------------------------------------------------------------------------------- BLUEPRINT FOR U.S. DICTATORSHIP PLACES INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS AT RISK

By Mike Blair Exclusive to The SPOTLIGHT

Washington, DC -- During the Persian Gulf war and the military buildup leading to it, President George Bush began using the term "New World Order," often suggesting that the commitment of so-called multinational forces involved in the military effort was the beginning of this alleged worldwide utopia.

Supposedly using the vehicle of the United Nations, Bush's New World Order would be the arbitrator of all world problems and the apparatus to enforce globalist dictates through the use of armed forces combined from the armies of member nations. The UN law would be, regardless of the nationalist interests of individual countries, the final word.

Actually, even the mention of a New World Order would normally be anathema to thinking Americans and, in particular, conservative political leaders and civil libertarians.

SINISTER TECHNOLOGY

It is also surprising to many critics of the move toward one-world government that Bush would even dare choose the term "New World Order" to define his globalist schemes. However, most Americans alive today were born after World War II, when propaganda of the so-called Allied powers used the terms of "New Order" or "New World Order" to describe in a sinister way the military efforts of Japan and, in particular, Germany under Adolf Hitler.

Few, it seems, have taken the time to analyze just what Bush has in mind for his New World Order, of which America is to become an integral part, starting with supplying about 90 percent of the muscle, and young lives, that tackled and defeated Iraqi strongman Saddam Hussein's Arab legions.

However, patriotic Constitutional scholars know that Bush's New World Order is the worst attack ever on America as a sovereign, independent and free nation.

BEGAN WITH WILSON

Efforts to form a global government are certainly nothing new. American political leaders, who were concerned with America first, were able to overcome the internationalist, one-world government machinations of President Woodrow Wilson following World War I. Wilson was prevented from realizing his visions of a New World Order, through the League of Nations, by a powerful Senate opposition, which refused to rubber-stamp for Wilson U.S. membership in the world body.

A few decades later, however, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, near the end of World War II, was able to get his one-world plans under way by laying the groundwork for today's United Nations, which was completed under his successor, Harry S. Truman.

A few years later, that membership in an UN-mandated war in Korea cost America 35,000 young lives.

The problem that one-worlders have always encountered, of course, is the U.S. Constitution, which has stood as a bulwark against any globalist schemes.

Nevertheless, American presidents since Roosevelt have insidiously chipped away at the great powers of the people, written into the Constitution by America's immortal Founding Fathers, with the use of so- called executive orders.

CAUSE FOR ALARM

Americans should be deeply alarmed that those presidents have signed a series of executive orders (EOs) which, under the guise of any national emergency declared by the president serving at the time, can virtually suspend the Constitution and convert the nation into a virtual dictatorship. Dissent, peaceful or otherwise, is eliminated.

Those backing efforts to circumvent the Constitution may have gotten the idea from President Abraham Lincoln, whose use of various extraordinary powers of his office -- which many Constitutional scholars still insist was illegal -- suspended various civil rights to curb such problems as draft riots during the Civil War.

In 1862, Congress enacted the Enrollment Act to allow the drafting of young men for the Union Army. The act was rife with inequities, such as the provision which allowed a man to pay $300 or hire a substitute to take his place. This hated "Rich Man's Exemption," as it was called, angered the average American of military age and in particular young Irish immigrants in New York City.

A riot erupted in New York in 1863, and it resulted in Lincoln using some extraordinary powers of his office to keep the Union from falling apart from within.

But over the years, presidents have used these powers for purposes never intended by the Founding Fathers.

INDIANS VICTIMIZED

President John Tyler used such powers in 1842 to round up Seminole Indians in Georgia and Florida and force-march them -- men, women and children -- to Arkansas. This was probably the first use of internment in America to deal with unpopular minorities. It was not the last.

In 1886, the Geronimo Chiricahua Apache Indians surrendered to U.S. troops in the West, were rounded up by order of President Grover Cleveland, and shipped to internment in Florida and Alabama.

Earlier, during the War Between the States, Sioux Indians in Minnesota, when there was a delay in paying them their yearly allowance, began attacking nearby white settlements. Lincoln sent in a hastily raised force of volunteers under Col. H. H. Sibley. Little Crow, leader of the Kaposia band, was decisively defeated by the Union troops on September 23, 1862, and more than 2,000 Sioux were taken captive, although Little Crow himself and a few followers escaped.

Through the process of a military tribunal, sanctioned by Lincoln, 36 Sioux leaders were publicly hanged. Whether the Sioux executed were innocent or guilty was apparently immaterial. The revolt was quelled, and the Minnesota Sioux were all moved to reservations in Dakota.

These instances of the nation's executive branch taking extraordinary measures to confine, or intern, American Indians are just a few of many examples.

More recent examples of interning minorities by executive order occurred during World War I and World War II.

During World War I, an unknown number of German-Americans were rounded up by federal authorities and interned until after the war. In addition, regardless of the First Amendment of the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of speech and of the press. German-language newspapers, published within German-American communities in the United States, were banned.

WW II INTERNMENTS

After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, within days the FBI rounded up tens of thousands of Japanese-Americans, guilty only of being of Japanese ancestry, under the authority of an executive order issued by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. The lists of those to be apprehended had been drawn up months earlier, before the war.

Held in concentration camps, the perimeters guarded by U.S. soldiers armed with machine guns, the mostly innocent and patriotic Japanese- Americans were not released until after the war.

Congress has recently passed legislation extending the nation's apologies to the Japanese-Americans and extending them compensation for their years of confinement.

However, no apology or compensation has ever been extended to the more than 8,000 German-Americans who were confined in dozens of jails and camps across the United States, also by order of Roosevelt.

Many were not released until 1947, a full two years after the end of the war, in total violation of the Geneva Conventions.

"What happened to me and thousands of others is old history," said Eberhard Fuhr of Cincinnati, who was interned at 17 years of age, "but the next time it could be any other group, which is then not politically correct, or out of favor for any other reason (SPOTLIGHT, May 20, 1991).

Fuhr's warning, of course, had already been proved correct just several months earlier when, under orders of Bush, the FBI hounded thousands of innocent Arab-Americans as the U.S. prepared for the Persian Gulf conflict.

Only the efforts of a handful of irate U.S. Congressmen halted the harassment but not until after a number of U.S. military bases were selected as sites of internment camps for Arab-Americans and war dissenters.

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Reproduced with permission from a special supplement to _The Spotlight_, May 25, 1992. This text may be freely reproduced provided acknowledgement to The Spotlight appears, including this address:

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