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<h2>inslaw4</h2>
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<p>Article 11143 of alt.activism:
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Xref: bilver alt.activism:11143 alt.conspiracy:5176
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Path: bil-ver!tous!peora!masscomp!usenet.coe.montana.edu!rpi!sci.ccny.cuny.edu!psinnt
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p!psinntp!sgigate!odin!ratmandu.corp.sgi.com!dave
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From: dave@ratmandu.corp.sgi.com (dave "who can do? ratmandu!" ratcliffe)
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Newsgroups: alt.activism,alt.conspiracy
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Subject: the INSLAW case: more on <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span>
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Keywords: Hitler's rise to power succeeded through the use of private ar-mies
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<span class="Message-ID"> 1991Oct15.160142.29417@odin.corp.sgi.com</span>
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Date: 15 Oct 91 16:01:42 GMT
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Sender: news@odin.corp.sgi.com (Net News)
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Organization: Silicon Graphics, Inc.
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Lines: 180</p>
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<p> The <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> Corporation: the maturation of "private" government.</p>
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<p> Wackenhut's Director of Special Investigations Service Wayne Black
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told the "Washington Times"' Deanna Hoagin earlier this year: "We
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are similar to a private FBI." The company's board of directors
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reads like a who's who of the intelligence community.</p>
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<p>from "The First Stone" column of the Sept. 18-24 1991 issue of "In These
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Times":</p>
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<p>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Scandal Gates
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By Joel Bleifuss</p>
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<p> As CIA Director-designate Robert Gates pleads ignorance to knowledge
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of CIA misdeeds before the Senate Intelligence Committee this week,
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the lawmakers might do well to remember his sworn testimony of March
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March 6, 1986. At the time, CIA Director William Casey had
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nominated Gates for the number-two position at the agency. In an
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effort to impress the senators considering his nomination, Gates
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said: "[Casey] and I have consulted extensively, even in my present
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position [as deputy director for intelligence] in all areas of
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intelligence policy including not just analysis and estimates but
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also organization, budgeting and covert action. I will now have a
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formal role in all of these areas."
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If Gates really had "a formal role in all of these areas"--which
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appears likely--he certainly knows more than he has let on. And
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someone should ask Gates what he knows about the <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span>
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Corporation of Coral Gables, Fla.
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As the <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> letterhead puts in, the company provides
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"security systems and services throughout the world." As
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Wackenhut's Director of Special Investigations Service Wayne Black
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told the "Washington Times"' Deanna Hoagin earlier this year: "We
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are similar to a private FBI." The company's board of directors
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reads like a who's who of the intelligence community. In 1984, for
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example, former Deputy CIA Director Bobby Inman, currently one of
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Gates' main boosters in Washington, was a director of the company.
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And among those on the 1983 board were two former FBI special
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agents, one retired Air Force general, one former commander in chief
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of the <span class="PERSON">North</span> American Air Defense Command (NORAD), one former
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director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, former CIA Director
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William Rabor, Nixon-appointed FBI Director Clarence Kelly and
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former CIA Deputy Director Frank Carlucci (who would later become
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Ronald Reagan's national security adviser). Further, the 1983 board
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included Robert Chasen, a former FBI special agent who was Carter's
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commissioner of customs until 1980, when he became a vice president
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of <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span>. Also in 1980, soon-to-be CIA chief William Casey
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served as Wackenhut's outside legal counsel--the same year he
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managed the Reagan-Bush election campaign.</p>
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<p> ON THE RESERVATION: It was in 1980 that <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> began working
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closely with Southern California's Cabazon <span class="NORP">Indians</span> and their tribal
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administrator John Philip Nichols. The "San Francisco Chronicle"'s
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Jonathan Littman reported this month that Nichols, a white American
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who spent years in South American, has boasted to friends about
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working on the attempted assassination of Fidel Castro and the
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successful assassination of Salvador Allende.
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The Cabazons hired Nichols as their administrator in 1978.
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Littman reports that thanks to Nichols' connections and
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grantsmanship, "federal and state agencies are helping to finance
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nearly $250 million worth of projects on the 1700-acre reservation"
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belonging to the 30-member Cabazon tribe. According to Littman,
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these projects include a HUD and mafia-financed casino, a 1800-unit
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housing complex and a $150 million waste incinerator/power plant
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that was built with tax-exempt state bonds.
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But most intriguing is the <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span>/Cabazon joint venture, which
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began in 1980 when the tribe was asked to design a security system
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for Crown Prince Fahd's palace in Tiaf, Saudi Arabia. This was
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followed by <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span>/Cabazon joint venture proposals to develop
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biological weapons for the Pentagon and assemble night-vision
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goggles for the Guatemalan and Jordanian governments.
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Why was a security firm so interested in working with a small
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tribe of native Americans? One good reason can be found in a May
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26, 1981, inter-office memo from <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> executive Robert Frye to
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the above-mentioned Robert Chasen. Frye described an 11-day
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business trip with Nichols "to explore the apparent potential for
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the Cabazon-<span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> joint venture." Frye wrote that the
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reservation has "several key ingredients necessary" for a weapons
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plant, including "lack of opposition by adjacent governing bodies
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and 'irate citizens' over the siting of such a facility."
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John Philip Nichols is no longer officially running the
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reservation. According to Littman, son Mark Nichols is the tribal
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administrator while the elder Nichols serves as a "mental-health
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counselor to Cabazon reservation employees." John Philip Nichols
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lost his job because federal law prohibits convicted felons from
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running casinos.
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In January, 1985, Nichols was sentenced to four years in prison
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for capital solicitation of murder. He served 19 months. No one
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was killed in that murder-for-hire scheme. However, in 1981, Alfred
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Alvarez, a Cabazon <span class="NORP">Indian</span> tribal vice president, and two non-<span class="NORP">Indians</span>
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were murdered execution style. Alvarez's sister Linda Streeter
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Dukic says her brother and his friends died because they were about
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to expose mismanagement on the Cabazon reservation. Mike Kataoka of
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the Palm Springs "Press-Enterprise" reports that in 1985, when
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Nichols was arrested for hiring the hitman, the U.S. Justice
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Department was investigating his possible involvement in those 1981
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deaths. No charges were ever filed.</p>
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<p> ANOTHER MURDER? The Cabazon/<span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> connection was of particular
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interest to Danny Casolaro, the Washington-based journalist who was
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found dead in the Martinsburg, W. Va., Sheraton on August 10 (see
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"The First Stone," Sept. 4 [an earlier post in this on-line
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series]). Casolaro's friends, family and professional associates
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fear he was murdered--and that the crime was related to his
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investigations into a series of corporate and governmental scandals.
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Casolaro's brother, Anthony, told the Washington-based "Corporate
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Crime Reporter," "Danny was trying to track monies <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> spent
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and what Danny found was that [<span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span>] had ear-marked a half
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million dollars for what they call 'research.'"
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Anthony Casolaro said that the money "ties in <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> with this
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<span class="NORP">Indian</span> reservation and organized crime and CIA guys . . . Those
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same people showed up with <span class="ORG">Inslaw</span> and one of them shows up in the
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October Surprise."
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The "October Surprise" was the alleged campaign deal between Iran
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and the 1980 Reagan campaign to delay the release of the U.S.
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hostages held in Tehran (see "In These Times," June 24, 1987, Oct.
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12, 1988 and April 27, 1991).
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"<span class="ORG">Inslaw</span> was <span class="ORG">Inslaw</span> Inc. of Washington D.C.--a firm that has
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brought suit in federal court, charging that the Reagan Justice
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Department stole the company's Promis case-management software
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program. Two judges has thus far ruled in the company's favor. The
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suit is still in the courts (see "In These Times," May 29, 1991
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["Software Pirates," an earlier on-line post in this series]).
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Earlier this year, <span class="ORG">Inslaw</span> further alleged that the Justice
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Department turned the stolen software over to Earl Brian, a friend
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of both former President Ronald Reagan and former Attorney General
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Edwin Meese. <span class="ORG">Inslaw</span> charges that the software was a payback for
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Brian's help in arranging the October Surprise. Former Israeli
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intelligence agent Ari Ben-Menashe alleges that Brian--now the head
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of United Press International--was directly involved in arranging
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the 1980 deal. Ben-Menashe claims that Brian "worked very closely"
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on the deal with Robert Gates, who was then a top CIA official.</p>
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<p> NO JUSTICE: <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> is also linked to the <span class="ORG">Inslaw</span> scandal.
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Michael Riconosciuto--a weapons-systems designer and software
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specialist--was director of research for the <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span>/Cabazon joint
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venture in the early '80s. In a March 1991 affidavit for the <span class="ORG">Inslaw</span>
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case, Riconosciuto claimed that "in connection with [Riconosciuto's]
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work for <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span>," he modified the stolen Promis software for
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foreign sales. "Earl W. Brian made [the software program] available
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to me through <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> after acquiring it from Peter Videnieks, who
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was then a Department of Justice contracting official with
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responsibility for the Promis software."
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Videnieks, a former Customs Service official under Commissioner
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Chasen, served in the Justice Department from 1981 through 1990. In
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his affidavit, Riconosciuto said Videnieks had threatened to
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retaliate against Riconosciuto if he cooperated with a House
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Judiciary Committee probe of the <span class="ORG">Inslaw</span> case. Seven days after
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filing the affidavit (which was not, technically, part of the
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committee investigation), Riconosciuto was arrested on drug-selling
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charges. He is now in a Seattle jail awaiting trial.</p>
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<p> PRIVATE SPIES The 1980s were a decade of privatization. As a for-profit intelligence service, <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> appears to have taken on the
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kind of work that in earlier years the FBI and CIA would have done
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(and still do), albeit illegally.
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On the environmental-crime front, <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> is now the object of
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an investigation by the House Interior Committee. Early in 1990,
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the Alyeska Pipeline Service Co., a consortium of seven oil
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companies that run the trans-Alaska oil pipeline, hired <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> to
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spy on environmentalists, whistleblowers and other oil company
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critics. <span class="ORG">Wackenhut</span> tactics included setting up a phoney
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environmental organization and having agents pose as reporters. It
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is alleged in press reports that the company also monitored Rep.
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George Miller (D-CA) whose house subcommittee has been investigating
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environmental crimes allegedly committed by the consortium which is
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composed of British Petroleum, Exxon, ARCO, Phillips, Unocal, Mobil
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and Amerada Hess.</p>
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<p>--
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daveus rattus</p>
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<p> yer friendly neighborhood ratman</p>
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<p> KOYAANISQATSI</p>
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<p> ko.yan.nis.qatsi (from the Hopi Language) n. 1. crazy life. 2. life
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in turmoil. 3. life out of balance. 4. life disintegrating.
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5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.</p>
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