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156 lines
7.0 KiB
Plaintext
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The Police State
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by MC5 & MC11
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The United States ranks number one in the world in highest per
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capita imprisonment, according to the Bureau of Justice
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Statistics of the U.S. government.
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A private research organization called the Sentencing Project
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reported in January that the United States imprisons a higher
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proportion of its population than does any other country.
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Using statistics provided by the U.S. Department of Justice
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(DOJ), the organization reported that more than one million
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people are currently incarcerated in the United States. That
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means 426 incarcerations per 100,000 residents as of June 30,
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1989. South Africa ranked second with 333 and the Soviet Union
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came in third with 268. In Europe the figures range from 35 to
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120 per 100,000. Asian countries range from 21 to 140. For
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Black males the figure is 3,109 per 100,000 in the United
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States and 729 per 100,000 for South Africa.(1)
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But throwing so many people behind bars hasn't done much to
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stop crime. Since 1980 the United States has doubled its
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prison population, and overall crime only fell 3.5 percent,
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according to the DOJ. The nation's murder rate is seven times
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higher than most European countries. Over the last decade, six
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times as many robberies and three times as many rapes were
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committed in the United States as there were in what used to
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be West Germany, the Sentencing Project report said.(1)
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Following the release of these statistics, the mainstream
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press and a few Democrats vomited up a spate of liberal
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editorials and columns, railing against the burden on the law-
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abiding tax-payers (about $16 billion a year, according to the
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DOJ) that such massive repression creates, and the need to
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find a different solution.
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"We've got to stop jailing and start rehabilitating," Rep.
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John Conyers (D-Michigan) declared.(1)
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Prisons don't work
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Confronted with such glaring statistics, some liberals come to
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the correct conclusion: putting people in prison does not
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deter anyone from committing crimes. The problem with the
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liberal response is that it fails to recognize both crime and
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the criminal justice system as political problems. Amerika's
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ruling class defines "crime" as anything that may threaten its
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hold on power. Anyone attempting to rectify the vast income
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inequalities inherent in the capitalist system (through means
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not sanctioned by the bourgeoisie) is locked up. Anyone not
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respecting the god-given "right" to private property is locked
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up. And certainly, anyone attempting to undermine the very
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foundations of the capitalist state is thrown behind bars as
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soon as that person becomes a serious threat.
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MIM is not attempting to analyze all of the roots of crime in
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Amerika in this article. But the fundamental root is that
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under capitalism some classes of people cannot meet their
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basic needs by abiding by the laws of the system. Reforming
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the prison system and turning to more "humane" forms of
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"rehabilitation" will not stop crime in Amerika. Only a
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revolution will.
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Police don't work either
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Those who realize that prisons do not deter crime often argue
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that instead of more prisons, Amerika should have more police.
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But the number of police that a city hires does not affect the
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crime rate. If a city hires more police than its neighboring
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city, it is just as likely to have a high crime rate as its
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neighbor.(2)
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Studies comparing different cities, as well as studies of one
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city with different size police forces, both demonstrate that
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over time, hiring police is not a solution to crime.
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As one might suspect, if there were no police or if everyone
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were a police officer it would make a difference. But outside
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of these extremes it does not matter how many police there
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are. In the real world of the wide range of U.S. cities, it
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does not matter to the crime rate how many police officers
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there are.(2)
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Revolution
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Amerikans have a very hard time thinking rationally about
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crime. Unlike other countries without rugged individualist
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frontier pasts and settlers on their own pieces of land, the
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Amerikan people have a strong belief in people making it on
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their own.
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Despite the reality that Euro-Amerikans committed genocide
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against Native-Americans to obtain their farmland in the
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United States, the myth arose of the rugged frontierperson
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"making it" through hard work. That mythology carries forward
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in another way today in the United States: the United States
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has the largest middle class in the world. This class of
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people makes the United States even more individual-minded
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than other capitalist countries in the world.
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Crime is a political problem. It cannot be solved by the
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current political system because politicians have to say and
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do what is popular with the middle class and upper class. They
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are the firm believers in blaming individuals for their lack
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of determination to work hard, uphold good morals, and so on.
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These middle and upper class people believe they have achieved
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their good position through their individual merits. Hence,
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criminals must be people without these merits and should be
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locked up.
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As the prison population soared over the last decade, the
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proportion of citizens who said they believed criminals were
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not punished harshly enough increased from more than 70% of
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the population to more than 80%.(3) Putting people in prison
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makes many middle-class people feel good. But capitalist
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attempts to justify their criminal justice system don't solve
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the problem.
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Some Trotskyist groups uphold the dogma that the working
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classes in the imperialist countries like the United States
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are most advanced because they live in the most technically
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advanced societies. Yet it is the pervasive individualism of
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the U.S. working class that made it possible for George Bush
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to win his election merely by referring to a Black rapist in
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his political advertisements. Far from being advanced, the
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Amerikan working class falls prey to fascist anti-crime
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politics far more readily than most other working classes with
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the possible exception of the South African white working
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class.
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In other societies the problem is not so bad, especially in
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societies without a middle-class of white workers who benefit
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from the plunder of the Third World. For more on this subject
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read J. Sakai's Settlers: The Mythology of the White
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Proletariat and H.W. Edwards's Labor Aristocracy: Mass Base
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for Social Democracy. These books explain why white workers as
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a group enjoy a different relationship to the means of
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production than other working classes. It is the absence of a
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white proletariat that partly explains the attitudes of the
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U.S. public toward crime.
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People who want to go on tolerating murder, rape, teenage
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suicide, wife-beating, drug-dealing, alcoholism and property
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crimes of the criminally deprived should go on blabbering
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about more cops, prisons and death penalties. People who
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really want to "get tough" on crime should get tough with
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their analysis first. They should join MIM to work against the
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causes of crime and all other oppression.
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Notes:
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1. New York Times 1/7/91, p. A14.
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2. John E. Conklin, Criminology, 3rd ed., (New York: MacMillan
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Publishing Company, 1989), p. 438.
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3. Washington Post National Weekly Edition 3/4/91, p.29.
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