Article 15189 of alt.activism:
From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici)
Newsgroups: alt.activism
Subject: Part 1: Unauthorized Biography Of George Bush
George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography
by Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin
With this issue of the New Federalist, Vol. V, No. 39, we begin to serialize the book, {George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography,} by Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin. This book will soon be published by {Executive Intelligence Review}.
At the heart of any effort at biography is the attempt to discover the essence of the subject as a human personality. The essential character of the subject is what the biographer must strive to capture, since this is theindispensable ingredient that will provide coherence to the entire story whose unity must be provided by the course of a single human life.
During the preparation of the present work, there was one historical moment which more than any other delineated the character of George Bush. The scene was the Nixon White House during the final days of the Watergate debacle. White House officials, including George Bush, had spent the morning of that Monday, August 5, 1974 absorbing the impact of Nixon's notorious "smoking gun" tape, the recorded conversation between Nixon and his chief of staff, H.R. Haldemann, shortly after the original Watergate break-in, which could now no longer be withheld from the public. In that exchange of June 23, 1972, Nixon ordered that the CIA stop the FBI from further investigating how various sums of money found their way from Texas and Minnesota via Mexico City to the coffers of the Committee to Re-Elect thePresident (CREEP) and thence into the pockets of the "Plumbers" arrested in the Democratic Party headquarters in the Watergatebuilding. These revelations were widely interpreted as establishing a {prima facie} case of obstruction of justice against Nixon. That was fine with George, who sincerely wanted his patron and benefactor Nixon to resign. George's great concern was that the smoking gun tape called attention to a money-laundering mechanism which he, together with Bill Liedtke of Pennzoil, and Robert Mosbacher, had helped to set up at Nixon's request. When Nixon, in the "smoking gun" tape, talked about "the Texans" and "some Texas people," Bush, Liedtke, and Mosbacher were among the most prominent of those referred to. The threat to George's political ambitions was great.
The White House that morning was gripped by panic. Nixon
would be gonebeforethe end of the week. In the midst of the
furor, White House Congressional liaison William Timmons wanted
to know if everyone who needed to be informed had been briefed
about the smoking gun transcript. In a roomful of officials,
some of whom were already sipping Scotch to steady their nerves,
Timmons asked Dean
"Dean, does Bush know about the transcript yet?"
"Yes," responded
Introduction
The thesis of this book is simple: if George Bush were to be re-elected in November 1992 for a second term as the President of the United States, this country and the rest of the world would face a catastrophe of gigantic proportions.
The necessity of writing this book became overwhelming in the minds of the authors in the wake of the ghastly slaughter of the Iraq war of January-February 1991. That war was an act of savage and premeditated genocide on the part of Bush, undertaken in connivance with a clique in London which has, in its historical continuity, represented boththe worst enemy of the long-term interests of the American people, and the most implacable adversary of the progress of the human species.
Theauthors observed George Bush as the Gulf crisis and the war unfolded, and had no doubt that his enraged publicoutbursts constituted real psychotic episodes, indicative of a deranged mental state that was full of ominous portent for humanity. The authors were also horrified by the degree to which their fellow citizens willfully ignored the shocking reality of these public fits. A majority of the American people proved more than willing to lend its support to a despicable enterprise of killing.
By their role-call votes of January 12, 1991, the Senate and the House ofRepresentatives authorized Bush's planned war measures to restore the Emir of Kuwait, who owns and holds chattel slaves. That vote was a crime against God's justice.
This book is part of an attempt to help the American people to survive this terrible crime, both for the sake of the world and for their ownsake. It is intended as a contribution to a process of education that might help to save the American people from the awesome destruction of a second Bush presidency. It is further intended as a warning to all citizens that if they fail to deny Bush a second term, they will deserve what they get after 1993.
As this book goes to press, public awareness of the long-term depression of the American economy is rapidly growing. If Bush were re-elected, he would view himself as beyond the reach of the American electorate; with the federal deficit rising over a billion dollars a day, a second Bush administration would dictate such crushing austerity as to bring the country to thebrink of civil war. Some examples of this point are described in the last chapter of this book.
Ourgoal has been to assemble as much of the truth about Bush as possible within thetime constraints imposed bythe 1992 election. Time and resources have not permitted us meticulous attention to certain matters of detail; we can say, nevertheless, that both our commitment to the truth and our final product are betterthan anythinganyoneelse has been able to muster, including news organizationsand intelligence agencies with capabilities that far surpass our own.
Why do we fight the Bush power cartel with a mere book? We have no illusions of easy success, but we were encouraged in our work by the hope that a biography might stimulate opposition to Bush and his policies.It will certainly pose a new set of problems for those seeking to get Bush re-elected. For although Bush is now what journalists call a world leader, no accurate account of his actual career exists in the public domain.
Thevolumewhich we submit to the court of world public opinion is, to the best of our knowledge, the first book-length, unauthorized biography ofGeorgeBush. It is the first approximation of the truth about his life. This is the first biography worthy of the name, a fact that says a great deal about the sinister and obsessive secrecy of this personage. None of the other biographies (including Bush's campaign autobiography) can be takenseriously; each of these books is a pastiche of lies, distortions and banalities that run the gamut from campaign panegyric, to the Goebbels Big Lie, to fake but edifying stories for credulous children. Almost without exception, the available Bush literature is worthless as a portrait of the subject.
Bush's family pedigree establishes him as a networkasset of
Brown Brothers
The Red Studebaker Myth
George Bush wants key aspects of his life to remain covert.
At the same time, he senses thathis need for coverup is a
vulnerability.The need to protect this weak flank accounts for
the steady stream of fake biographical material concerning
George, as well as the spin given to many studies that may never
mention Georgedirectly. Over the past several months, we have
seen a new book about Watergate that pretends to tell the public
something newby fingering Al Haig as Deep Throat, but ignoring
the central role of George Bush and his business partners in the
Watergate affair. We have a new book by Lt. Col. Oliver
Part of the free ride enjoyed by George Bush during the 1988 elections is reflected in the fact that at no point in the campaign was there any serious effort byany of the news organizations to provide the public with an accurate and complete account of his political career. At least two biographies of Dukakis appeared which, although hardly critical,were not uniformly laudatory either. But in the case of Bush, all the public could turn to was Bush's old 1980 campaign biography and a newer campaign autobiography, both of them a tissue of lies.
Early in the course of our research for the present volume it became apparent that all books and most longerarticles dealing with the life of George Bush had been generated from a single print-out of thoroughly approved "facts" about Bush and his family. We learned that during 1979-80, Bush aide Pete Roussel attempted to recruit biographers to prepare a life of Bush based on a collection of press releases, news summaries, and similar pre-digested material. Most biographical writing about Bush consists merely of the points from this printout, strung out chronologically and made into anarrative through the interpretation of comments, anecdotes, embellishments, or special stylistic devices.
Thecanonical Bush-approved printout is readily identified. One dead giveaway is the inevitability with which the hacks out to cover up the substance of Bush's life refer to a 1947 red Studebaker which George Bush allegedly drove into Odessa, Texas in 1948. This is the sort of detail which has been introduced into Bush's real life in a deliberate and deceptive attempt to humanize his image.It has been our experience that any text that features a reference to Bush's red Studebaker has probably been derived from Bush's list of approved facts, and is therefore practically worthless for serious research into Bush's life. We therefore assign such texts to the "red Studebaker school" of coverup and falsification.
Some examples? This is from Bush's campaign autobiography, {Looking Forward,} ghost-written by his aide Vic Gold:"Heading into Texas in my Studebaker, all I knewabout the state's landscape was what I'd seen from the cockpit of a Vultee Vibrator during my training days in the Navy."s1 Here is the same moment as recaptured by Bush's crony Fitzhugh Green, a friend of the Malthusian financier Russell Train, in his {George Bush: An Intimate Portrait,} published after Bush had won the presidency: "He (Bush) gassed up his1948 Studebaker, arranged for his wife and son to follow, and headed for Odessa, Texas."s2
Harry Hurt III wrote the followinglines in a 1983 Texas magazine article that was even decorated with a drawing of what apparently is supposed to be a Studebaker, but whichdoes not look like a Studebaker of that vintage at all: "When George Herbert Walker Bush drove his battered red Studebaker into Odessa in the summer of 1948, the town's population, though constantly increasing with newly-arrived oil field hands, was still under 30000."s3
We see that Harry Hurt has more imagination than many Bush biographers, and hisarticle does provide a few useful facts. More degraded is the version offered by Richard Ben Kramer, whose biography of Bush is expected to be published during 1992. Cramer was given the unenviable task of breathing life once more into the same tired old printout. But the very fact that the Bush team feels that it requires another biography indicates that it still feels that it has a potential vulnerability here. Cramer has attempted to solve his problem byrecasting thesame old garbage into a frenetic and hyperkinetic, we would almost say {hyperthyroid} style. The following is from an excerpt of this forthcoming book that was published in {Esquire} in June 1991: "In June, after the College World Series and graduation day in New Haven, Poppy packed up his new red Studebaker (a graduation gift from Pres), and started driving south."s4
Was that Studebakershiny and new, or old andbattered? Perhaps the printout is not specific on this point; in any case, as we see, our authorities diverge.
Joe Hyams's 1991 romance of Bush at war, the {Flight of the Avenger,}s5 does notinclude the obligatory "red Studebaker" reference, but this is more than compensated for bythe most elaborate fawning over other details of our hero's war service. The publication of {Flight of the Avenger,} which concentrates on an heroic retelling of Bush's war record,and ignores all evidence that might tend to puncture this myth, was timed to coincide with Bush's war with Iraq. This is a vile tract written with the open assistance of Bush, Barbara Bush, and the White House staff. {Flight of the Avenger} recallsthe practice of totalitarian states according to which a war waged by the regime should be accompanied by propaganda which depicts the regime's strong man ina martial posture. In any case, this book deals with Bush's life up to the end of World War II; we never reach Odessa.
Only one of the full-length accounts produced by the Bush propaganda machine neglects the red Studebaker story. This is Nicholas King's {George Bush: A Biography,} the first book-length version of Bush's life, produced as a result of Pete Roussel's efforts for the 1980 campaign. Nicholas King had served as Bush'sspokesman when he was U.S.Ambassador to the United Nations. King admits in his preface that he can be impugned for writing a work of the most transparent apologetics: "In retrospect," he says , "this book may seem open to the charge of puffery, for the view of its subject is favorable all around."s6 Indeed.
Books about Barbara Bush slavishly rehearse the same details from the sameprintout. Here is the relevant excerpt from the warmly admiring {Simply Barbara Bush: A Portrait ofAmerica's CandidFirst Lady,} writtenby Donnie Radcliffe and published after Bush's 1988 election victory: "With $3000 left over after he graduated in June, 1948, he headed for Texas in the1947 red Studebaker his father had given him for graduation after George's car died on the highway."s7
Even foreign journalists attempting to inform their publics about conditions in the United States have fallen victim to the same old Bushprintout. The German author and reporter Rainer Bonhorst, the former Washington correspondent of the {Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung,} in his 1988 book {George Bush: The New Man in the White House,} named a chapter of this Bush political biography "To Texas in the Red Studebaker." Bonhorst writesas follows: "Then there was still the matter of the red Studebaker. It plays--rightafter the world wareffort--a central role in thelife history of George Bush. It is the history of his rebellion. The step which made a careless Texan out of a stiff NewEnglander, a self-made man out ofa patrician's son, born into wealth.... Thus, George and Barbara Bush, 24 and23 years old, he having just finished with his studies, she having prematurely withdrawn from her university and become a mother a few months earlier, packed their baby and their suitcases and loaded them into their glaring red Studebaker coupe.
"Asupermodern, smart car, certainly somewhat loud for the New England taste,' the Bushes later recalled. But finally it departed towards Texas."s8 We see that Bonhorst isacutely awareof the symbolic importance assumed by the red Studebaker in these hagiographic accounts of Bush's life.
What is finally the truth of the matter? There is good reason
to believe that George Bush did not first come to Odessa, Texas,
in a red Studebaker. One knowledgeable source is the well-known
Texas oil man and Bush campaign contributor Oscar Wyatt of
Houston. In arecentletterto the {Texas Monthly,} Wyatt
specifies that "when people speak of Mr. Bush's humble
beginnings in the oil industry, it should be noted that he rode
down to Texas on Dresser's private aircraft. He was accompanied
by his father, who at that time was one of the directors of
Dresser Industries.... I hate it when people make statements
about Mr. Bush's humble beginnings in the oil industry. It just
didn'thappenthat way," writes Mr. Wyatt.s9 Dresser was a
The Roman Propaganda Machine
Fawning biographies of bloodthirsty tyrants are nothing new in world literature. The red Studebaker school goes back a long way; these writers of today can be usefullycompared witha certain Gaius Velleius Paterculus, who lived in the Roman Empire under the emperors Augustus and Tiberius, and who was thus an approximate contemporary of Jesus Christ. Velleius Paterculus was an historian and biographer who is known today, if at all, for his biographical notes on the Emperor Tiberius, which are contained within Paterculus's history of Rome.
Paterculus,writing underTiberius, gave a very favorable treatment of Julius Caesar, and became fulsome when he came to write of Augustus. But the worst excesses of flattery came in Velleius Paterculus's treatment of Tiberius himself. Here is part of what he writes about that tyrannical ruler:
"Of the transactions of the last sixteen years, which have passed in the view, and are fresh in the memory of all, who shall presume to give a full account? ... credit has been restored to mercantile affairs, seditionhas been banished from the forum, corruption from the Campus Martius, and discord from the senate-house; justice, equity and industry, which had long lain buried in neglect, have been revived in the state; authority has been given to the magistrates, majesty to the senate, and solemnity to the courts of justice; the bloody riots in the theatre have been suppressed, and all men have had either a desire excited in them, or a necessity imposed on them, of acting with integrity. Virtuous actsare honored, wicked deeds are punished. The humble respects the powerful, without dreading him; the powerful takes precedenceof the humble without condemning him. When were provisions more moderate in price? When were the blessings of peace more abundant? Augustan peace, diffused overall the regions of the east and the west, and all that lies between the south and the north, preserves every corner of the world free from all dread of predatory molestation. Fortuitous losses, not only of individuals, but of cities, the munificence of the prince is ready to relieve. The cities of Asia have been repaired; the provinces have been secured from the oppression of their governors. Honor promptly rewards the deserving, and the punishment of the guilty, ifslow, is certain. Interest gives place to justice, solicitation to merit.For the best of princes teaches his countrymen to act rightly by his own practice; and while he is the greatest in power, he is still greater in example.
"Having exhibited a general view of the administration of
Tiberius Caesar, let us now enumerate a few particulars
respecting it.... How formidable a war, excited by the Gallic
chief Sacrovir and Julius Florius, did he suppress, and with such
amazing expedition and energy, that the Roman people learned that
they were conquerors, before they knew that they were at war, and
the news of the victory outstripped the news of the danger! The
All of this was written in praise of the regime that crucified Jesus Christ, and one of the worst genocidal tyrannies in the history of the world.Paterculus, we must sadly conclude, was a sycophant of the Tiberius administration. Some of his themes are close parallels to the propaganda of today's Bush machine.
In addition to feeding the personality cult ofTiberius, Paterculus also lavished praise on Lucius Aelius Sejanus, the Prefect of the Praetorian Guard and for manyyears Tiberius's number one favorite, second in command, and likely successor. In many respectsSejanus was not unlike James Baker III under the Bush regime. While Tiberius spent all of his time inseclusion on his island of Capri near Naples, Sejanus assumed day to day control of the vastempireand its 100 millionsubjects. Paterculus wrote of Sejanusthat he was "a most excellent coadjutor in all the toils of government ... aman of pleasing gravity, and of unaffected cheerfulness ... assuming nothing to himself." That was the voice of the red Studebaker school in about 30 A.D. Paterculus should have limited his fawning to Tiberius himself; somewhat later, the emperor, suspecting a coup plot, condemned Sejanus andhad him tornlimb from limb in gruesome retribution.
But why bring up Rome? Some readers may be scandalized by the things that truth obliges us to record about a sittingpresident of the United States. Are we not disrespectful to this high office? No. One of the reasons for glancing back at Imperial Rome is to remind ourselves that in times of moral and cultural degradation like our own, rulers of great evil haveinflicted incalculable sufferingon humanity.In our modern time of war and depression, this is once again the case.If Caligula was possible then, who could claim that the America of the New World Order should be exempt? Let us therefore tarry for a moment with these old Romans, because they can show us much about ourselves.
In order to find Roman writers who tell us anything reliable about the first dozen emperors, we must wait until the infamous Julio-Claudian dynastyof Julius Caesar, Augustus,Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, and the rest had entirely passed from the scene, to be supplanted by new ruling houses. Tiberius reigned from 14 to 37 A.D.; Caligula, his designated successor, from 37 to 41 A.D.; and Nero from 54 to 68 A.D. But the first accurate account of the crimes of some of these emperors comes from Publius Cornelius Tacitus in about 115-17 A.D., late in the reign of the emperor Trajan. It was feasible for Tacitus to write and publish a more realistic account of the Julio-Claudian emperors because oneof the constant themes of Trajan's propaganda was to glorify himself as an enlightened emperor through comparison with the earlier series of bloody tyrants.
Tacitus manages to convey how the destructivenessof these emperors in their personal lives correlated with their mass executions and their genocidal economic policies. Tacitus was familiar withthe machinery of Roman Imperial power: he was of senatorial rank, served as consul in Italy in 97 A.D., and was the governor of theimportant province of western Anatolia (today's Turkey) which the Romans referred tosimplyas Asia. Tacitus writes of Tiberius: "... his criminal lusts shamed him. Their uncontrollable activity was worthy of anoriental tyrant. Free-born children were his victims. He was fascinated by beauty, youthful innocence, and aristocratic birth. New names for types of perversions were invented. Slaves were charged to locate and procure his requirements.... It was like the sack of a captured city."
Tiberius was ableto dominate the legislative branch of his government, the senate, by subversion and terror: "It was, indeed, a horrible feature of this period that leading senators became informers evenon trivial matters--some openly, many secretly. Friends and relatives were as suspect as strangers, old stories as damaging as new. Inthe Main Square, ata dinner-party, a remark on any subject might mean prosecution. Everyone competed forpriority in marking down the victim. Sometimes this was self-defense, but mostly it was a sort of contagion, like an epidemic.... I realize that many writers omit numerous trials and condemnations, bored by repetition or afraid that catalogues they themselves have found over-long and dismal may equally depress their readers.But numerous unrecorded incidents, which have come to my attention, ought to be known.
"... Even women were in danger.They could not be charged with aiming at supreme power. So they were charged with weeping: one old lady was executed for lamenting her son's death. The senate decidedthis case.... In the same year the high price of corn nearly caused riots....
"Frenzied with bloodshed, (Tiberius) now ordered the execution of all those arrested for complicity with Sejanus. It was a massacre. Without discrimination of sex or age, eminence or obscurity, therethey lay, strewn about--or in heaps. Relatives and friends were forbidden to stand by or lament them, or even gaze for long. Guards surrounded them, spying on their sorrow, and escorted the rotting bodies until, dragged to the Tiber,they floated away or grounded--with none to cremate or touch them. Terror had paralyzed human sympathy. The rising surge of brutality drove compassion away."s1s2
This is the sameTiberius administration so extravagantly praised by Velleius Paterculus. Because of lacunae in the manuscripts of Tacitus's work that have come down to us, much of what we know of the rule of Caligula (Gaius Caesar, in power from 37 to 41 A.D.) derives from {The Lives of the Twelve Caesars,} a book by GaiusSuetonius Tranquillus. The character and administration of Caligula present some striking parallels with the subject of the present book.
Asa stoic, Caligula was a great admirer of his own "immovable rigor." His motto was "Remember that Ihave the right to do anything to anybody." He made no secret of his bloodthirsty vindictiveness. Caligula was a fan of the green team in the Roman arena, and when the crowd applaudeda charioteer who wore a different color, Caligula criedout, "I wish the Roman people had but a single neck." At one of his state dinnersCaligula burst into a fit of uncontrollable laughter, andwhen a consul askedhim what was so funny, he replied that it was the thought that as emperor Caligula had the power to have the throats of the top officials cut at any time he chose. Caligula carried this same attitude into his personal life: whenever he kissed or caressed the neck of his wife or one of his mistresses, he liked to remark: "Off comes this beautiful head whenever I give the word."
Above all, Caligula was vindictive. After his death, two notebooks were found among his personal papers, one labelled "The Sword"and the other labelled "The Dagger." These were lists of the persons he had proscribed and liquidated,and were the forerunners of the enemies lists and discrediting committee of today. Suetonius frankly calls Caligula "a monster," and speculates on thepyschologicalrootsof his criminal disposition: "I think I may attributeto mental weakness the existence of two exactly opposite faults in the same person, extreme assurance and, on theotherhand,excessive timorousness." Caligula was"full of threats" against "the barbarians," but at the same time prone to precipitous retreats and flights of panic. Caligula worked on his "body language" by "practicing all kinds of terrible and fearsome expressions before a mirror."
Caligula built an extension of his palace to connect with the Temple of Castor and Pollux, and often went there to exhibit himself as an object of public worship, delighting in being hailed as "Jupiter Latiaris" by the populace. Later Caligula would officially opentemples in his own name. Caligula was brutal in his intimidation of the senate, whose members he subjected to open humiliations and covert attacks; many senators were "secretly put to death." "He often inveighed against all the Senators alike.... He treated the other orders with like insolence and cruelty." Suetonius recites whole catalogues of "special instances of his innate brutality" toward persons of all walks of life. He enjoyed inflicting torture, and revelled in liquidating political opponents or those who had insulted or snubbed him in some way. He had a taste for capital executions as theperfect backdrop for parties and banquets. Caligula also did everything he could to denigrate the memory of the great men of past epochs, so that their fame could not eclipse his own: "He assailed mankind of almost every epoch with no less envy and malice than insolence and cruelty. He threw down the statues of famous men" and tried to destroy all the texts of Homer.
Caligula "respected neither his own chastity nor that of any one else." He was reckless in his extravagance, and soon emptied out the imperial treasury of all the funds that old Tiberius had squirreled away there. After that, Caligula tried to replenish his coffers through a system of spies, false accusations, property seizures, and public auctions. He also "levied new and unheard-of taxes," to the point that "no class of commodities was exempt from some kind of tax or other." Caligula taxed all foodstuffs, took a fortiethof the award in any lawsuit, an eighth of the daily wages of the porters, and demandedthat the prostitutes pay him a daily fee equal to the average price charged to each individual customer. (It is rumored that this part of Caligula's career is under study by those planning George Bush's second term.) Caligula also opened a brothel in his palace as anadditional source of income, which may prefigure today's White House staff. Among Caligula's moresingular hobbies Suetonius includes his love of rolling and wallowing in piles of gold coins.
Caligula kept his wife, Caesonia (describedby Suetonius as "neither beautiful nor young") with him until the very end. But his greatest devotion was to his horse, whom he made consul of theRoman state. Ultimately Caligula fell victim to a conspiracy of the Praetorian Guard, led by the tribune Gaius Chaerea, a man whomCaligula had taken special delight in humiliating.s1s3
The authors of the present study are convinced that these references tothe depravityof the Roman emperors, and to the records of that depravity provided by such authors as Tacitus and Suetonius, are directly germane to our present task offollowing the career of a member of the senatorial class of the Anglo-American elite through the various stages of hisformation and ultimate ascent to imperial power. The Roman Imperial model is germane because the American rulingelite of today is far closerto the world of Tiberius and Caligula than it is to the world of the American Revolution or the Constitutional Convention of 1789. The leitmotif of modern American presidential politics is unquestionably an imperial theme, most blatantly expressed by Bush in his slogan for 1990, "The NewWorld Order," and for 1991, the "pax universalis." The central project of the Bush presidency isthe creation and consolidation of a single, universal Anglo-American (orAnglo-Saxon) empire very directly modelled on the various phases of the Roman Empire.
The Olympian Delusion
There is one other aspect of the biographical-historical methodof the Graeco-Roman world which we have sought to borrow. Ever since Thucydides composed hismonumental work on the PeloponnesianWar, those who have sought to imitate his style--with the Roman historian Titus Livius prominent among them--have employed the device of attributing long speeches to historical personages, even when it appears very unlikely that such lengthy orations could have been made by the protagonists at the time. This has nothing to do with the synthetic dialogue of current American political writing, which attempts to present historical events asa series of trivial and banal soap-opera exchanges, which carry on for such interminable lengths as to suggest that the authors are getting paid by the word. Our idea of fidelity to the classical style has simply been to let George Bush speak for himself wherever possible, through direct quotation. We are convinced that by letting Bush express himself directly in this way, we afford the reader a more faithful--and damning--account of Bush's actions.
George Bush might agreethat "history is biography," although we suspect that he would not agree with any of our other conclusions. There may be a few peculiarities of the present work as biography that are worthy of explanation at the outset.
One of our basic theses is that George Bush is, and considers himself to be, an oligarch. The notion of oligarchy includes first of all the idea of a patrician and wealthy family capable of introducing its offspring into such elite institutions as Andover, Yale,and Skull and Bones. Oligarchy also subsumes the self-conception of the oligarch as belonging to a special, exalted breed of mankind, one that is superior to the common run of mankind as a matter of hereditary genetic superiority. This mentality generallygoes togetherwith a fascination for eugenics, race science and just plain racism as a means of building a case that one's own family tree and racial stock are indeed superior. These notions of "breeding" are a constant in the history of the titled feudal aristocracy of Europe, especially Britain, towards inclusion in which an individual like Bush must necessarily strive.At the very least, oligarchs like Bush see themselves as demigods occupying a middle ground between the immortals above and the {hoi polloi} below. The culmination of this insane delusion, which Bush has demonstrably long since attained, is the obsessive belief that the principal families of the Anglo-American elite, assembled in their freemasonic orders, by themselves directly constitute an Olympian Pantheon of living deities who have the capability of abrogating and disregarding the laws of the universe according to their own irrational caprice. If we do not take into account this element of fatal and megalomaniac hubris, the lunatic Anglo-American policies in regardto the Gulf War, international finance, or the AIDS epidemic must defy all comprehension.
Part of the ethos of oligarchism as practiced by George Bush is theemphasis on one's own family pedigree.This accounts for the attention we dedicate in the opening chapters of this book to Bush's family tree, reaching back to the nineteenth century and beyond. It is impossible to gain insight into Bush's mentality unless we realize that it is important for him to be considered a cousin, however distant, of Queen Elizabeth II of theHouse of Mountbatten-Windsor and for his wife Barbara to be viewed in some sense a descendant of President Franklin Pierce.
The Family Firm
Forrelated reasons, it is our special duty to illustrate the
role played in the formation of George Bush as a personality by
his maternal grandfather and uncle, George Herbert Walker and
George Herbert Walker, Jr., and by George H.W. Bush's father, the
late Senator Prescott Bush. In the course of this task, we must
speak at length about the institution to which George Bush owes
the most, the Wall Street international investment bank of Brown
Brothers
In the case of George Bush, as many who have known him personally have noted, the networklooms much larger than George's own character and will. The reader will search in vain for strong principled commitments in George Bush's personality; the most that will be found is a series of characteristic obsessions, of which the most durable are race, vanity, personal ambition, and settling scores with adversaries. What emerges by contrast is the decisive importance of Bush's network of connections. His response to the Gulf crisis of 1991 will be largely predetermined, not by any great flashes of geopolitical insight, but rather by his connections to the British oligarchy, to Kissinger, to Israeli and Zionist circles, to Texas oilmen in his fundraising base, to the Saudi Arabian and Kuwaiti royal houses. If the question is one of finance, then the opinions of J. Hugh Liedtke, Henry Kravis, Robert Mosbacher,T. Boone Pickens, Nicholas Brady, James Baker III and the City of London will be decisive. If covert operations and dirty tricks are on the agenda, then there is a whole stable of CIA old boys with whom he will consult, and so on down the line. During much of 1989, despite his control over the presidency, Bush appeared as a weak and passive executive, waiting for his networks to show him what it was he was supposed to do. When German reunification and the crumblingof the Soviet empire spurred those--primarily British--networks intoaction, Bush was suddenly capable of violent and daring adventures. As his battle for a second term approaches, Bush may be showing increasing signs of a rage-driven self-starter capability, especially when it comes to starting new wars designed to secure his re-election.
The United States in Decline
Biography has itsown inherent discipline: Itmust be concerned with the life of its protagonist, and cannot stray too far away. In no way has it been our intention tooffer an account of American history during the lifetime of George Bush. The present study neverthelessreflects manyaspects of that recent historyof U.S. decline. It will be noted that Bush has succeeded in proportion as the country has failed,and that Bush's advancement has proceeded {paripassu}with the degradation of the national stage upon which he has operated and which he has come to dominate. At various phases in his career, Bush has come into conflict with persons who were intellectually and morally superior to him. Onesuch was Senator Ralph Yarborough, and another was Senator Frank Church. Our study will be found to catalogue the constant decline in the qualities of Bush's adversaries as human types until the 1980s, by which time his opponents, as in the case of Al Haig, are no better than Bush himself.
Theexception to this trend is Bush's long-standing personal
vendetta against Lyndon
As for the political relevance of our project, we think that
it is very real. During the Gulf crisis, it would have been
important for the public to know more about Bush's business
dealings withthe Royal Family ofKuwait. During the 1992
presidential campaign, as Wall Street's recent crop ofjunk-bond
assisted leveraged buyouts line up at the entrance to bankruptcy
court, and state workers all across the United States are
informed that the retirement pensions they had been promised will
never be paid, the relations between George Bush and Henry Kravis
will surely constitute an explosive political issue. Similarly,
once Bush's British and Kissingerian pedigree is recognized, the
methods he is likely to pursue in regard to situations such as
the planned Romanian-style overthrow of the Castro regime in
Cuba, or theprovocation of a splendid little nuclear war
involving
Theauthors have been at some pains to makethis work intelligible to readers around the world. We offer this book to those who share our aversion to the imperialist-colonialist New World Order, and our profound horror at the concept ofa return to a single, worldwide Roman Empire as suggested by Bush's "pax universalis" slogan. This work is tangible evidence that there is anopposition to Bush inside the United States, and that the new Caligula is very vulnerable indeed on the level of the exposure of his own misdeeds.
It will be argued that this book should have been published before the 1988 election, when a Bush presidency might have been avoided. That is certainly true, but it is an objection which should also be directed to many institutions and agencies whose resources far surpassour modest capabilities. We can only remind our fellow citizens that when he asks for their votes for his re-election, George Bush also enters that court of public opinion in which he is obliged to answer their questions. They shouldnot waste this opportunity to grill him on all aspects of his career and future intentions, since it is Bush who comes forward appealing for their support. To aid in this process, we have provided a list of TwentyQuestions forCandidate George Bush on the campaign trail, and this will be found in the appendix.
We do not delude ourselves that we have said the last word about George Bush. But we have for the first time sketched out at least some of the most salient features and gathered them into a comprehensible whole. We encourage an aroused citizenry, as well as specialized researchers, to improve upon what we have been able to accomplish.In sodoing, we recall the words of the Florentine Giovanni Boccaccio when he reluctantly accepted the order of a powerful king to produce an account of the old Roman Pantheon: "If I don't succeed completely in this exposition, at least I will provide a stimulus for the better work of others who are wiser."--Boccaccio, {Genealogy of the National Gods} {To be continued.}
Notes
1. George Bush andVic Gold, {Looking Forward,} (New York: Doubleday, 1987), p. 47.
2. Fitzhugh Green, {Looking Forward,} (New York: Hippocrene, 1989), p. 53.
3. Harry Hurt III, "George Bush, Plucky Lad," {TexasMonthly,} June, 1983, p.142.
4. Richard Ben Cramer, "How He Got Here," {Esquire,} June, 1991, p. 84.
5. Joe Hyams, {Flight of the Avenger} (New York, 1991).
6.
Nicholas King, {George Bush: A Biography} (New York,
7. Donnie Radcliffe, {Simply Barbara Bush,} (New York: Warner, 1989), p. 103.
8. Rainer Bonhorst, {George Bush, Der Neue Mann im Weissen Haus,} (Bergisch Gladbach: Gustav Luebbe Verlag, 1988), pp. 80-81.
9. See "TheRoar of the Crowd," {Texas Monthly,} November, 1991. See also Jan Jarboe, "Meaner Than a Junkyard Dog," {Texas Monthly,} April 1991, p. 122 ff. Here Wyatt observes: "I knew from the beginning George Bush came to Texas only because he was politically ambitious.He flew out here on an airplane owned by Dresser Industries. His daddy was a member of the board of Dresser."
10. Darwin Payne, {Initiative in Energy} (NewYork: Simon and Shuster, 1979), p. 233.
11. John Selby Watson (translator), {Sallust, Florus, and Velleius Paterculus} (London: George Bell andSon, 1879), pp. 542-46.
12. CorneliusTacitus, {The
13. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, {The Lives of the Twelve Caesars} (New York: Modern Library,1931),pp. 165-204, { passim.
Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far behind on this group.
Thanks.
John Covici
coviciccs.covici.com
Article 15244 of alt.activism:
From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici)
Newsgroups: alt.activism
Subject: Part 2: George Bush Unauthorized Biography
The followingis from the New Federalist serialization of a forthcoming book concerning George Bush.
For further information or to subscribe to New Federalist, please contact me by e-mail.
CHAPTER 2 THE HITLER PROJECT
1. Bush Property Seized--Trading with the Enemy
In October 1942, ten months after entering World War II, America
was preparingits first assault against Nazi military forces.
Prescott Bush was managing partner of Brown Brothers
On October 20, 1942, the U.S. government ordered the seizure of Nazi German banking operations in New York City which were being conducted by Prescott Bush.
Under the {Trading with the Enemy Act}, the government took
over the {Union Banking Corporation,} in which Bush was a
director. The U.S. Alien Property Custodian seized Union Banking
Corp.'s stock shares, all of which were owned by Prescott Bush,
E. Roland "Bunny"
The order seizing the bank "vest[ed] [seized] all of the capital stock of Union Banking Corporation, aNew York corporation," and named the holders of its shares as:
sb|"E. Roland
sb|"Cornelis
sb|"Harold D. Pennington--1 share." Pennington was treasurer
and director of UBC, and an office manager employed by Bush at
Brown Brothers
sb|"Ray Morris--1 share." Morris was director of UBC, anda
partner of Bush and the
sb|"Prescott S. Bush--1 share." Bush was director of UBC,
which was co-founded and sponsored by his father-in-law George
Walker; he was senior managing partner for E. Roland
sb|"H.J. Kouwenhoven--1 share" Kouwenhoven was director of
UBC; he organized UBCas the emissary of Fritz Thyssen in
negotiations with George Walker and Averell
sb|"Johann G. Groeninger--1 share." Groeninger was director of UBC and of its Netherlands affiliate; he was an industrial executive in Nazi Germany.
The order also specified: "all of which shares areheld for the benefit of ... membersof the Thyssen family, [and] is property of nationals ... of a designated enemy country...."
By October 26, 1942, U.S. troops were underway for
U.S. forces landed under fire nearAlgiers on November 8, 1942; heavy combat raged throughout November. Nazi interests in the {Silesian-American Corporation,} long managed by Prescott Bush and his father-in-law George Herbert Walker, were seized under the Trading with the Enemy Act on November 171942. In this action, the government announced that it was seizing only the Nazi interests, leaving the Nazis' U.S. partners to carry on the business.s3
These and other actions taken by the U.S. government in wartime were, tragically, too little and too late.President Bush'sfamily had already played a central role in financing and arming Adolf Hitler for his takeover of Germany; in financing and managing the buildup of Nazi war industries for the conquest of Europe and war against the U.S.A.; and in the development of Nazi genocide theories and racial propaganda, with their well-known results.
The facts presented here must be known, and their implications reflected upon, for a proper understanding ofPresident George Herbert Walker Bush and ofthe danger to mankind that he represents. The President's family fortune was largely a result of theHitlerproject. The powerful Anglo-American family associations, which later boosted him into the Central Intelligence Agency and up to the White House, were his father's partners in the Hitler project.
President Franklin Roosevelt's Alien Property Custodian, Leo T. Crowley, signed Vesting Order Number 248 seizing the property of Prescott Bush under the Trading with Enemy Act. The order, published in obscure government record books and kept out of the news,s4 explained nothing about the Nazis involved; only that the Union BankingCorporation was run for the "Thyssen family" of "Germany and/or Hungary"--"nationals ... of a designated enemy country."
By deciding that Prescott Bush and the other directors of the
Union BankingCorp. were legally {front men for the Nazis}, the
government avoided the more important historical issue: In what
way {were Hitler's Nazis themselves hired, armed, and instructed
by} the New York and London clique of which Prescott Bush was an
executive manager? Let us examinethe
2. Origin and Extent of the Project
Fritz Thyssen andhis business partners are universally recognized as the most important German financiersof Adolf Hitler's takeover ofGermany. At the time of the order seizing the Thyssen family's Union Banking Corp., Mr. Fritz Thyssen had already published his famous book, {I Paid Hitler},s5 admitting that he had financed Adolf Hitler and the Nazi movement since October 1923.Thyssen's role as the leading early backer of Hitler's grab for power in Germany had been noted by U.S. diplomats in Berlin in 1932.s6 The order seizing the Bush-Thyssen bank was curiously quiet and modest about the identity of the perpetrators who had been nailed.
Buttwo weeks before the official order, government
investigators had reported secretly that "W. Averell
When exactly was "
The Union Banking Corporation wasestablished formally in
1924, as a unit in the Manhattan offices of W.A.
Thus by personal agreement between Averell
{How important was the Nazienterprise for whichPresident Bush's father was the New York banker?}
The 1942 U.S. government investigative report said that Bush's Nazi-front bank was an interlocking concern with the Vereinigte Stahlwerke (United Steel Works Corporation or {German Steel Trust}) led by FritzThyssen and his two brothers.After the war, congressional investigators probed the Thyssen interests, Union Banking Corp. and related Nazi units.The investigation showed that the Vereinigte Stahlwerke had produced thefollowing approximate proportions of total German national output: "50.8% of Nazi Germany's pig iron; 41.4% of Nazi Germany'suniversal plate;36.0% of Nazi Germany's heavy plate; 38.5% of Nazi Germany's galvanized sheet; 45.5% of Nazi Germany's pipes and tubes;22.1% of Nazi Germany's wire; 35.0% of Nazi Germany's explosives."s8
This accounts for many, many Nazi submarines, bombs, rifles, gas chambers, etc.
Prescott Bush became vice president of W.A.
In return for putting up $70 millionto create his organization, majority owner Thyssen gave the Dillon Read company two or more representativeson the boardof the new Steel Trust.s9
Thus there is a division of labor: Thyssen's own confidential accounts, forpolitical and related purposes, were run through the Walker-Bush organization; the Steel Trust did itscorporate banking through Dillon Read.
TheWalker-Bush firm's banking activities werenot just politically neutral money-making ventures which happened to coincide withthe aims of German Nazis. All of the firm's European business in those days was organized around anti-democratic political forces.
In 1927, criticism of their support for totalitarianism drew
this retort from BertWalker, written fromKennebunkport to
Averell
Averell
Thegreat financial collapse of1929-31 shook America, Germany, and Britain,weakening all governments. It also made the hard-pressed Prescott Bush even more willing to do whatever was necessary to retain his new place in the world.It was in this crisis that certain Anglo-Americans determined on the installation of a Hitler regime in Germany.
W.A.
Robert A. Lovett also came over as a partner from Brown
Brothers. His father, E.H.
Brown Brothers had a racial tradition that fitted it well for the Hitler project. American patriots had cursed its name back in Civil War days. Brown Brothers, with offices in the U.S.A. and in England, had carried on their ships fully 75 percent of the slave cotton from the American South overto British mill owners; through their usurious credit they controlled and manipulated the slave-owners.
Now, in 1931, the virtual dictator of world finance, Bank of England Governor Montagu Collet Norman, was a former Brown Brothers partner, whose grandfather had been bossof Brown Brothers during the U.S. Civil War. Montagu Norman was known as the most avidof Hitler's supporters within British ruling circles, and Norman's intimacy with this firm was essential to his management of the Hitler project.
In 1931, while Prescott Bush ran the New York office of Brown
Brothers
3. Hitler's Ladder to Power
Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany January 30, 1933,
and absolute dictator in March 1933, after two years of expensive
and violent lobbying and electioneering. Two affiliates of the
Bush-
Letus look moreclosely at the Bushfamily's German partners.
{Fritz Thyssen} told Allied interrogators after the war about
some of his financial support for the Nazi Party: "In 1930 or
1931 ... I told [Hitler's deputy Rudolph]Hess ... I would
arrange a credit for him with a Dutch bank in Rotterdam, the Bank
fuaur Handel und Schiff [i.e. Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart
(BHS), the
"The credit was about 250-300000 [gold] marks--about the sum I had given before. The loan has been repaid in part to the Dutch bank, but I think some money is still owing on it...."s1s4
The overall total of Thyssen's political donations and loans to the Nazis was well over a million dollars, including funds he raised from others--in a period of terrible money-shortage in Germany.
{Friedrich Flick} was the major co-owner of the German Steel Trust with Fritz Thyssen, Thyssen's longtimecollaborator and sometime competitor. In preparation for the war crimes tribunal at Nuremberg, the U.S.government said that Flick was"one of leading financiers and industrialists who from 1932 contributed large sums to the Nazi Party ... member of 'Circle of Friends' of Himmler who contributed large sums to the SS."s1s5
Flick, like Thyssen, financed the Nazis to maintain their private armies called Schutzstaffel (S.S. or Black Shirts) and Sturmabteilung (S.A., storm troops or Brown Shirts).
The Flick-
The
The {
The Nuremberg prosecutor characterized Flick as follows:
"Proprietor and head of a large group of industrial
enterprises (coal and iron mines, steel producing and fabricating
plants) ... '
For this buildup of the Hitler war machine with coal, steel, and arms production, using slave laborers, the Nazi Flick was condemned to seven years in prison at the Nuremberg trials; he served three years. With friends in New York and London, however, Flick lived into the 1970s and died a billionaire.
On March 19, 1934, Prescott Bush--then director of the German
Steel Trust's Union Banking Corporation--initiated analert to
the absent Averell
The {Times} article continued: "The company has long been accused of mismanagement,excessive borrowing, fictitious bookkeeping and gambling in securities. Warrants were issued in December for several directors accused of tax evasions. They were German citizens and they fled. They were replaced by Poles. Herr Flick, regarding this as an attempt to make thecompany's board entirely Polish, retaliated by restricting credits until the new Polish directors were unable to pay the workmen regularly."
The{Times} noted that the company's mines and mills "employ 25000 men and account for 45 percent of Poland's total steel output and 12 percent of her coal production.Two-thirds of the company's stock is owned by Friedrich Flick, a leading German steel industrialist, and the remainder is owned by interests in the United States."
In view of the fact that a great deal of Polish output was
being exported to Hitler's Germany under depression conditions,
the Polish government thought that Bush,
A 1935
Nazi tanksand bombs "settled" this dispute in September,
1939 with the invasion of Poland, beginning World War II. The
Nazi army had been equipped by Flick,
There were probably fewpeopleat the time who could
appreciate the irony, that when the Soviets also attacked and
invaded Poland from the East, their vehicles were fueled by oil
pumpedfrom Baku wells revived bythe
Three years later, nearly a year after the
The order characterized the company as a "business enterprise within the United States, owned by [a front company in] Zurich, Switzerland, and held for the benefit of Bergwerksgesellschaft George von Giesche's Erben, a German corporation...."s2s0
Bert Walker was still the senior directorof the company,
which he hadfounded back in 1926 simultaneously with the
creation of the German Steel Trust. Ray Morris, Prescott's
partner from Union Banking Corp. and Brown Brothers
Theinvestigative report prior to the government crackdown explained the "NATURE OF BUSINESS: The subject corporation is an American holding company for German and Polish subsidiaries, which own large andvaluable coal and zinc mines in Silesia, Poland and Germany. Since September 1939, these properties have been in the possession of and have been operated by the German government and have undoubtedly been of considerable assistance to that country in its war effort."s2s1
Thereportnoted that the American stockholders hoped to regain control of the European properties after the war.
4. Control of Nazi Commerce
Bert Walker had arranged the credits
As the Hitler project went into high gear,
It was a convenient stroll for the well-tanned, athletic,
handsome Prescott Bush. From the Brown Brothers
In many ways, Bush's Hamburg-Amerika Line was the pivot for the entire Hitler project.
Averell
{Albert Voegler} was chiefexecutive of the Thyssen-Flick
GermanSteel Trust for which Bush's Union Banking Corp. was the
New York office. He was a director of the Bush-affiliate BHS
Bank in Rotterdam, and a director of the
The {Schroeder} family of bankers was a linchpin for the Nazi
activities of
Baron Kurt von Schroeder was co-director of the massive Thyssen-Huettefoundry alongwith Johann Groeninger, Prescott Bush's New York bank partner. Kurt von Schroeder wastreasurer of the support organization for the Nazi Party's private armies, to which Friedrich Flick contributed.Kurt von Schroeder and Montagu Norman's proteaageaaHjalmar Schacht together made the final arrangments for Hitler to enter the government.s2s5
Baron Rudolph von Schroeder was vice president and director of
the Hamburg-Amerika Line. Long an intimate contact of Averell
Certain actions taken directly by the
TheU.S. Embassy in Berlin reported back to Washington that the "costly election campaigns" and "the cost of maintaining a private army of 300000 to 400000 men" had raised questions as to theNazis'financial backers. The constitutional government of the German republic movedto defend national freedom by ordering the Nazi Party private armies disbanded. The U.S. Embassy reported that the {Hamburg-Amerika Line was purchasing and distributing propaganda attacks against the German government, for attempting this last-minute crackdown on Hitler's forces.}s2s7
Thousands of German opponents ofHitlerism were shot or intimidated by privately armed Nazi BrownShirts. In this connection, we note that the original "Merchant of Death," SamuelPryor,was a founding director of both the Union Banking Corp. and the American Ship and Commerce Corp.Since Mr. Pryor was executive committee chairman of Remington Arms and a central figure in the world's private arms traffic, his use to the Hitler project was enhanced as the Bush family's partner in Nazi Party banking and trans-Atlantic shipping.
TheU.S. Senate arms-traffic investigators probed Remington after it was joined in a cartel agreement on explosives to the Nazi firm I.G. Farben. Looking at the period leading up to Hitler's seizure of power, the senators found that "German political associations, like the Nazi and others, are nearly all armed with American ... guns.... Arms of all kinds coming from America are transshipped in the Scheldt to river barges before the vessels arrive in Antwerp. They then can be carried through Holland without police inspectionor interference. The Hitlerists and Communists arepresumed to get arms in this manner. The principal armscomingfrom America are Thompson submachine guns and revolvers.The number is great."s2s8
The beginning of the Hitler regime brought some bizarre changes to the Hamburg-Amerika Line--and more betrayals.
Prescott Bush's American Ship and Commerce Corp. notified Max Warburg of Hamburg, Germany, on March 7, 1933, that Warburg was to bethe corporation's official, designated representative on the board of Hamburg-Amerika.s2s9
Max Warburg replied on March 27, 1933, assuring his American sponsors thatthe Hitler government was good for Germany: "For the last few years business was considerably better than we had anticipated, but a reactionis making itself felt for some months. We are actually suffering also underthe very active propaganda against Germany, caused bysome unpleasant circumstances.These occurrences were the natural consequence of the very excited election campaign, but were extraordinarily exaggerated inthe foreign press.The Government is firmly resolved to maintain public peace and order in Germany, andI feel perfectly convinced in this respect that there is no cause for any alarm whatsoever."s3s0
This seal of approval for Hitler, coming from a famous Jew,
was just what
On March 29, 1933, two days after Max's letter to
The American Jewish Committee and the B'nai B'rith (mother of the "Anti-DefamationLeague") continued with this hardline, no-attack-on-Hitler stance all through the 1930s, blunting the fight mounted by many Jews and other anti-fascists.
Thus the decisive interchange reproduced above, taking place
entirely within the orbit of the
The executive board of the {HamburgAmerika Line}{(Hapag)}
met jointly with the
According to testimony of officials of the companies before
Congress in 1934, a supervisor from the {Nazi Labor Front} rode
with every ship of the
In mid-1936, Prescott Bush's American Ship and Commerce Corp. cabled M.M. Warburg, asking Warburg torepresent thecompany's heavyshareinterest atthe forthcoming Hamburg-Amerika stockholders meeting. The Warburg office repliedwith the information that "we represented you" at the stockholders meeting and "exercised on your behalf your voting power for Rm [gold marks] 3509600 Hapag stock deposited with us."
The Warburgs transmitted a letter received from Emil
Helfferich, German chief executive of both Hapag-Lloyd and of the
Standard Oil subsidiary in Nazi Germany: "It is the intention to
continue the relations with Mr.
After the meeting with theZeppelin passenger, the
Two months before moving against Bush's Union Banking Corp.,
the U.S. government ordered the seizure of all property of the
Hamburg-Amerika Line and
In May 1933, just after the Hitler regime was consolidated, an
agreement was reached in Berlin for the coordination of all Nazi
commerce with the U.S.A. The {
This pact had been negotiated in Berlin between Hitler's economics minister, Hjalmar Schacht, and John Foster Dulles, international attorney for dozens of Nazi enterprises, with the counsel of Max Warburg and Kurt von Schroeder.
John Foster Dulles would later be U.S. Secretary of State, and the great power in the Republican Party of the 1950s. Foster's friendship and that of his brother Allen (head of the Central Intelligence Agency), greatly aided Prescott Bush to become the Republican U.S. senator from Connecticut. And it was to be of inestimable value to George Bush, in his ascent to the heights of "covert action government," that both of these Dulles brothers were the lawyers for the Bush family's far-flung enterprise.
Throughoutthe 1930s, John Foster Dulles arranged debt restructuring for German firms under a series of decrees issued by Adolf Hitler. In these deals, Dulles struck a balance between the interest owed to selected, larger investors, and the needs of the growing Nazi warmaking apparatus for producing tanks, poison gas, etc.
Dulles wrote to PrescottBush in 1937 concerning one such
arrangement. The German-Atlantic Cable Company, owning Nazi
Germany's only telegraph channel to the United States, had made
debt and management agreements with the Walker-
"Sept. 22, 1937 "Mr. Prescott S. Bush "59 Wall Street, New York, N.Y.
"Dear Press,
"I have looked over the letter of the German-American [sic]
Cable Companyto Averell
Dulles enclosed aproposed draft reply, Bush got
In conjunction with these arrangements, the German Atlantic Cable Companyattempted to stop payment on its debts to smaller American bondholders. The money was to be used instead for arming the Nazi state, under a decree of the Hitler government.
Despite the busy efforts of Bush and Dulles, a New York court decided that this particular Hitler "law" was invalid in the UnitedStates; smallbondholders, not parties to deals between the bankers and the Nazis, were entitled to get paid.s3s7
In this and a few other of the attempted swindles, the intended victims came out with their money. But the Nazi financial and political reorganization went ahead to its tragic climax.
Forhis part in the Hitler revolution, Prescott Bush was paid a fortune.
This is the legacy he left to his son, President George Bush.
Notes
1. Office of Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order Number 248. Signedby Leo T. Crowley, Alien Property Custodian, executed October 20, 1942; F.R. Doc. 42-11568; Filed, November 6, 1942. 7 Fed. Reg. 9097 (November 7, 1942). The {New York City Directory of Directors}, 1930s-40s, list Prescott Bushas a director of Union Banking Corp. from 1934 through 1943.
2. Alien Property Custodian Vesting Order No. 259: Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation; Vesting Order Number 261: Holland-American Trading Corp.
3. Alien Property Custodian Vesting Order No. 370: Silesian-American Corp.
4. {New York Times,} December 16, 1944, ran a five-paragraph page
25 article on actions of the New York State Banking Department.
Only the last sentence refers to the Nazi bank, as follows: "The
Union BankingCorporation, 39
5. FritzThyssen, {I Paid Hitler}, 1941, reprintedin (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1972), p. 133. Thyssen says his contributions began with 100000 marks given in October 1923, for Hitler's attempted "putsch" against the constitutional government.
6. Confidential memorandum from U.S. Embassy, Berlin, to the U.S. Secretary of State, April 20, 1932,on microfilm in {Confidential Reportsof U.S. State Dept., 1930s, Germany,} at major U.S. libraries.
7. October 5, 1942, Memorandum to the Executive Committee of the Officeof Alien Property Custodian, stamped CONFIDENTIAL, from the Division of Investigation and Research, Homer Jones, Chief. Now declassified in United States National Archives, Suitland, Maryland annex. See Record Group 131, Alien Property Custodian, investigative reports, in file boxrelating to Vesting Order Number 248.
8. {Elimination of German Resources for War}: HearingsBeforea Subcommittee of the Committee on Military Affairs, United States Senate, Seventy-Ninth Congress; Part 5, Testimony of [the United States] Treasury Department,July 2, 1945. Page 507: Table of Vereinigte Stahlwerke output, figures are percent of German total as of1938; Thyssenorganization including Union Banking Corporation pp. 727-731.
9. Robert Sobel, {The Life and Times of Dillon Read} (New York: Dutton-Penguin, 1991),pp. 92-111.The Dillon Read firm cooperated in the development of Sobel's book.
10. George Walker to Averell
11. "Iaccarino" to G. H. Walker, RCA Radiogram Sept. 12, 1927.
12. Andrew Boyle, {Montagu Norman} (London: Cassell, 1967).
Sir Henry Clay, {Lord Norman} (London, MacMillan & Co., 1957),
pp. 18, 57, 70-71.
John A. Kouwenhouven, {Partners in Banking ... Brown Brothers
13.
Coordination of much of the Hitler project took place ata
single New York address. The Union Banking Corporation had been
set up by George Walker at 39
14. Interrogation of Fritz Thyssen, EF/Me/1 of Sept. 4, 1945 in U.S. Control Council records, photostat on page 167 in Anthony Sutton, {An Introduction to The Order} (Billings, Mt.: Liberty House Press, 1986).
15. {Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B}, by the Office of United States Chief of Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality, U. S. Government Printing Office, (Washington, D.C., 1948), pp. 1597, 1686.
16. "Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation - [minutes of the]
Meeting of Board of Directors," October 31, 1930 (WAH papers),
shows Averell
17. {Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B}, {op. cit.,} p. 1686.
18. Jim Flaherty (a BBH manager, Prescott Bush's employee), March
19, 1934 to W.A.
19.
20. Order No. 370: Silesian-American Corp. Executed November 17,
1942. Signed by Leo T. Crowley, Alien Prop. Custodian.F.R. Doc.
42-14183; Filed, December 31, 1942; 8 Fed. Reg. 33 (Jan. 1,
1943).
The order confiscated the Nazis' holdings of 98000 shares of
common and 50000 shares of preferred stock in Silesian-American.
TheNazi parent company in Breslau, Germany wrote to Averell
21. Sept. 25, 1942, Memorandum To the Executive Committee of the Office of Alien Property Custodian, stamped CONFIDENTIAL, from the Division of Investigation and Research, Homer Jones, Chief. Now declassified in United States National Archives,Suitland, Maryland annex. See Record Group 131, Alien Property Custodian, investigative reports, in filebox relating to Vesting Order Number 370.
22. George Walker was a director of American Ship and Commerce
from its organizationthrough 1928.Consult {New York City
Directory of Directors}.
"
23. Cuno was later exposed by Walter Funk, Third Reich Press Chief and Under Secretary of Propaganda, in Funk's postwar jail cell at Nuremberg; but Cuno had died just as Hitler was taking power. William L. Shirer, L., {The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich} (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960), p. 144. {Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B}, {op. cit.,} p. 1688.
24. See "Elimination of German Resources for War," {op. cit.,} pages 881-882 on Voegler. SeeAnnualReport of the (Hamburg-Amerikanische-Packetfahrt-Aktien-Gesel schaft (Hapag or Hamburg-Amerika Line), March 1931, for the board of directors.A copy is in the New York PublicLibrary Annexat 11th Avenue, Manhattan.
25. {Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression--Supplement B,} {op. cit.,} pp. 1178, 1453-1454, 1597, 1599. See "Elimination of German Resources for War," {op. cit.,} pp. 870-72 on Schroeder; p. 730 on Groeninger.
26. Annual Report of Hamburg-Amerika, {op. cit.}
Baron Rudolph Schroeder, Sr. to Averell
27. Confidential memorandum from U.S. Embassy, Berlin, {op. cit.}
28. U.S. Senate "Nye Committee" hearings, Sept. 14, 1934, pp. 1197-1198, extracts from letters of Col. William N. Taylor, dated June 27, 1932 and January 9, 1933.
29. American Ship and Commerce Corporation to Dr. Max Warburg,
March 7, 1933.
MaxWarburg had brokeredthe sale of Hamburg-Amerika to
30. Max Warburg, at M.M. Warburg and Co., Hamburg, to Averill
[sic]
31. This correspondence, and the joint statement of the Jewish organizations,are reproduced in Moshe R. Gottlieb, {American Anti-Nazi Resistance, 1933-41: An Historical Analysis} (New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1982).
32. {Investigation of Nazi PropagandaActivities and
Investigation of Certain Other Propaganda Activities}: Public
Hearings before A Subcommittee of the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities, United States House of Representatives,
Seventy Third Congress, New York City, July 9-12, 1934--Hearings
No. 73-NY-7 (Washington, D.C., U.S. Govt. Printing Office, 1934).
See testimony of Capt. Frederick C. Mensing, John Schroeder, Paul
von Lilienfeld-Toal, and summaries by Committee members.
See {New York Times,} July 16, 1933, p. 12, for organizing of
Nazi Labor Front at
33. American Ship and Commerce Corporation telegram to Rudolph
Brinckmann at M.M. Warburg, June 12, 1936.
Rudolph Brinckmannto Averell
34. Office of Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order Number 126. Signed by Leo T. Crowley, Alien Property Custodian, executed August 28, 1942. F.R. Doc.42-8774; Filed September 4, 1942, 10:55 A.M.; 7 F.R. 7061 (Number 176, Sept. 5, 1942.) July 18, 1942, Memorandum To the Executive Committee of the Officeof Alien Property Custodian, stamped CONFIDENTIAL, from the Division of Investigation and Research, Homer Jones, Chief. Now declassified in United States National Archives, Suitland, Maryland annex. See Record Group 131, Alien Property Custodian, investigative reports, in file boxrelating to Vesting Order Number 126.
35. {New York Times,} May 20, 1933. Leading up to this agreement
is a telegramwhich somehowescaped the shredder. It is
addressed to Nazi official HjalmarSchacht at the Mayflower
Hotel, Washington, dated May 11, 1933: "Much disappointed to
have missed seeing you Tueday afternoon....I hope to see you
either in Washington or New York before you sail.
with my regards W.A.
36. Dulles to Bush, letter and draft reply in WAH papers.
37. {New York Times,} Jan. 19, 1938.
Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far behind on this group.
Thanks.
John Covici
coviciccs.covici.com
Article 15394 of alt.activism:
From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici)
Newsgroups: alt.activism
Subject: Part 3: George bush Unauthorized Biography
The following is part 3 of an unauthorized biography of George Bush -- a forthcoming book serialized in New Federalist. This article is from Issue 1 V6.
For further information, or to subscribe, please contact me by e-mail.
Chapter 3 RACE HYGIENE: Three Bush Family Alliances "The [government] must put the most modern medical means in the service of this knowledge.... Those who are physically and mentally unhealthy and unworthy must not perpetuate their suffering in the body of their children....The prevention of the faculty and opportunity toprocreate on the part of the physically degenerateand mentally sick, over a period of only 600 years, would ... free humanity froman immeasurable misfortune."s1
"The per capita income gap between the developed and the developing countries is increasing, in large part the result of higher birth rates in the poorer countries.... Famine in India, unwanted babies in the United States, poverty that seemed to form an unbreakable chain for millions of people--how should we tackle these problems?.... It is quite clearthat one of the major challenges ofthe 1970s ... will be to curb the world's fertility."
These two quotations are alike in their mock show of concern for human suffering, and in their cynical remedy for it: Big Brother must prevent the "unworthy" or "unwanted" people from living. Letus now further inquire into the family background of our President, so as to help illustrate how the second quoted author, {George Bush}s1 came to share the outlook of the first, {Adolf Hitler}.s2 We shall examine here the alliance of the Bush family with three other families: {Farish, Draper} and {Gray.} The private associations among these families have led to the President's relationship tohis closest, most confidential advisers. These alliances were forged in the earlier Hitler project and its immediate aftermath. Understanding them will help us to explain George Bush's obsession with the supposed overpopulation of the world's non-Anglo-Saxons, and the dangerous means he has adopted to deal with this "problem."
Bush and Farish
When George Bush was elected vice president in 1980, Texas mystery man William Stamps Farish III took over management of all of George Bush's personal wealth in a "blind trust."Known as one of the richest men in Texas, Will Farish keeps his business affairs under the most intense secrecy. Only the source of his immense wealth is known, not its employment.s3 Will Farish has long been Bush's closest friend and confidante. He is also the unique private host toBritain's Queen Elizabeth: Farish owns and boards the studs which mate with the Queen's mares. That is her public rationale when she comes to America and stays in Farish's house. It is a vital link in the mind of our Anglophile President. President Bush can count on Farish not to betray the violent secrets surrounding the Bush family money. For Farish's own familyfortune was made inthe same Hitler project, in a nightmarish partnership with George Bush's father.
On March 25, 1942, U.S. Assistant Attorney General Thurman Arnoldannounced that William Stamps Farish (grandfather of the President's money manager) had pleaded "no contest" to charges of criminal conspiracy with the Nazis. Farish was the principal manager of a worldwide cartel between StandardOil Co. of New Jersey and the I.G. Farben concern.The merged enterprise had opened the Auschwitz slave labor camp on June 141940, to produce artificial rubber and gasoline from coal. The Hitler government supplied political opponents and Jews as the slaves, who were worked to near death and then murdered. Arnold disclosed that Standard Oil of New Jersey (later known as Exxon), of which Farish was president and chief executive, had agreedto stop hiding fromthe United States patents for artificial rubber which the company had provided to the Nazis.s4 A Senate investigating committeeunder Senator (later U.S. President) Harry Truman of Missouri had called Arnold to testify at hearings on corporations' collaboration with the Nazis. The Senators expressed outrage at the cynicalway Farish was continuing an alliance with the Hitler regime that had begun back in 1933, when Farish became chief of Jersey Standard. Didn't he know there was a war on? The Justice Department laid before the committee a letter, written to Standard president Farish by his vice president, shortly after the beginning of World War II (September1, 1939) in Europe. The letter concerned arenewal of their earlier agreements with the Nazis:
Report on European Trip Oct. 12, 1939 Mr. W.S. Farish 30
Dear Mr. Farish: ... I stayed in France until Sept. 17th.... In England I met by appointment the Royal Dutch [Shell Oil Co.] gentlemen from Holland, and ... a general agreement was reached on the necessary changes in our relations with the I.G. [Farben], in view of the state of war.... [T]he Royal Dutch Shell group is essentially British.... Ialso had several meetings with ... the [British] Air Ministry.... I required help to obtain the necessary permission to go to Holland.... After discussions with the [American] Ambassador [Joseph Kennedy] the situation was cleared completely.... The gentlemen in the Air Ministry ... very kindly offered to assist me [later] in reentering England.... Pursuant to thesearrangements, I was able to keep my appointments in Holland [having flown there on a British Royal Air Force bomber], where I had three days of discussion with the representatives of I.G. They delivered to me assignments of some 2000 foreign patents and {we did our best to work out complete plans for a modus vivendi which could operate through the term of the war, whether or not the U.S. came in....} [emphasis added] Very truly yours, F[rank] A. Howards5
Here are some cold realities behind the tragedy of World War
II, which help explain the Bush-Farish family alliance--and their
peculiar closeness to the Queen of England:
sb|Shell Oil is principally owned by the British Royal
family. Shell's chairman, Sir Henri Deterding, helped sponsor
Hitler's rise to power,s6 by arrangement with the Royal Family's
Bank of England Governor, Montagu Norman. Their ally, Standard
Oil, would take part in the Hitler project right up to the
bloody, gruesome end.
sb|When grandfather Farish signed the Justice Department's
consent decree in March 1942, the government had already started
picking its way through the tangled web of world-monopoly oil and
chemical agreements between Standard Oil and the Nazis. Many
patents and other Nazi-owned aspects of the partnership had been
seized by the U.S. Alien Property Custodian.
Uncle Sam would not seize Prescott Bush's Union Banking
Corporation for another seven months.
The Bush-Farish axis had begun back in 1929. In that year, the
The Congress on Eugenics
The mostimportant American political event in those
preparations for Hitler was the infamous Third International
Congress on Eugenics, held at NewYork's American Museum of
Natural History August 21-23, 1932, supervised by the
International Federation of Eugenics Societies.s9 This meeting
took up the stubborn persistence of
Before the Auschwitz death camp became a household word, these
British-American-European groups called openly for the
elimination of the "unfit" by means including force and
violence.s1s2
Ten months later, in June 1933, Hitler's interior minister
Wilhelm Frick spoke to a eugenics meeting in the new Third Reich.
Frick called the Germans a"degenerate"race, denouncing
one-fifth of Germany's parentsfor producing"feeble-minded"
and "defective" children. The following month, on a commission
by Frick, Dr. Ernst Rudin wrote the "Law for the Prevention of
Hereditary Diseases in Posterity," the sterilization law modeled
on previous U.S. statutes in Virginia and other states.
Special courts were soon established for the sterilization of
German mental patients, the blind, the deaf, and alcoholics.A
quarter million people in these categorieswere sterilized.
Rudin, Ploetz, and their colleagues trained a whole generation of
physicians and psychiatrists--as sterilizers and as killers.
When the war started, the eugenicists, doctors, and
psychiatrists staffed the new "T4" agency, which planned and
supervised the mass killings: first at "euthanasia centers,"
where the same categories which had firstbeen subject to
sterilization were now to be murdered, their brains sent in lots
of 200 to experimental psychiatrists; then at slave camps such as
Auschwitz; and finally, for Jews andother race victims, at
straight extermination campsin Poland, such as Treblinka and
Belsen.s1s3
In 1933, as what Hitler called his"New Order"appeared,
John D.
Bush and Draper
Twenty years before he was U.S. President, George Bush
brought two "race-science" professors in front of the
Republican Task Force on Earth Resources and Population. As
chairman of the Task Force, then-Congressman Bush invited
Professors William Shockley and Arthur Jensen to explain to the
committee how allegedly runaway birth-rates for
William H. Draper, Jr., as a "conservative," was paired with
the "liberal" U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau in a
vicious game. Morgenthau demanded that Germany be utterly
destroyed as a nation, that its industry be dismantled and it be
reduced to a purely rural country. As the economic boss in 1945
and 1946, Draper "protected" Germany from the Morgenthau Plan
... but at a price.
Draper and his colleagues demanded that Germany and the world
accept the {collective guilt of the German people} as {the
}explanation for the rise of Hitler's New Order, and the Nazi war
crimes. This, of course, was rather convenient for General
Draper himself, as it was for the Bush family. It is still
convenient decades later, allowing Prescott's son,President
Bush, to lecture Germany on the danger of Hitlerism. Germans are
too slow, it seems, to accept his New World Order.
After several years of government service (often working
directly for Averell
Bush and Grey
The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) says
that surgical sterilization is the Bush administration's "first
choice" method of population reduction in the Third World.s3s4
The United Nations Population Fund claims that 37 percent of
contraception users in Ibero-America and the Caribbean have
already been surgically sterilized. In a 1991 report, William H.
Draper III's U.N. agency asserts that 254 million couples will be
surgically sterilized over the course of the 1990s; and that if
present trends continue, 80 percent of the women in Puerto Rico
and Panama will be surgically sterilized.s3s5
The U.S. government pays directly for these sterilizations.
Mexico is first among targeted nations, on a list which was
drawn up in July 1991, at a USAID strategy session. India and
Brazil are second and third priorities, respectively.
On contract with the Bush administration, U.S. personnel are
working from bases in Mexico to perform surgery on millions of
Mexican men and women. The acknowledged strategy in this program
is to sterilize those young adults who have not already completed
their families.
George Bush has a rather deep-seated personal feeling about
this project, in particular as it pits him against Pope John Paul
II in Catholic countries such as Mexico. (See Chapter 4 below, on
the origin of a Bush-family grudge in this regard.)
The spending for birth control in the non-white countries is
one of the few items that is headed upwards in the Bush
administration budget. As its 1992 budget was being set, USAID
said its Population Account would receive $300 million, a 20
percent increase over the previous year. Within this project, a
significant sum is spent on political and psychological
manipulations of target nations, and rather blatant subversion of
their religions and governments.s3s6
These activities might be expected to cause serious objections
from the victimized nationalities, or from U. S. taxpayers,
especially if the program is somehow given widespread publicity.
Quite aside from moral considerations, {legal} questions would
naturally arise, which could be summed up: {How does George Bush
think he can get away with this?}
In this matter the President has expert advice. Mr.
(Clayland) Boyden Gray has been counsel to George Bush since the
1980 election. As chief legal officer in the White House, Boyden
Gray can walk the President through the dangers and complexities
of waging such unusual warfare against Third World populations.
Gray knows how these things are done.
When Boyden Gray was four and five years old, his father
organized the pilot project for the present worldwide
sterilization program, from the Gray family household in
Notes
1. Phyllis Tilson Piotrow, {World Population Crisis: The United States Response} (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973), "Forward" by George H.W. Bush, pp. vii-viii.
2. Adolf Hitler, {Mein Kampf} (Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1971), p. 404.
3. "The Ten Richest People in Houston," in {Houston Post Magazine,} March 11, 1984. "$150 million to $250 million from ... inheritance, plus subsequent investments ... chief heir to a family fortune in oil stock.... As to his financial interests, he is ... coy. He once described one of his businesses as a company that 'invests in and oversees a lot of smaller companies ... in a lot of foreign countries.'|"
4. The announcements were made in testimony before a Special Committee of the U.S. Senate Investigating the National Defense Program. The hearings on Standard Oil were held March 5, 24, 26, 27, 31, and April 1, 2, 3 and 7, 1942. Available on microfiche, law section, Library of Congress. See also {New York Times,} March 26 and March 27, 1942, and {Washington Evening Star,} March 26 and March 27, 1942.
5. {Ibid.,} Exhibit No. 368, printed on pp. 4584-87 of the hearing record. See also Charles Higham,{Trading With The Enemy} (New York: Delacorte Press, 1983), p. 36.
6. Confidential memorandum from U.S. Embassy, Berlin, {op. cit.,} chapter2. Sir Henri Deterding was among the most notorious pro-Nazis of the early war period.
7. See sections on Prescott Bush in Darwin Payne, {Initiative in Energy: Dresser Industries, Inc.} (New York: Distributed by Simon and Schuster, 1979) (published by the Dresser Company).
8. William Stamps Farish obituary, {New York Times,} Nov. 30, 1942.
9. {A Decade of Progress in Eugenics: Scientific Papers of the
Third International Congress of Eugenics held at American Museum
of Natural History New York, August 21-23, 1932.} (
10.
See among other such letters, George Herbert Walker, 39
11.
Averell
January 21, 1932 Dear Dr. Davenport: I will be only too glad to put you in touch with the Hamburg-American Line they may be able to co-operate in making suggestions which will keep the expenses to a minimum. I have referred your letter to Mr. Emil Lederer [of the Hamburg-Amerika executive board in New York] with the request that he communicate with you.
Davenport to Mr. W.A.
January 23, 1932
Dear Mr.
Congressional hearings in 1934 established that Hamburg-Amerika routinely provided free transatlantic passage for those carrying out Nazi propaganda chores. See {Investigation of Nazi Propaganda Activities and Investigation of Certain Other Propaganda Activities,} {op. cit.,} chapter 2.
12.
Alexis Carrel, {Man the Unknown} (New York: Halcyon House,
published by arrangement with Harper & Brothers, 1935), pp.
318-19.
The battle cry of the New Order was sounded in 1935with the
publication of {Man the Unknown,} by Dr. Alexis Carrel of the
13. Bernhard Schreiber, {The Men Behind Hitler: A German Warning to the World,} France: La Hay-Mureaux, ca. 1975), English language edition supplied by H.& P. Tadeusz, 369 Edgewere Road, London W2. Acopy of this book is now held by Union College Library, Syracuse, N.Y.
14. Higham, {op. cit.,} p. 35.
15. Engagement announced Feb. 10, 1939, {New York Times,}p. 20. See also {Directory of Directors} for New York City, 1930s and 1940s.
16.
Higham, {op. cit.,} pp. 20, 22 and other references to
Schroeder and Lindemann.
Anthony Sutton, {Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler} (Seal
17. {Washington Evening Star,} March 27, 1942, p.1.
18. Higham, {op. cit.} p. 50.
19. {Ibid.,} p. 48.
20. {Washington Post,} April 29, 1990, p. F4. Higham, {op. cit.,} pp. 52-53.
21. Zapata annual reports, 1950s-1960s, Library of Congress microforms.
22. See {Congressional Record} for Bush speech in the House of Representatives, Sept. 4, 1969. Bush inserted in the record the testimony given before his Task Force on August 5, 1969.
23. Sobel, {op. cit.,} pp. 92-111. See also Boyle, {op. cit.,}
chapter 1, concerning the Morgan-led Dawes Committee of Germany's
foreign creditors.
Like
24. See {Poor's Register of Directors and Executives,} (New York: Poor's Publishing Company, late 1920s, '30s and '40s).See also {Standard Corporation Records} (New York: Standard & Poor), 1935 edition pp. 2571-25,and 1938 edition pp. 7436-38, for description and history of the German Credit and Investment Corporation. For Frederic Brandi, See also Sobel, {op. cit.,} p. 213-214.
25. Sobel, {op. cit.,} pp. 180, 186.Ivy Lee had been hired to
improve the
26. Third International Eugenics Congress papers {op. cit.,} footnote 7, p.512, "Supporting Members."
27. Schreiber, {op. cit.,} p. 160. The Third Int. Eugenics Congress papers, p. 526, lists the officers of the International Federation as of publication date in September, 1934.Rudin is listed as president--a year after he has written the sterilization law for Hitler.
28. {Directory of Directors for New York City,} 1942. Interview with Nancy Bowles, librarian of Dillon Read & Co.
29. Higham, {op. cit.,} p. 129, 212-15, 219-23.
30.
Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, {The Wise Men: Six Friends and
the World They Made--Acheson, Bohlen,
31. Piotrow, {op. cit.,} pp. 36-42.
32. {Ibid.,} p. viii. "As chairman of the special Republican Task Force on Population and Earth Resources, I was impressed by the arguments of William H. Draper, Jr.... General Draper continues to lead through his tireless work for the U.N. Population Fund."
33. Sobel, {op. cit.,} pp. 298, 354.
34. Interview July 16, 1991, with Joanne Grossi, an official with the USAID's Population Office.
35. Dr. Nafis Sadik, "The State of World Population," 1991, New York, United Nations Population Fund.
36. See {User's Guide to the Office of Population,} 1991, Office of Population, Bureau for Science and Technology, United States Agency for International Development. Available from S&T/POP, Room 811 SA-18, USAID, Washington D.C. 20523-1819.
37. "History of the Association for Voluntary Sterilization [formerly Sterilization League of America], 1935-64," thesis submitted to the faculty of the graduate school of the University of Minnesota by William Ray Van Essendelft, March, 1978, available on microfilm, Library of Congress. This is the official history, written with full cooperation of the Sterilization League.
38. Interview with Dr. C. Nash Herndon, June 20, 1990.
Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far behind on this group.
Thanks.
John Covici
coviciccs.covici.com
Article 15412 of alt.activism:
From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici)
Newsgroups: alt.activism
Subject: Part 4: George Bush Unauthorized Biography
The following is part of a not yet published book being serialized in New Federalist. For further information, or to subscribe, please contact me by e-mail.
CHAPTER 4: "THE CENTER OFPOWER IS IN WASHINGTON" Brown
Brothers
September 5, 1944
The Honorable W. A.
Dear Averell:
Thinking that possibly Bullitt's article in the recent issue of "LIFE" may not have come to your attention, I have clipped it and am sending it to you, feeling that it will interest you. At present writing all is well here.
With warm regards, I am, Sincerely yours,
Pres
'At present writing all is well here." Thus the ambassador to
Russia was reassured by the managing partner of his firm,
Prescott Bush. Only 22 and a half months before, the U.S.
government had seized and shut down the Union Banking
Corporation, which had been operated on behalf of Nazi Germany by
Bush and the
Following his services to Germany's Nazi Party, Averell
President Harry Truman, whom
Jupiter Island
The reorganization of the American government after World War
II--the creation of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency along
British lines, for example--had devastating consequences. We are
concerned here with only certain aspects of that overall
transformation, those matters of policy and family which gave
shape to the life and mind of George Bush, and gave him access to
power.
It was in these postwar years that George Bush attended Yale
University, and was inducted into the Skull and Bones society.
The Bush family's home at that time was in Greenwich,
Connecticut. But it was just then that George's parents, Prescott
and Dorothy Walker Bush, were wintering in a peculiar spot in
Florida, a place that is excluded from mention in literature
originating from Bush circles.
Certain national news accounts early in 1991 featured the
observations on President Bush's childhood by his elderly mother
Dorothy. She was said to be a resident of Hobe Sound, Florida.
More precisely, the President's mother lived in a hyper-security
arrangement created a half-century earlier by Averell
Sam Pryor had had property around Hobe Sound, Florida, for
some time. In 1931, Joseph and Permelia Pryor Reed bought the
entirety of Jupiter Island.
This is atypically beautiful Atlantic coast"barrier
island," a half-mile wide and nine miles long. The middle of
Jupiter Island lies just off Hobe Sound. The south bridge
connects the island with the town of Jupiter, to the north of
Palm
Residence on Jupiter Island
sb|Jupiter Islander {Robert A. Lovett,}s4, Prescott Bush's
partner at Brown Brothers
Target: Washington
George Bush graduated from Yale in 1948. He soon entered the
family's Dresser oil supply concern in Texas. We shall now
briefly describe the forces that descended on Washington, D.C.
during those years when Bush, with the assistance of family and
powerful friends, was becoming "established in business on his
own."
From 1948 to 1950, Prescott Bush's boss Averell
With Forrestal out of the way,Averell
Brown Brothers
The Honorable W.A.
Dear Averell: I was sorry to miss you in Washington but appreciate your cordial note. I shall hope for better luck another time. I hope you had a good rest at Hobe Sound. With affectionate regard, I am, Sincerely yours,
Pres [signed] Prescott S. Bush
A central focus of the
Prescott Runs for Senate
Prescott had made his first attempt to enter national politics
in 1950, as his partners took control of the levers of
governmental power. Remaining in charge of Brown Brothers
Prescott Bush was defeated, while the other Republican
candidates fared well in Connecticut. He attributed his loss to
the Catholic Church. After all, he had dependable friends in the
news media. The {New York Times}loved him for his bland
pleasantness. He just about owned
With this arrangement, things worked out very smoothly. In
Eisenhower's 1952 election victory,Ike won Connecticut by a
margin of 129507 votes out of 1092471. Prescott Bush came in
last among the statewide Republicans, but managed to win by
30373out of 1088799, his margin nearly 100000 behind
Eisenhower. He took the traditionally Republican towns.
In Eisenhower's 1956 re-election, Ike won Connecticut by
303036 out of 1114954 votes, the largest presidential margin
in Connecticut's history. Prescott Bush managed to win again, by
129544 votes out of 1085206--his margin this time 290082
smaller than Eisenhower's.s1s4
In January 1963, when this electoral strategy had been played
out and his second term expired, Prescott Bush retired from
government and returned to Brown Brothers
"Since it is not, he can be expected to preside with dignity,
fairness and dispatch over the sessions that will prepare the
party credo for the 1956 campaign.
"If by chance there should be any conflicts within the
committee ... the Senator's past can offer a clue to his
conduct.
"A former Yale Glee Club and second bass in the All-Time
Whiffenpoofs Quartet,he is ...[called] 'the hottest
close-harmony man at Yale in a span of twenty-five years.'
"Close harmony being a Republican specialty under President
Eisenhower, the hottest close-harmony man at Yale in twenty-five
years would seem to be an ideal choice for the convention job he
holds at San Francisco....
"[In addition to his business background,he] also played
golf, competing in a number of tournaments. For eight years he
was a member of the executive committee of the United States Golf
Association....
"As a Senator, Connecticut's senior spokesman in the upper
house has followed conservative policies consistent with his
business background.
He resigned all his corporate directorships, took a leave from
Brown Brothers,
Notes
1.
Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, {The Wise Men}: Six Friends and
the World They Made--Acheson, Bohlen,
2. Reed was better known in high society as a minor diplomat, the founder of the Triton Press and the president of the American Shakespeare Theater.
3.
{Palm
4.
For Lovett's residency there see Isaacson and Thomas, {op.
cit.,} p. 417. Some Jupiter Island residencies were verified by
their inclusion in the 1947 membership list of the Hobe Sound
Yacht Club, in the
5.
Arthur Burr Darling, {The Central Intelligence Agency: An
Instrument of Government,to 1950}, (College Station:
6. The {Chicago Tribune}, Feb 9, 1945,for example, warned of "Creation of an all-powerful intelligence service to spy on the postwar world and to pry into the lives of citizens sat home. {Cf. Anthony Cave Brown, {Wild Bill Donovan: The Last Hero}, (New York: Times Books, 1982), p.625, on warnings to FDR about the British control of U.S. intelligence.
7. Dennis Eisenberg, Uri Dan, Eli Landau, {Meyer Lansky: Mogul of the Mob} (New York: Paddington Press, 1979) pp. 227-28.
8. See John Ranelagh, {The Agency: The Rise and Decline of the CIA}, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), pp. 131-32.
9. Clark Clifford, {Counsel to the President} (New York: Random House, 1991).
10. Sidney Hyman, {The Life of William Benton} (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1969), pp. 438-41.
11. Phyllis Tilson Piotrow, {World Population Crisis: The United States Response} (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973), "Forward" by George H.W. Bush, p. vii.
12. Interview with Prescott Bush in the Oral History Research
Project conducted by
13. Herbert S. Parmet, {Eisenhower and the American Crusades} (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1972), p. 14.
14. {New York Times}, Sept. 6, 1952, Nov. 5, 1952, Nov. 7, 1956.
15. {New York Times}, Aug. 21, 1956.
Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far behind on this group.
Thanks.
John Covici coviciccs.covici.com