|
||
only minimum subsistence income levels. I really got the message from him, loud
|
||
and clear, that they deem our deprivation of wealth to be of maximum importance
|
||
to them and their damages enscrewment objectives.
|
||
<div>[160]
|
||
Creating damages through such devices as a national Tax on Incomes, as a tool
|
||
for conquest, is very important to international Bolsheviks, particularly since
|
||
they thrive in an atmosphere where the true seminal point of beginning of
|
||
national destruction is obscure and difficult to see; and very few folks see
|
||
the Income Tax as the great tool of destruction that it is. [161]
|
||
[161]<div> For a highly
|
||
detailed, thorough, and technical discussion on the damaging relationship in
|
||
effect between Income Taxation and economic growth, see Vito Tanzi in THE
|
||
INDIVIDUAL INCOME TAX AND ECONOMIC GROWTH: AN INTERNATIONAL COMPARISON [John
|
||
Hopkins Press (1969); revised and redated in 1980]. There is also a damages
|
||
relationship in effect between inflation and the Income Tax -- see Vito Tanzi
|
||
in his book entitled INFLATION AND PERSONAL INCOME TAX: AN INTERNATIONAL
|
||
PERSPECTIVE, written for the International Monetary Fund [Cambridge University
|
||
Press (1981)]. Yes, progressive taxation on net profits is the very element
|
||
itself that causes civilizations to fall -- a fact that Gremlins do not want us
|
||
to take cognizance of, or otherwise give much thought to. ...When acquiring new
|
||
information (or enlarging the factual basis one has to exercise judgment on),
|
||
one sometimes looks back and realizes that the behavior once deemed acceptable
|
||
in another era is now unacceptable; so too will Tax Protestors take upon
|
||
themselves knowledge of invisible juristic contracts and then when looking back
|
||
realize the possibility, however remote, that the actual tax protestings once
|
||
exhibited in another era may have been technically improvident for any one of
|
||
several reasons unknown at an earlier time. This practice of acquiring more
|
||
knowledge, and then discarding some outmoded behavior of a previous era, is a
|
||
recognized sign of organic intellectual enlightenment by the Judiciary. In
|
||
1970, the Alaska Supreme Court once ruled that regardless of past thinking and
|
||
past expectations surrounding criminal proceedings, things were now going to
|
||
different:
|
||
"We reach a point when the crudities of an earlier age must be
|
||
abandoned."
|
||
- BAKER VS. CITY OF FAIRBANKS, 471 P.2nd 386, at 403 (1970). And that
|
||
therefore, TRIAL BY JURY is now required in all Alaskan State criminal
|
||
prosecutions [overruling the previous common practice of making Trial by Jury
|
||
requisite only when the prospective duration of incarceration exceeded six
|
||
months.] Just as Judges publicly express regrets over their previous judgment
|
||
-- exercised in an era when they thought they were doing the right thing by
|
||
coming down hard on criminals clear across the board, so too should Tax
|
||
Protestors take qualified cognizance of the possibility that latent error might
|
||
also be present in their judgments as well.
|
||
<div>[161]
|
||
For example, The World Bank in Washington will not make a loan to any political
|
||
jurisdiction in the world, unless that country has enacted a national income
|
||
tax at rates high enough to satisfy the Bolsheviks. Nations rise and fall on
|
||
Income Taxes. [162]
|
||
[162]<div> For a
|
||
discussion of decline in Holland from 1583 to 1674, for reasons relating to the
|
||
enactment of an income tax, as a war measure, to finance a war against Spain
|
||
and then continued after the war, on justification grounds to suppress domestic
|
||
Dutch insurrections, see LA RICHESSE DE LA HOLLANDE, by Monsieur A. de
|
||
Serionne, published in London in 1778 [cited by Sir Inglis Palgrave, in a
|
||
speech at the Inaugural Meeting of the Institute of Bankers in Ireland on
|
||
November 4, 1909]; as reprinted in the English periodical entitled BANKER'S
|
||
MAGAZINE for December, 1909 and February, 1910 [London: Waterton and Sons
|
||
(1910)]. <div>[162]
|
||
And here in the United States, the State of New York, under the evil genius of
|
||
Nelson Rockefeller, enacted the highest corporate and personal income taxes in
|
||
effect, of any state, during the 1960's and 1970's, driving a large number of
|
||
businesses and literally millions of people, to emigrate from New York. [163]
|
||
[163]<div> When
|
||
discussing corporate departures from New York, starting in the mid 60's and
|
||
continuing on into the 70's, the NEW YORK TIMES would always talk about the
|
||
allure of "the Sun Belt," and of the temperature in Houston, and of other
|
||
environmental inducements, but never at any time was there any discussion as to
|
||
the incredible State Income Taxes that Nelson Rockefeller was demanding, and
|
||
getting, out of the Legislature. But the TIMES was lying, as it is very good
|
||
at, as the Editors knew then that the attraction of the Southern Sun Belt did
|
||
not explain why a large volume of the corporate exodus out of New York City
|
||
went north into states like Connecticut (which had no state personal or
|
||
corporate taxes in the 1960's), New Hampshire and Vermont. Business managers
|
||
were also lying in their public explanations of corporate exodus, as I
|
||
mentioned earlier in the context of deception in Commercial dynasties, as they
|
||
deflected attention away from Nelson's State Income Tax, into such nice soft
|
||
areas of "employee preferences" and the like. The closest point the NEW YORK
|
||
TIMES came to in hitting the nail right on the head (in this area of corporate
|
||
geographical exodus to avoid unreasonable taxation), came during the reign of
|
||
Governor Hugh Carey in 1977, when the New York State Senate Labor Committee
|
||
under Chairman Norman Levy, out from underneath the thumb of Nelson
|
||
Rockefeller, held Hearings on this question, and found that of 111 corporate
|
||
executives interviewed in New York City, 76 reluctantly admitted that State
|
||
income taxes were the propulsion force driving their relocation plans [see the
|
||
NEW YORK TIMES ["Corporations Fret About New York Tax"], Section 1, page 28
|
||
(April 3, 1977)]. So much for the nice temperature of Houston.
|
||
<div>[163]
|
||
Income Taxes have a history of being used to accomplish special objectives
|
||
which, by their nature, require the creation of some incidental damages, and so
|
||
Gremlins trying hard to run a country into the ground, need generally look no
|
||
farther than simply initiating a Taxing grab on Incomes. [164]
|
||
[164]<div> Although the
|
||
income tax on profits is the true source of economic stagnation, as Gremlins
|
||
strive to run one civilization into the ground after another -- here their
|
||
MODUS OPERANDI of deception surfaces again, because when Gremlins and their
|
||
INTELLIGENTSIA imps try to explain away the true source of a long term
|
||
declension in national economic prosperity, they will invariably turn around
|
||
and point attention over to their irritant: INDIVIDUALS:
|
||
"The nineteenth century had accepted as one of its basic faiths the
|
||
theory of 'the harmony of interests.' This held that what was good for the
|
||
individual was good for the society as a whole and that the general advancement
|
||
of society could be achieved best if individuals were left free to seek their
|
||
own individual advantages. This harmony was assumed to exist between one
|
||
individual and another, between the individual and the group, and between the
|
||
short run and the long run. In the nineteenth century, such a theory was
|
||
perfectly tenable, but in the twentieth century it could only be accepted with
|
||
considerable modification [that's right -- remember, folks, this is the MODERN
|
||
era, and you just don't need to concern yourself with the past]. As a result of
|
||
persons seeking their individual advantages, the economic organization of
|
||
society was so modified that the actions of one such person were very likely to
|
||
injure his fellows, the society as a whole, and his own long-range advantage
|
||
[just somehow]. This situation led to such a conflict between theory and
|
||
practice, between aims and accomplishments, between individuals and groups,
|
||
that a return to fundamentals in economics became necessary [meaning total
|
||
top-down Gremlin control of the economy]."
|
||
- Imp Carroll Quigley in TRAGEDY AND HOPE, at page 497 [MacMillian
|
||
Company, New York (1966)]. Notice what really irritates Gremlins and the imps
|
||
they hire: INDIVIDUALS, and everything else Noble and Great their impending
|
||
Celestial Status represents. Here we have a sponsored Professor Carroll
|
||
Quigley, trying to pass himself off as a history professor, and while using an
|
||
opportunity to come down on free competitive enterprise, he starts throwing
|
||
invectives interstitially at those annoying INDIVIDUALS. And INDIVIDUALS,
|
||
exercising their own judgment, managing their own affairs, and trying to be
|
||
responsible for themselves as the embryo Eloheim that they are, have long been
|
||
a recurring source of irritation to Gremlins [see INDIVIDUALISM AND SOCIALISM
|
||
by Kirby Page [Farrar & Rhinehart, New York (1933)]; Socialist Kirby Page
|
||
equates that heinous cult of INDIVIDUALISM with so called Capitalism, and
|
||
predicts that both will soon be crushed by National Socialism. Lucifer has a
|
||
few surprises to throw at both Carroll Quigley and Kirby Page at the Last Day,
|
||
synchronous with Page and Quigley momentarily OPENING THEIR EYES once again,
|
||
too late, to realize that they had repeated the same doctrinal error here in
|
||
the Second Estate over a protracted period of time that they previously
|
||
committed once before in the First Estate, and also over a protracted period of
|
||
time. And there are several very good reasons why INDIVIDUALS are so irritating
|
||
to Gremlins, one of which is:
|
||
"The most basic, fundamental Principle of truth, that upon which the
|
||
entire plan of God is founded, is free agency. As an Individual, you have the
|
||
right to govern yourself. It is divinely given to you to think and act as you
|
||
wish. It is your decision.
|
||
"It must be pointed out, however, that although you have the free
|
||
agency to choose for yourself, you do not have the right to choose what will be
|
||
the result of your decision. The results of what you think and do are governed
|
||
by law. Good returns good. Evil returns evil [throughout this Letter, I will
|
||
cite examples on how the violation of Principles will always generate latent
|
||
secondary adverse circumstances out in the future, with the seminal point of
|
||
origin of those secondary adverse circumstances being latent [invisible] and
|
||
difficult to see]. You govern yourself by subjecting yourself to the discipline
|
||
of the law. If you are obedient to God's law, you remain free. You progress and
|
||
are perfected. If you are disobedient to God's law, you bind yourself to that
|
||
which restricts your progress. You become defiled and unworthy to be an
|
||
associate with those who are more clean and pure."
|
||
- William R. Bradford in CONFERENCE REPORTS, at 53 (October, 1979).
|
||
<div>[164]
|
||
Although making life difficult for INDIVIDUALS is important for Gremlins as a
|
||
source of damages, creating military engagements and wars can be another such
|
||
source of damages, [165]
|
||
[165]<div> For a
|
||
discussion on the relationship in effect between the enactment of American
|
||
Income Taxes and war, going back to the American Civil War; and of the second
|
||
administration of President Cleveland who wanted to reinstate the Income Tax to
|
||
give away massive financial aid and quash an impending rebellion by Western
|
||
farmers, see a chapter entitled "What Rip Van Winkle Woke Up To" in a book
|
||
entitled THE COLD WAR AND THE INCOME TAX by Edward Wilson [Farrar, Strauss &
|
||
Company, New York, 1963].
|
||
<div>[165]
|
||
and quiet national economic enscrewment still another. [166]
|
||
[166]<div> "The real
|
||
effect of a tax on profits is to make the country possess at any given period,
|
||
a smaller capital and smaller aggregate production, and to make the stationary
|
||
state be attained earlier, and with a smaller sum of national wealth [yes, the
|
||
Gremlins know exactly what they are doing]. It is possible that a tax on
|
||
profits might even diminish the existing capital of the country. If the rate of
|
||
profit is already at the practical minimum, that is, at the point at which all
|
||
that portion of the annual increment which would tend to reduce profits is
|
||
carried off either by exportation or by speculation; then if a tax is imposed
|
||
which reduces profits still lower, the same causes which previously carried off
|
||
the increase would probably carry off a portion of the existing capital. A tax
|
||
on profits is thus, in a state of capital and accumulation like that in
|
||
England, extremely detrimental to the national wealth. And this effect is not
|
||
confined to the case of a peculiar, and therefore intrinsically unjust, tax on
|
||
profits. The mere fact that profits have to bear their share of a heavy general
|
||
taxation, tends, in the same manner as a peculiar tax, to drive capital abroad,
|
||
to stimulate imprudent speculations by diminishing safe gains, to discourage
|
||
further accumulation, and to accelerate the attainment of the stationary state
|
||
[this STATIONARY STATE is the great Gremlin objective where trade atrophies,
|
||
business dies from strangulation, and commerce stops altogether, as they run
|
||
one civilization into the ground after another]. This is thought to have been
|
||
the principal cause of the decline of Holland, or rather of her having ceased
|
||
to make progress [and until the United States gets rid of the Gremlins that are
|
||
now running the show, then we are next]."
|
||
- John S. Mill, III, PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL ECONOMY, Book V, Chapter
|
||
3, Section 3 ["Of Direct Taxes"], at page 827 [University of Toronto Press,
|
||
Toronto (1965)]. Born in London, John Stuart Mill lived from 1806 to 1873; once
|
||
elected to the British Parliament, he wrote a considerable volume of books and
|
||
articles on economics and philosophy. PRINCIPLES ON POLITICAL ECONOMY was
|
||
written in the 1850's, and grew in size as it appeared in several versions. His
|
||
philosophical orientation was that of statist and socialist.
|
||
<div>[166]
|
||
Today, in the United States, law school students are taught the Bolshevik line
|
||
that Income Taxes are good for the country because of the social engineering
|
||
that can then be performed with the confiscated money. [167]
|
||
[167]<div> "Progressive
|
||
taxation is now regarded as one of the central ideas of modern democratic
|
||
capitalism and is widely accepted as a secure policy commitment which does not
|
||
require serious examination."
|
||
- Blum and Kalven in THE UNEASY CASE FOR PROGRESSIVE TAXATION [19
|
||
University of Chicago Law Review 417, at 417 (1952)]. See also INCOME
|
||
REDISTRIBUTION THEORIES AND PROGRAMS: CASES-COMMENTARY-ANALYSIS by Professor
|
||
Barbara Brudno [West Publishing, Saint Paul, Minnesota (1977)]; as she talks
|
||
about Guaranteed Annual Income, Income Maintenance Programs, and the Negative
|
||
Income Tax Proposals.
|
||
<div>[167]
|
||
Having been contaminated with clever lies originating from a devilish source
|
||
far beyond their minimal factual level of comprehension to understand, and also
|
||
requiring a level of judgment operating on a repository of knowledge in excess
|
||
of their limited capacity, some sympathetic little Gremlin lawyers are now
|
||
trying to twist basic property rights around to have the mere omission of an
|
||
Income Tax be construed as a Tort on impoverished people, arguing that poor
|
||
folks now have some type of a social right to your money. [168]
|
||
[168]<div> "...today,
|
||
we see poverty as the consequence of large impersonal forces in a complex
|
||
industrial society -- forces like automation, lack of jobs and changing
|
||
technologies that are beyond the control of the individual."
|
||
- INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS AND SOCIAL WELFARE: THE EMERGING LEGAL ISSUES, 74
|
||
Yale Law Journal 1245, at 1255 (1965).
|
||
<div>[168]
|
||
The bottom line is that the Income Tax continues to roll on; opposition is
|
||
minimal; Tax Protestors are being frowned upon by the general public at large,
|
||
viewed as cheaters making Government only more expensive for themselves; and so
|
||
the Income Tax is now accomplishing its Bolshevik political mission in the
|
||
philosophically divided House of the United States, with flying colors. [169]
|
||
[169]<div>
|
||
Accomplishing countermanding objectives in this area is the art of constructing
|
||
cogent arguments -- arguments in legal briefs in your tax cases; arguments to
|
||
others to catalytically trigger another supporting view; and arguments to
|
||
taxing legislative jurisdictions. As it pertains to the presentation of
|
||
arguments to legislative (as they largely freely pick and choose the
|
||
reciprocity demands of contracts they have folks locked into by having first
|
||
thrown an array of benefits at them), argument making itself is an art:
|
||
"The purpose of arguments is to persuade the policy maker that the
|
||
public interest would be promoted by the adoption of a tax proposal which would
|
||
financially benefit its advocates. Regarding some proposals, the direct
|
||
financial interest of a great majority of people may be quiet clear. Such
|
||
proposals rarely create active tax issues. Regarding other proposals, the
|
||
public interest may be difficult to ascertain. The amount of direct cost or
|
||
benefit involved to each member of the public may be so small and uncertain
|
||
that other tests of the public interest takes on great importance. It is to
|
||
these indirect and somewhat subtle interest objectives that arguments are
|
||
commonly addressed. The nature of the arguments will appear from an example.
|
||
When the witness for a taxpayer interest group appears at hearings before the
|
||
Congressional taxing committee, he does not merely say, and often does not say
|
||
at all: "Please adopt our proposal because it would benefit us." It is always
|
||
assumed that each witness thinks his group would be benefited by the action he
|
||
proposes. The argument [presented] is usually on a high plane of public
|
||
welfare. The witness may indeed point out that his industry is subject to an
|
||
unusual hardship, but even in this case the testimony usually goes beyond the
|
||
private benefit to consider the public interest."
|
||
[A rare exception to this rule happened when, for example, a
|
||
Congressman once snorted a statement to a representative of the NATIONAL
|
||
COUNCIL OF SALESMAN'S ORGANIZATIONS, who was in Congress lobbying for a repeal
|
||
of some excise taxes they didn't feel like paying]:
|
||
"Why don't they get together and tell us how repeal would
|
||
benefit the country, instead of each trying to tell us how it would benefit his
|
||
own industry?"
|
||
- NEW YORK TIMES, Section 3, page 4 (June 19, 1949)."
|
||
- Roy Blough in THE ARGUMENT PHASE OF TAXPAYER POLITICS, 17 University
|
||
of Chicago Law Review 604, at 605 (1950). Other than for that lone wolf
|
||
exception, witnesses do not normally argue that their proposals would benefit
|
||
themselves, but generally deflect attention of to some high and noble national
|
||
welfare objective. This is an idea Patriots might take time to think about
|
||
because one of the reasons Federal Judges come down so hard on Tax Protestors
|
||
is because the judge views the Protestor as being a self-centered cheap person
|
||
immorally pursuing his own self-enrichment; the background factual information
|
||
possessed by the Protestor (of his knowledge of that tax, if surrendered over
|
||
to the Bolsheviks in Washington, would only accelerate the destruction of his
|
||
own Country) is factual knowledge on conspiracy and Gremlin intrigue largely
|
||
unknown, unappreciated, and unseen by Judges. The presentation of these
|
||
historical background arguments to the Judge are arguments that are sounding in
|
||
the Tort of unfairness, and cannot be considered on their merits whenever
|
||
contracts are in effect; only the Patriot's total and thorough decontamination
|
||
of himself, away from the adhesive juristic environment that characterizes the
|
||
King's Equity Jurisdiction, has any hope of allowing the DE MINIMIS entrance
|
||
into your arguments of evidence countermanding the Judge's quiet assumption of
|
||
your cheapness as a person, by talking about the illicit legislative motives
|
||
that were very much present when those taxation statutes were either enacted
|
||
(or alleged to have been enacted). But important for the moment is the general
|
||
lack of concern by Patriots in the quality of the arguments and the flow of the
|
||
logical continuity presented therein, but in order to see our own error, we
|
||
must develop the ability to see and evaluate these arguments from the Judge's
|
||
perspective; not an easy thing to do, as Judges are approaching the issue
|
||
totally different from us. For an abstract theoretical model in how to do so,
|
||
see Wayne Grennan in ARGUMENT EVALUATION [University Press of America, Lanham,
|
||
Maryland (1984)].
|
||
</conspiracyFile> |