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<xml><p>Date: Sun, 8 Jan 1995 08:21:07 -0500
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From: <ent type='PERSON'>James Daugherty</ent> <special>jhdaugh@a-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent>.com</special>
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Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy
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Subject: <ent type='PERSON'>Carroll Quigley</ent> Examined; <ent type='ORG'>Multicultural Strategy</ent> of Ruling Class?</p>
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<p>A-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent> Research Weekly Up-date of January 8, 1995
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^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
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***************Contents**********************</p>
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<p>1. <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, and Conspiracy: What's going on here? by <ent type='PERSON'>Daniel Brandt</ent>
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^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^</p>
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<p>2. Multiculturalism and the <ent type='ORG'>Ruling Elite</ent> by <ent type='PERSON'>Daniel Brandt</ent>
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^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ </p>
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<div> *********************************************</div>
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<p>This article is from NameBase NewsLine, which is distributed to users of
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NameBase, a microcomputer database with 170000 citations and 78000 names
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of ruling class/conspiracy personnel.. This 3-megabyte database is
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available on floppy disks and is used by over 700 journalists and
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researchers around the world. For a brochure write to: </p>
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<p> info@a-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent>.com
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A-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent> Research, PO Box 20273, <ent type='GPE'>Ferndale</ent>, MI 48220-0273</p>
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<p> A-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent> Research is an authorized distributor of NameBase
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$79.00 Postpaid</p>
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<p>From NameBase NewsLine, No. 1, April-June 1993:</p>
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<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, and Conspiracy: What's going on here?</p>
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<p> by <ent type='PERSON'>Daniel Brandt</ent></p>
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<p> When <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Clinton</ent> delivered his acceptance speech at the <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent>
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convention on July 16, 1992, it didn't contain any surprises, nor were any
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expected. There were the usual feel-good platitudes: he wanted to talk
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with us "about my hope for the future, my faith in the <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> people,
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and my vision of the kind of country we can build.... This election is
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about putting power back in your hands and putting the government back on
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your side.... It is time to heal <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>." Any speech writer could have
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pulled boiler-plate from the files and pasted together something similar.
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Speeches for occasions like this one aren't meant to be long on specifics.</p>
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<p> Toward the end of the speech <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> mentioned that "as a teenager
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I heard <ent type='PERSON'>John Kennedy</ent>'s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at
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<ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent>, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll
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<ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, who said to us that <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> was the greatest country in the
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history of the world because our people have always believed in two
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things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us
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has a personal, moral responsibility to make it so."</p>
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<p> This was not the first time that <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> had paid tribute to the
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memory of his <ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent> professor. A few days earlier, a story on
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<ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s background mentioned that he had never forgotten <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s last
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lecture. "Throughout his career he has evoked [this lecture] in speeches
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as the rhetorical foundation for his political philosophy," according to
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<ent type='ORG'>the Washington Post</ent>, which offered another <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> quotation praising
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<ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s perspective and influence.[1] A kindly old professor appreciated
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as a mentor by an impressionable, idealistic student? This is how it was
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interpreted by almost everyone who heard it, particularly since <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s
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name was not exactly a household word.</p>
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<p> But in certain rarified circles among conspiracy theorists, <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s
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reference to <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> was surprising. Now that <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> had one foot in the
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<ent type='ORG'>White House</ent>, the conservative <ent type='ORG'><ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent></ent> soon ran an item that tried
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to clear matters up. Professor <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, according to the <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent>,
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specialized in the history of a secret group of elite Anglo-<ent type='NORP'>American</ent>s who
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had a decisive influence on world affairs during the first half of this
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century. <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, in other words, was a conspiracy theorist -- but one who
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had an impeccable pedigree as "one of the few insiders who came out and
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exposed the <ent type='ORG'>Eastern</ent> establishment plan for world government." These words
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belong to <ent type='PERSON'>Tom Eddlam</ent>, research director for the <ent type='ORG'>John Birch Society</ent>. As
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someone who had sold two of <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s books, <ent type='ORG'>Eddlam</ent> knew plenty about
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<ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>. But we can't have a <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent> draft-dodging liberal candidate
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who admires a <ent type='ORG'>Birch Society</ent> conspiracy hero, so the <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent> quickly resolved
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the issue by noting that <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> wanted the conspiracy to succeed, whereas
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the <ent type='ORG'>Birchers</ent> wanted it to fail.[2] Thus the <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent> summed matters up, in
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six column inches.</p>
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<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s supporters depict him as an intellectual, someone whose
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heroes traffic in solemn ideals. If so, <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> presumably read Tragedy
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and Hope, <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s best-known book, which appeared while <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> was at
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<ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent>. At any rate, <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s work is well worth looking at, along
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with <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s early career, for its possible clues to <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s thought.</p>
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<p> Reading <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> may turn you into a student of high-level conspiracy,
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which is exactly what many influential people around <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> and elsewhere
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say you shouldn't be. Almost all of the 3000 members of the Council on
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Foreign Relations (<ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent>) will go on record ridiculing any of the conspiracy
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theories that, according to all polls, are taken seriously by large
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majorities of average people. <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent> member <ent type='PERSON'>Daniel</ent> Schorr will tell you again
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and again that <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was a lone nut, and <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent> member <ent type='PERSON'>Steven Emerson</ent> will
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write article after article debunking Pan Am 103 and October Surprise
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theories. It's not that people in high places know better, it's simply
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that they have more to protect and cannot afford to be candid.</p>
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<p> As new research is published about the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination, for
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example, it becomes clear that virtually all the high-level players, from
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<ent type='ORG'>LBJ</ent> on down, assumed it was a conspiracy from the moment the shots were
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fired. It took until recently for dedicated researchers to dig this fact
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out.[3] But thirty years later many journalists still find it useful to
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defend the <ent type='ORG'>Warren Commission</ent> or belittle its critics.</p>
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<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Carroll Quigley</ent> was a conspiracy historian, but he was unusual in
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that he avoided criticism. Most of his conspiracy research concerned the
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role of the Rhodes-Milner Round Table Groups in <ent type='GPE'>Britain</ent> from 1891 through
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<ent type='EVENT'>World War</ent> II. His major work, Tragedy and Hope (1966), contains scattered
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references to his twenty years of research in this area, but his detailed
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history of <ent type='EVENT'>the Round Table</ent> was written in 1949. The major reason he
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avoided criticism is because his work wasn't threatening to people in high
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places. <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s research was too obscure, and too much had happened in
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the world since the events he described. <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> was also an insider, so
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his criticisms of the groups he studied are subdued. He did his
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undergraduate and graduate work at <ent type='ORG'>Harvard</ent>, where he received a doctorate
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in 1938. He later taught at <ent type='ORG'>Princeton</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Harvard</ent> before settling in at
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<ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent>'s conservative <ent type='ORG'>School of Foreign Service</ent> in 1941, where he
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remained for the rest of his career. He was a consultant for the Brookings
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Institution, <ent type='ORG'>the Defense Department</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>State Department</ent>, and the
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<ent type='ORG'>Navy</ent>,[4] and taught western civilization and history. In 1962 the Center
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for Strategic and International Studies was established on the <ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent>
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campus, where it maintained close ties with the <ent type='ORG'>School of Foreign Service</ent>.
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<ent type='ORG'>CSIS</ent> included a number of people on its staff who had high-level <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
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connections. <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> moved in these circles until his death in 1977:</p>
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<p> I know of the operations of this network [<ent type='EVENT'>the Round Table</ent> Groups]
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because I have studied it for twenty years and was permitted for two
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years, in the early 1960s, to examine its papers and secret records.
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I have no aversion to it or to most of its aims and have, for much of
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my life, been close to it and to many of its instruments. I have
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objected, both in the past and recently, to a few of its policies,
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but in general my chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to
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remain unknown, and I believe its role in history is significant
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enough to be known.[5]</p>
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<p> In his 1949 detailed look at the <ent type='PERSON'>Cecil Rhodes</ent> - <ent type='ORG'>Oxford</ent> - Alfred
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(Lord) Milner - Round Table nexus, published posthumously in 1981 as
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The Anglo-<ent type='NORP'>American</ent> Establishment, <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> was more forceful with his
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criticism. While endorsing this elite's high-minded internationalist
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goals, <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> wrote that "I cannot agree with them on methods," and added
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that he found the antidemocratic implications of their inherited wealth
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and power "terrifying." This is as tough as he got with his comments:</p>
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<p> No country that values its safety should allow what <ent type='ORG'>the Milner Group</ent>
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accomplished in <ent type='GPE'>Britain</ent> -- that is, that a small number of men should
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be able to wield such power in administration and politics, should be
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given almost complete control over the publication of the documents
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relating to their actions, should be able to exercise such influence
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over the avenues of information that create public opinion, and
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should be able to monopolize so completely the writing and the
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teaching of the history of their own period.[6]</p>
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<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> also avoided criticism because his books are the product of
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years of painstaking research into primary diplomatic sources. To qualify
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as a critic of his analysis, someone would have to duplicate that research
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-- and so far no one has. It also helped that <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> was doing most of
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his work at a time when conspiracy theories were considered curious and
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quaint, but not threatening. <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>, at any rate, had no reason to feel
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uneasy about citing the virtually unknown <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> in his convention
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acceptance speech.</p>
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<p> But serious researchers can hardly afford to pass over <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s
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potential significance so lightly. The <ent type='ORG'><ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent></ent>, to begin with, is
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clearly mistaken to brush <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> off as simply one more liberal elitist
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one-worlder. Certainly he is no streetcorner agitator, whether of the
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right or left. But his understated critique of his elite colleagues is
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nevertheless a searching one.</p>
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<p> In the years following the publication of Tragedy and Hope in 1966,
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writers on both the right and left began to recognize this. For example,
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New Left writer and activist <ent type='PERSON'>Carl Oglesby</ent> came to realize that some of his
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ideas about elite power in the U.S. had been anticipated by <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>.[7]
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On the far right, meanwhile, <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> found a convert in W. <ent type='PERSON'>Cleon Skousen</ent>,
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a former <ent type='ORG'>FBI</ent> agent who later became a star of the <ent type='ORG'>John Birch Society</ent>'s
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lecture circuit. In 1970, <ent type='PERSON'>Skousen</ent> published a book-length review of
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<ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s Tragedy and Hope that was titled The Naked Capitalist. It
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quoted so heavily from <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s work that <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> threatened to sue for
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copyright infringement.</p>
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<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Skousen</ent> chose to emphasize <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s mention of subterranean
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financial arrangements between certain Wall Street interests and certain
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groups on the U.S. left, in particular <ent type='ORG'>the Communist Party</ent>.[8] <ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent>,
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meanwhile, shared <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s interest in the challenge posed to Wall
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Street's <ent type='ORG'>Eastern</ent> elite by newer oil and defense-aerospace money
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concentrated in the <ent type='LOC'>Southwest</ent>.[9] But as <ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent> recognized, <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s
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meticulous research into elite power shaded insensibly over into the study
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of "conspiracy":</p>
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<p> Am I borrowing on <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> then to say with the far right that this
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one conspiracy rules the world? The arguments for a conspiracy theory
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are indeed often dismissed on the grounds that no one conspiracy
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could possibly control everything. But that is not what this theory
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sets out to show. <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> is not saying that modern history is the
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invention of an esoteric cabal designing events omnipotently to suit
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its ends. The implicit claim, on the contrary, is that a multitude of
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conspiracies contend in the night. <ent type='NORP'>Clandestinism</ent> is not the usage of
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a handful of rogues, it is a formalized practice of an entire class
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in which a thousand hands spontaneously join. Conspiracy is the
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normal continuation of normal politics by normal means.[10]</p>
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<p> But it's a bad word for polite editors, so the issues surrounding the
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"C" word are almost never discussed in print. One needs to tease out
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<ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent>'s observation that there is a qualitative difference between the
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way that the left and right in the U.S. have addressed this issue. Both
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tendencies can at least get together on which groups deserve attention:
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the <ent type='ORG'>Council on Foreign Relations</ent>, which became the <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> branch of the
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Round Table in 1919; <ent type='NORP'>Bilderberg</ent>, which has held secret meetings in <ent type='LOC'>Europe</ent>
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for select participants since 1954; and <ent type='ORG'>the Trilateral Commission</ent>, a group
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that began in 1973 and now has 325 members from <ent type='GPE'>Japan</ent>, <ent type='LOC'>Europe</ent>, and <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>.
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<ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent> consists of <ent type='NORP'>American</ent>s only, whereas <ent type='NORP'>Bilderberg</ent> adds the <ent type='LOC'>Europe</ent>ans and
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TC also adds the <ent type='GPE'>Japan</ent>ese. The <ent type='NORP'>American</ent>s in <ent type='NORP'>Bilderberg</ent> and TC are almost
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always members of <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent> also.</p>
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<p> But some leftists and left-liberal sociologists prefer to take the
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curse off their interest in such groups by calling their investigations
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"power-structure research." The implication seems to be that tracing
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interlocking directorates, let's say, belongs to science in a way that
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tracing <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> Harvey <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>'s intelligence connections never could. Still,
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G. <ent type='PERSON'>William Domhoff</ent>, the most prominent of the "power structure"
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researchers, admits that attempting to maintain this quarantine can itself
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become unscientific:</p>
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<p> Critics of a power elite theory often call it 'conspiratorial,' which
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is the academic equivalent of ending a discussion by yelling
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<ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent>. It is difficult to lay this charge to rest once and for
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all because these critics really mean something much broader than the
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dictionary definition of conspiracy. All right, then, if 'conspiracy'
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means that these men are aware of their interests, know each other
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personally, meet together privately and off the record, and try to
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hammer out a consensus on how to anticipate or react to events and
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issues, then there is some conspiring that goes on in <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent>, not to
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mention in <ent type='ORG'>the Committee for Economic Development</ent>, the Business
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Council, <ent type='ORG'>the National Security Council</ent>, and the Central Intelligence
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Agency.[11]</p>
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<p> And what makes <ent type='NORP'>Domhoff</ent>'s middle ground on the problem of conspiracy
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so difficult to maintain is precisely the existence of inconveniently
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concrete cases like <ent type='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>'s. If there was a conspiracy and cover-up, then
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it was carried out by interested individuals rather than by blind social
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forces. The best that <ent type='NORP'>Domhoff</ent> can do with the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination is to
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ignore it, which he does.</p>
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<p> But this won't do for <ent type='PERSON'>Michael Albert</ent>, editor of the leftist Z
|
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Magazine and a <ent type='NORP'>Domhoff</ent>ian "structuralist," who has attempted to finesse
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this problem. His argument on the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination, as best I can
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understand it, goes something like this: <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> was a predictable product of
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established institutions; these institutions wanted a war in <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent>; it's
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inconceivable that <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> would have disagreed with this because his behavior
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was determined (that is, he could not have changed his mind), and
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therefore, the assassination of <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, conspiracy or not, made no difference
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to our history and is unimportant. The problem with <ent type='PERSON'>Albert</ent>'s approach is
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that he's fairly close to vulgar Marxism, which by now has been thoroughly
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discredited.</p>
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<p> To my thinking, the reason why the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination is so important
|
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is this: It's one thing to believe that there are rich people who become
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richer because their environment tells them to behave that way, and quite
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another to believe that there is a powerful, secret government that
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doesn't have to play by the rules. If you can prove that the assassination
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was a conspiracy, then the first notion becomes silly and insignificant.
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Essentially, conspiracy theories restore notions of freedom and
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responsibility that have been stripped from from the "value free" social
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science establishment. <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> is between <ent type='NORP'>Domhoff</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent> on our
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spectrum, which is not a left-right spectrum but rather a conspiracy
|
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|
spectrum. <ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent> deals seriously with the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination while <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>
|
||
|
does not. But <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> at least follows the money trail and believes that
|
||
|
human agency and individual actors are important forces in history.
|
||
|
<ent type='NORP'>Domhoff</ent>, on the other hand, is more interested in class distinctions and
|
||
|
general behavior.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Skousen</ent> is much more conspiratorial than <ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent>. He applies
|
||
|
conspiracy thinking to complex issues where a middle ground would be
|
||
|
productive (such as <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent>, <ent type='NORP'>Bilderberg</ent>, and Trilateralism), and treats them
|
||
|
in an either/or fashion as if they were similar to the <ent type='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination.
|
||
|
It doesn't work very well. <ent type='EVENT'>The New World</ent> Order may be a bad idea, but to
|
||
|
assume as a starting point that it's a <ent type='NORP'>Communist</ent> plot doesn't help us
|
||
|
understand the who or why behind it.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Before returning to <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>, it will help to fill out our spectrum a
|
||
|
bit. So far we have <ent type='NORP'>Domhoff</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent> in a line, and <ent type='PERSON'>Skousen</ent>
|
||
|
off further on the pro-conspiracy end. On the anti-conspiracy end we
|
||
|
should add <ent type='PERSON'>Erwin Knoll</ent>, longtime editor of The <ent type='ORG'>Progressive</ent>. According to
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Knoll</ent>, "none of the conspiracy theories we have scrutinized meets the test
|
||
|
of accuracy -- or even plausibility -- we normally apply to material
|
||
|
published in The <ent type='ORG'>Progressive</ent>, so none has appeared in the pages of this
|
||
|
magazine.[12] <ent type='ORG'>Knoll</ent>'s advisory board includes three members of the Council
|
||
|
on Foreign Relations, so this fits okay. There's also <ent type='PERSON'>Chip Berlet</ent>, who
|
||
|
berates unwitting leftists for falling prey to conspiracy theories that
|
||
|
the devious right has conspired to foist on them. He isn't critical of
|
||
|
conspiracy thinking on the basis of the evidence, but waits until the
|
||
|
theorist can be shown to have incorrect political associations.[13] <ent type='PERSON'>Berlet</ent>
|
||
|
doesn't fit anywhere on our spectrum; he's running his own show.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> A conspiracy bookseller named <ent type='ORG'>Lloyd Miller</ent>[14] is farther out than
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Skousen</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Miller</ent> is aware of <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> and sells his books. While <ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent> is
|
||
|
toying with an <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> ruling-class Yankee-Cowboy split that goes back a
|
||
|
generation or so, <ent type='PERSON'>Miller</ent> dwells on a split between <ent type='ORG'>the Knights</ent> of Malta
|
||
|
and <ent type='ORG'>the Knights</ent> Templar going back to the year 1307. The modern derivative
|
||
|
of this struggle provides his hypothesis that "the overt and covert organs
|
||
|
of <ent type='GPE'>the Vatican</ent> and <ent type='GPE'><ent type='NORP'>British</ent> <ent type='GPE'>Empire</ent></ent> are locked in mortal combat for control
|
||
|
of the world." In <ent type='PERSON'>Miller</ent>'s theory, <ent type='ORG'>Jesuit</ent>-controlled <ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent> is the
|
||
|
Vatican headquarters on the <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> front, and <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> is a Vatican agent
|
||
|
exposing the Anglo-<ent type='NORP'>American</ent> connection. <ent type='PERSON'>Miller</ent> is more sophisticated than
|
||
|
this description allows, but I have difficulties with him. On a case by
|
||
|
case basis, the theory produces as many questions as answers. More
|
||
|
importantly, perhaps, my historical interests and imagination don't extend
|
||
|
much beyond the last 100 years.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Miller</ent> is mentioned because there are similarities between his
|
||
|
analysis and the theories of <ent type='PERSON'>Lyndon LaRouche</ent>. For anyone who wants to
|
||
|
figure out what <ent type='PERSON'>LaRouche</ent> is talking about, it is necessary to be
|
||
|
conversant with esoterica concerning Freemasonry, <ent type='ORG'>the Knights</ent> of Malta,
|
||
|
and <ent type='NORP'>British</ent> imperialism. The alternative is to see all of the above as
|
||
|
code words for <ent type='NORP'>Jews</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>LaRouche</ent>'s enemies -- namely <ent type='PERSON'>Chip Berlet</ent>, Dennis
|
||
|
King, and the Anti-Defamation League -- tend to take this easy way out. I
|
||
|
don't believe that right-wing globalist conspiracy theories in general, or
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>LaRouche</ent>'s theories in particular, can be dismissed by claiming that they
|
||
|
are disguised anti-Semitism -- that is to say, code-word versions of the
|
||
|
old international <ent type='NORP'>Jewish</ent> banking conspiracies. While there is some
|
||
|
anti-Semitism on the right, it is no longer the driving force it might
|
||
|
have once been. Most right-wing theories are more sophisticated than
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Berlet</ent>, King, or the <ent type='ORG'>ADL</ent> are ready to believe.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> I don't consider any of the people I've mentioned as crackpots,
|
||
|
because I'm convinced that there are vital issues at stake. All of them
|
||
|
are doing their best with checkered evidence, and for the most part I
|
||
|
share their instincts if not always their conclusions. Regardless of where
|
||
|
we decide to place <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Clinton</ent> on the spectrum, which will be discussed
|
||
|
after a review of his career, at least two other former (and future?)
|
||
|
presidential candidates have staked out positions. <ent type='PERSON'>Ross Perot</ent> believes
|
||
|
that there is massive corruption and occasional conspiracies in high
|
||
|
places; he belongs somewhere close to <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Pat Robertson</ent> is a less
|
||
|
hysterical version of <ent type='PERSON'>Skousen</ent>, modified for post anti-Communism, and
|
||
|
should also be taken seriously. Along with <ent type='PERSON'>Ross Perot</ent>'s movement, some see
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Robertson</ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>Christian Coalition</ent> as a populist challenge to our one-party
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Republocrat</ent> system.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Most of <ent type='PERSON'>Pat Robertson</ent>'s latest book, <ent type='EVENT'>The New World</ent> Order (1991), is
|
||
|
a popularized yet articulate presentation of recent <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> history as
|
||
|
controlled by the <ent type='ORG'>Council on Foreign Relations</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>the Trilateral Commission</ent>,
|
||
|
<ent type='NORP'>Bilderberg</ent>, the <ent type='ORG'>Federal Reserve System</ent>, and Wall Street. Several pages
|
||
|
are spent on <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s theories, which provide the background for an
|
||
|
understanding of <ent type='ORG'>the Rhodes Trust</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent>, and the foundations with their
|
||
|
"One World agenda." Unfortunately, the only mention of this book in the
|
||
|
left press ignores the analytical material that <ent type='PERSON'>Robertson</ent> draws on, and
|
||
|
dismisses "its more bizarre conspiracy theories such as those targeting
|
||
|
mainstream figures as dupes of the Devil."[15]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Yes, <ent type='PERSON'>Robertson</ent> finally couches his theories in a <ent type='ORG'>Biblical</ent> context
|
||
|
(after keeping the Bible out of it for the first two-thirds of the book),
|
||
|
and most of us don't find the Bible necessary or compelling. But when
|
||
|
leftists skip to the end in order to belittle his critique, at a time
|
||
|
when they have lost the capacity to provide an alternative critique, this
|
||
|
is self-defeating. My main objection to <ent type='PERSON'>Robertson</ent> is that he doesn't
|
||
|
deserve to have a monopoly on these important issues; his vision is too
|
||
|
apocalyptic and too narrow. Unlike the politically-correct "progressive"
|
||
|
press, however, I consider him potentially closer to populism than to
|
||
|
fascism.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Robertson</ent> spends several pages recounting the 1976 campaign of Jimmy
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent>, and describes how he concluded that <ent type='PERSON'>Carter</ent>'s strings were being
|
||
|
pulled by the same <ent type='NORP'>Trilateralists</ent> who created him. A similar analysis --
|
||
|
much more detailed and convincing -- can also be found from a leftist
|
||
|
perspective.[16] It wasn't too many years ago, before politically-correct
|
||
|
thinking carried the day, that the left took Trilateralism seriously.
|
||
|
Since 1980, the only left perspective on Trilateralism has been written by
|
||
|
a <ent type='NORP'>Canadian</ent> professor.[17] His Gramscian categories tend to be academically
|
||
|
overbearing, but he took the trouble to interview 100 Trilateral
|
||
|
Commission members.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The <ent type='PERSON'>Jimmy Carter</ent> story is depressing. <ent type='PERSON'>Hamilton Jordan</ent> reportedly
|
||
|
said, "If, after the inauguration you find Cy Vance as secretary of state
|
||
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Zbigniew Brzezinski</ent> as head of national security, then I would say
|
||
|
that we failed." That's exactly what happened, and seventeen other key
|
||
|
members of the administration were also <ent type='NORP'>Trilateralists</ent>. For his entire
|
||
|
administration, every move on foreign policy was cleared with the
|
||
|
hard-liner Brzezinski.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Robertson</ent>'s book was written just one year before <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s name
|
||
|
became a household word. One wonders how <ent type='PERSON'>Robertson</ent> reacted to <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s
|
||
|
reference to <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> in his acceptance speech. And then what <ent type='PERSON'>Robertson</ent>
|
||
|
thought when he learned that <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> checked off on almost every group
|
||
|
you care to name: he is a <ent type='ORG'>Rhodes Scholar</ent>, a <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent> member, a Trilateral
|
||
|
Commission member, a <ent type='NORP'>Bilderberg</ent> participant, and most of his appointees
|
||
|
are at least one of the above. If <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s mention of <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> in July
|
||
|
1992 had been an isolated case, then one might interpret this as simply a
|
||
|
ploy to disguise his elitist loyalties. But <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> has mentioned <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>
|
||
|
many times over the years, and I suspect that on this he is sincere. Then
|
||
|
again, it's hard to believe that <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> is unaware of <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>'s
|
||
|
anti-elitist tendencies. What's going on here?</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> After shaking <ent type='PERSON'>John Kennedy</ent>'s hand, they say that William Jefferson
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> never doubted that he was headed for the <ent type='ORG'>White House</ent>. A band major
|
||
|
in high school, he was favored by his school principal, who encouraged him
|
||
|
to run for class offices and to participate in a leadership program that
|
||
|
sponsored his trip to <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>. He attended <ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent> from 1964-1968,
|
||
|
majoring in international affairs and immediately running for student
|
||
|
office ("Hello, I'm <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Clinton</ent>. Will you help me run for president of
|
||
|
the freshman class?"). When he wasn't listening to <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> or networking
|
||
|
and glad-handing his way through a student council election, he was
|
||
|
working in <ent type='ORG'>the Senate Foreign Relations Office</ent> of Senator J. William
|
||
|
Fulbright, an <ent type='GPE'>Arkansas</ent> <ent type='NORP'>Democrat</ent> and former <ent type='ORG'>Rhodes Scholar</ent> who started
|
||
|
criticizing the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> policy in 1966. During his first two
|
||
|
years, <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> was a trainee in <ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>ROTC</ent> unit, and could be seen
|
||
|
around campus in <ent type='ORG'>Army</ent> fatigues.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Between <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> and his <ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent> connections, Fulbright and his
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Rhodes Trust</ent> connections, and <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s keen interest in his own political
|
||
|
power, it's not surprising that the big, bearded, amiable <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> became a
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Rhodes Scholar</ent> in 1968 and went off to spend two years at <ent type='ORG'>Oxford</ent>. Another
|
||
|
power behind <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> was <ent type='PERSON'>Winthrop Rockefeller</ent> (1912-1973), two-time
|
||
|
<ent type='NORP'>Republican</ent> governor of <ent type='GPE'>Arkansas</ent>, who reportedly functioned as a father
|
||
|
figure. At <ent type='ORG'>Oxford</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> participated in one or more demonstrations
|
||
|
against U.S. policy in <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> in front of the <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> embassy, and used
|
||
|
his connections to stay out of the draft. After <ent type='ORG'>Oxford</ent> he went to <ent type='ORG'>Yale</ent> Law
|
||
|
School. In the fall of 1972 he directed <ent type='PERSON'>McGovern</ent>'s campaign in <ent type='GPE'>Texas</ent>. He
|
||
|
ran for <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Arkansas</ent> in 1974 after finishing <ent type='ORG'>Yale</ent>, but barely
|
||
|
lost. Then he taught law in <ent type='GPE'>Arkansas</ent> until 1976, when he was elected state
|
||
|
attorney general after running unopposed. That year he also headed up the
|
||
|
state campaign for <ent type='PERSON'>Jimmy Carter</ent>. Two years later he won the race for
|
||
|
governor.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The anti-war sentiments among <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>Oxford</ent> colleagues did not
|
||
|
produce an antipathy toward the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>. <ent type='PERSON'>Robert Earl</ent>, later an assistant to
|
||
|
Oliver <ent type='PERSON'>North</ent> at <ent type='ORG'>the National Security Council</ent>, was one of these
|
||
|
colleagues. And while governor, <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> was aware that an airfield in
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Mena</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Arkansas</ent> played a major role in secret contra logistics involving
|
||
|
gun and drug running. <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s security chief is being sued for an
|
||
|
alleged <ent type='ORG'>Mena</ent>-related frame-up, and many believe that there were cover-ups
|
||
|
by both state and federal agencies.[18]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Clinton</ent> is promoted as the first baby boomer and anti-war
|
||
|
activist in the <ent type='ORG'>White House</ent>. Yet I was also these things, and I cannot
|
||
|
identify with <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> at all. In order for this piece to make any sense,
|
||
|
it's important that I show how two different anti-war protesters might
|
||
|
have stood together in a demonstration for different reasons, after
|
||
|
arriving from different directions.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> To begin with, one has to divide the student movement into two
|
||
|
periods, before and after 1968. This year was pivotal: the <ent type='PERSON'>McCarthy</ent>
|
||
|
campaign, the <ent type='ORG'>RFK</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>MLK</ent> assassinations, the police riot in <ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent>.
|
||
|
Anti-war protesters on conservative campuses such as my University of
|
||
|
Southern <ent type='GPE'>California</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent>, were almost always bona fide
|
||
|
prior to 1968. There was no percentage in it otherwise, as the polls were
|
||
|
overwhelmingly in favor of U.S. involvement in <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent>. At <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent> I organized
|
||
|
a peaceful draft card turn-in ceremony in 1968. We were physically ejected
|
||
|
from the campus by fraternity boys, and had to continue in a church across
|
||
|
the street, where the frat rats feared to tread. A poll by our student
|
||
|
newspaper showed that most students agreed with the fraternity. At <ent type='ORG'>USC</ent>,
|
||
|
and the same was probably true of <ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent>, a student politician
|
||
|
couldn't get more than a handful of votes by taking an anti-war position.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> In 1969 everything suddenly changed. Major anti-war organizing
|
||
|
efforts appeared on campus, coordinated through national networks. I
|
||
|
guessed that these new activists, who seemed to come out of nowhere to
|
||
|
organize the <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> Moratorium, were former <ent type='PERSON'>McCarthy</ent>-Kennedy campaign
|
||
|
workers. Although I had been co-chairman of our SDS chapter the previous
|
||
|
year, these were all new faces to me. I was astounded and a little
|
||
|
suspicious. Everything had turned around completely: now no student
|
||
|
politician could hope to win without the long hair, the beads and sandals,
|
||
|
and speaking at freshmen orientation by abandoning the lectern and sitting
|
||
|
on the edge of the stage, "rapping" to them movement-style.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> When it came time to confront the draft, these same student
|
||
|
politicians used their mysterious connections to get out the easy way.
|
||
|
Sometimes they pulled strings to secure a place in the overbooked National
|
||
|
Guard, but most got out clean. Almost half of all undergraduate men were
|
||
|
released when the first lottery was held at the end of the year, which
|
||
|
of course brought our anti-draft movement to a halt. I now refer to my
|
||
|
1969 experience as the "<ent type='PERSON'>Sam Hurst</ent> syndrome," after the articulate and
|
||
|
good-looking student body president who sat on the edge of the stage and
|
||
|
rode into power on the post-1968 wave. It's my euphemism for slick,
|
||
|
well-disguised self-interest and a great head of hair.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> I noticed that new students could not tell the difference between Sam
|
||
|
Hurst's activism and mine. Students with safe lottery numbers sadistically
|
||
|
inquired about my number -- they would find it amusing if my number was
|
||
|
also safe, now that I had been convicted for refusing induction. It was
|
||
|
every man for himself. Then it got worse. By September 1970 the big
|
||
|
movement on campus centered on <ent type='PERSON'>Timothy Leary</ent>'s old colleague Richard
|
||
|
Alpert, who now called himself <ent type='PERSON'>Baba Ram Dass</ent> and told overflow crowds that
|
||
|
the best way to do revolution was to sit in the <ent type='ORG'>lotus</ent> position and do
|
||
|
nothing. Soon <ent type='PERSON'>Rennie Davis</ent> of <ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent> Eight fame was spending his time
|
||
|
puppy-dogging a teenaged guru from <ent type='GPE'>India</ent>. Within another year there was no
|
||
|
discernible movement at all, just embarrassing burnouts like the Weather
|
||
|
Underground and eventually the Symbionese Liberation <ent type='ORG'>Army</ent>, which kidnapped
|
||
|
and brainwashed <ent type='PERSON'>Patty Hearst</ent>.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Bill Clinton</ent> is even slicker than <ent type='PERSON'>Sam Hurst</ent>. His anti-war activism,
|
||
|
as well as everything else he did, developed from a focused interest in
|
||
|
his own future. After 1968 it would have been unthinkable for <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> to
|
||
|
ignore the anti-war movement and face political obsolescence -- not
|
||
|
because of his revulsion over carpet bombing, but because it was time to
|
||
|
hedge his bets. <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> is not an intellectual, he's merely very clever.
|
||
|
A clever person can manipulate his environment, while an intellectual can
|
||
|
project beyond it and, for example, identify with the suffering of the
|
||
|
<ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent>ese people. But this involves some risk, whereas power politics is
|
||
|
the art of pursuing the possible and minimizing this risk. Almost
|
||
|
everything that happened to the student movement is best explained without
|
||
|
conspiracy theories. There are, however, some bits of curious evidence
|
||
|
that should be briefly mentioned. Each of these alone doesn't amount to
|
||
|
much, but taken together they suggest that something more was happening --
|
||
|
the possibility that by 1969 a significant sector of the ruling class had
|
||
|
decided to buy into the counterculture for purposes of manipulation and
|
||
|
control:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>* Student leaders <ent type='PERSON'>James Kunen</ent>[19] and <ent type='PERSON'>Carl Oglesby</ent>[20] both report that
|
||
|
in the summer of 1968, the organization <ent type='ORG'>Business International</ent>, which
|
||
|
had links to the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, sent high-level representatives to meet with
|
||
|
SDS. These people wanted to help organize demonstrations for the
|
||
|
upcoming conventions in <ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>Miami</ent>. SDS refused the offer, but
|
||
|
the experience convinced <ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent> that the ruling class was at war
|
||
|
with itself, and he began developing his Yankee-Cowboy theory.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>* <ent type='PERSON'>Tom Hayden</ent>, who by 1986 was defending his state assembly seat against
|
||
|
those trying to oust him because of his anti-war record, was quoted
|
||
|
as saying that while he was protesting against the <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> War, he
|
||
|
was also cooperating with U.S. intelligence agents.[21]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>* The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> was of course involved with LSD testing, but there is also
|
||
|
evidence that it was later involved in the distribution of LSD within
|
||
|
the counterculture.[22]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>* Feminist leader <ent type='PERSON'>Gloria Steinem</ent>[23] and congressman <ent type='PERSON'>Allard Lowenstein</ent>
|
||
|
both had major <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> connections. <ent type='PERSON'>Lowenstein</ent> was president of the
|
||
|
National Student Association, which was funded by the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> until
|
||
|
exposed by <ent type='ORG'>Ramparts</ent> magazine in 1967. He and another <ent type='ORG'>NSA</ent> officer, Sam
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Brown</ent>, were key organizers behind the 1969 <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> Moratorium.[24]
|
||
|
(In 1977 <ent type='PERSON'>Brown</ent> became the director of ACTION under <ent type='PERSON'>Jimmy Carter</ent>; his
|
||
|
activism, which was more intense and more sincere than <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s,
|
||
|
didn't hurt his career either.)</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>* Symbionese Liberation <ent type='ORG'>Army</ent> leader <ent type='PERSON'>Donald DeFreeze</ent> appears to have
|
||
|
been conditioned in a behavior modification program sponsored by
|
||
|
elements of U.S. intelligence.[25]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>* The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> has a long history of infiltrating international
|
||
|
organizations, from labor to students to religion. I submit that
|
||
|
if an anti-war activist was involved in this type of international
|
||
|
jet-setting, the burden is on them to show that they were not
|
||
|
compromised. <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> comes close to assuming this burden.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The major point here is that by 1969, protest was not necessarily
|
||
|
anti-Establishment. When thousands of students are in the streets every
|
||
|
day, and the troops you sent to <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> are deserting, sooner or later
|
||
|
it's going to cut into your profits. If you can't beat them, then you have
|
||
|
to co-opt them. <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s mentors and sponsors realized this, <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>
|
||
|
himself sensed the shift, and until more evidence is available it's fair
|
||
|
to assume that his anti-war activity was at a minimum self-serving, and
|
||
|
perhaps even duplicitous.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> How else can we explain why he has recently embraced the very
|
||
|
organizations who got us into <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> in the first place? He joined the
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Council on Foreign Relations</ent> in 1989, attended a <ent type='NORP'>Bilderberg</ent> meeting in
|
||
|
1991, is currently a member of <ent type='ORG'>the Trilateral Commission</ent>, and has
|
||
|
appointed numerous <ent type='ORG'>Rhodes Scholar</ent>s, <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent> members, and <ent type='NORP'>Trilateralists</ent> to key
|
||
|
positions. These are the very groups whose historical roots, according to
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, are essentially conspiratorial and antidemocratic. A cynic would
|
||
|
say that <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> appropriated from <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> what he needed -- which was a
|
||
|
precise description of where the power is -- and ignored those aspects of
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> that did not fit his agenda. He may have read a book or two by
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, but he didn't inhale them.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> On February 2, when <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s nominee for <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> director was asked some
|
||
|
polite questions, Senator <ent type='PERSON'>John Chafee</ent> (R-RI) joked about what he called
|
||
|
"a <ent type='ORG'>Mafia</ent> that's taking over the administration."[26] Be sure to smile when
|
||
|
you say that, Senator. The new director, R. <ent type='PERSON'>James Woolsey</ent>, was an early
|
||
|
supporter of the <ent type='NORP'>contras</ent> and served as defense attorney for <ent type='PERSON'>Michael Ledeen</ent>
|
||
|
and <ent type='PERSON'>Charles</ent> E. <ent type='PERSON'>Allen</ent>, he has <ent type='ORG'>Georgetown</ent>-<ent type='ORG'>CSIS</ent> connections, and he's a
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Rhodes Scholar</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent> member, and <ent type='ORG'>Yale Law School</ent> graduate, several years
|
||
|
ahead of <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>Yale</ent>, of course, is thick with <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> connections.[27] The
|
||
|
new <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> director was close to <ent type='PERSON'>Brent Scowcroft</ent> at the <ent type='PERSON'>Bush</ent> <ent type='ORG'>White House</ent>, and
|
||
|
is a director of <ent type='ORG'>Martin Marietta</ent>, the eighth-largest defense corporation,
|
||
|
whose contracts include the MX missle and Star Wars weapons.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> It's becoming clear that on inauguration day we merely had a changing
|
||
|
of the guard. But it's still the same old team at headquarters, wherever
|
||
|
that is, and you won't find any television cameras there. Ultimately,
|
||
|
then, <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s references to <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent> are worth as much as his anti-war
|
||
|
record. And both are worth nothing at all.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 1. <ent type='PERSON'>David Maraniss</ent>, "<ent type='PERSON'>Bill Clinton</ent>: Born to Run...and Run...and Run.
|
||
|
<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> Post, July 13, 1992, p. A1.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 2. "<ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent> a Bircher?", <ent type='ORG'><ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent></ent>, July 22, 1992, p. A6. For a
|
||
|
more useful discussion of the right and <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, see <ent type='PERSON'>Frank</ent> P. Mintz,
|
||
|
The Liberty Lobby and the <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> Right: Race, Conspiracy and
|
||
|
Culture (Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1985), pp. 145-51.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 3. This conclusion in inescapable after reading <ent type='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent>, The Man
|
||
|
Who Knew Too Much (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: Carroll & Graf, 1992).</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 4. Who's Who in <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1976-1977 (<ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent>: <ent type='PERSON'>Marquis Who</ent>'s Who, 1976).</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 5. <ent type='PERSON'>Carroll Quigley</ent>, Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time
|
||
|
(<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: <ent type='ORG'>Macmillan Company</ent>, 1966), p. 950.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 6. <ent type='PERSON'>Carroll Quigley</ent>, The Anglo-<ent type='NORP'>American</ent> Establishment (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: Books in
|
||
|
Focus, 1981), pp. xi, 197.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 7. <ent type='PERSON'>Carl Oglesby</ent>, The Yankee and Cowboy War (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: Berkley Publishing,
|
||
|
1977), pp.6-7.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 8. <ent type='PERSON'>Quigley</ent>, Tragedy and Hope, pp. 945-9.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 9. <ent type='PERSON'>Ibid</ent>., pp. 1245-6.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>10. <ent type='PERSON'>Oglesby</ent>, p. 25.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>11. G. <ent type='PERSON'>William Domhoff</ent>, "Who Made <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> Foreign Policy, 1945-1963?" In
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>David Horowitz</ent>, ed., Corporations and <ent type='EVENT'>the Cold War</ent> (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: Monthly
|
||
|
Review, 1969), p.34.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>12. <ent type='PERSON'>Erwin Knoll</ent>, "Memo from the Editor," The <ent type='ORG'>Progressive</ent>, March 1992,
|
||
|
p. 4.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>13. <ent type='PERSON'>Chip Berlet</ent>, Right Woos Left (Political Research Associates, 678
|
||
|
Massachusetts Avenue, Suite 205, Cambridge MA 02139), July 28, 1992,
|
||
|
$6.50.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>14. A-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent> Research, P.O. Box 20273, <ent type='GPE'>Ferndale</ent> MI 48220.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>15. <ent type='PERSON'>Kate Cornell</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>The Covert Tactics</ent> and Overt Agenda of the New
|
||
|
Christian Right," Covert Action Quarterly, No. 43, Winter 1992-93,
|
||
|
p. 51.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>16. Laurence H. Shoup, "<ent type='PERSON'>Jimmy Carter</ent> and the <ent type='NORP'>Trilateralists</ent>: Presidential
|
||
|
Roots"; Laurence H. Shoup and <ent type='PERSON'>William Minter</ent>, "Shaping a New World
|
||
|
Order: The <ent type='ORG'>Council on Foreign Relations</ent>' Blueprint for World
|
||
|
Hegemony, 1939-1945"; and several other relevant articles. In Holly
|
||
|
Sklar, ed., Trilateralism: The <ent type='ORG'>Trilateral Commission</ent> and Elite
|
||
|
Planning for World Management (Boston: South End Press, 1980).</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>17. <ent type='PERSON'>Stephen Gill</ent>, <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> Hegemony and <ent type='ORG'>the Trilateral Commission</ent> (New
|
||
|
York: <ent type='ORG'>Cambridge University Press</ent>, 1991).</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>18. <ent type='ORG'>Association of National Security Alumni</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Unclassified</ent>, February-March
|
||
|
1992, pp. 6-9.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>19. <ent type='PERSON'>James Simon Kunen</ent>, The Strawberry Statement: Notes of a College
|
||
|
Revolutionary (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: <ent type='ORG'>Avon Books</ent>, 1970), pp. 130-1.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>20. <ent type='PERSON'>Steve Weissman</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Big Brother</ent> and the <ent type='ORG'>Holding Company</ent> (<ent type='GPE'>Palo Alto</ent> CA:
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Ramparts</ent> Press, 1974), pp. 298-9.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>21. AP in <ent type='GPE'>San Francisco</ent> Examiner, June 21, 1986.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>22. <ent type='PERSON'>Martin</ent> A. <ent type='PERSON'>Lee</ent> and <ent type='PERSON'>Bruce Shlain</ent>, Acid Dreams: The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, LSD, and the
|
||
|
Sixties Rebellion (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: <ent type='ORG'>Grove Press</ent>, 1985).</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>23. <ent type='PERSON'>Kai Bird</ent>, The Chairman: John J. McCloy, The Making of the <ent type='NORP'>American</ent>
|
||
|
Establishment (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: Simon & Schuster, 1992), pp. 483-4, 727.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>24. <ent type='PERSON'>Richard Cummings</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>The Pied Piper</ent>: Allard K. <ent type='PERSON'>Lowenstein</ent> and the
|
||
|
Liberal Dream (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: <ent type='ORG'>Grove Press</ent>, 1985).</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>25. <ent type='PERSON'>Douglas Valentine</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>The Phoenix Program</ent> (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: <ent type='PERSON'>William Morrow</ent>,
|
||
|
1990), p. 337.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>26. <ent type='PERSON'>Douglas Jehl</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> Nominee Wary of Budget Cuts," <ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent>,
|
||
|
February 3, 1993, p. A18.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>27. Robin W. Winks, <ent type='PERSON'>Cloak</ent> and Gown: Scholars in the Secret War, 1939-1961
|
||
|
(<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: <ent type='PERSON'>William Morrow</ent>, 1987).
|
||
|
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>This article is from NameBase NewsLine, which is distributed to users of
|
||
|
NameBase, a microcomputer database with 170000 citations and 78000 names
|
||
|
of ruling class/conspiracy personnel. This 3-megabyte database is
|
||
|
available on floppy disks and is used by over 700 journalists and
|
||
|
researchers around the world. For a brochure write to: </p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> info@a-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent>.com
|
||
|
A-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent> Research, PO Box 20273, <ent type='GPE'>Ferndale</ent>, MI 48220-0273</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> A-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent> Research is an authorized distributor of NameBase
|
||
|
$79.00 Postpaid</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>From NameBase NewsLine, No. 3, October-December 1993:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Multiculturalism and the <ent type='ORG'>Ruling Elite</ent></p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> by <ent type='PERSON'>Daniel Brandt</ent>
|
||
|
_____</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>Opportunity is rapidly vanishing, poorly masked by an institutionalized
|
||
|
preference for diversity. Leftist academics in <ent type='GPE'>ivory towers</ent> are hooked on
|
||
|
designer victimology but fail to notice the real victims -- the entire
|
||
|
next generation. Meanwhile the rich get richer. Have a nice New World
|
||
|
Order.
|
||
|
_____</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Anyone who follows today's academic debates on multiculturalism, and
|
||
|
by happenstance is also familiar with the power-structure research that
|
||
|
engaged students in the sixties and early seventies, is struck by that old
|
||
|
truism: the only thing history teaches us is that no one learns from
|
||
|
history. By now it's even embarrassing, perhaps because of our soundbite
|
||
|
culture. Not only must each generation painstakingly relearn, by trial and
|
||
|
error, everything learned by the previous generation, but it's beginning
|
||
|
to appear that we have to relearn ourselves that which we knew a scant
|
||
|
twenty years earlier. The debate over diversity is one example of this.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Researchers in the sixties discovered that the ruling elites of the
|
||
|
West mastered the techniques of multiculturalism at the onset of the Cold
|
||
|
War, and employed them time and again to counter the perceived threat from
|
||
|
communism. The <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> for Cultural Freedom (<ent type='ORG'>CCF</ent>) was funded first by the
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> and then, after this was exposed in 1967, by the <ent type='ORG'>Ford Foundation</ent>. <ent type='ORG'>CCF</ent>
|
||
|
created magazines, published books, and conducted conferences throughout
|
||
|
the world, in an effort to wean intellectuals to democratic liberalism.[1]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> was also busy in <ent type='GPE'>Africa</ent>. In an article titled "The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> as an
|
||
|
Equal Opportunity Employer" that first appeared in 1969 in <ent type='ORG'>Ramparts</ent> and
|
||
|
was reprinted in the <ent type='ORG'>Black Panther</ent> newspaper and elsewhere, members from
|
||
|
the <ent type='GPE'>Africa</ent> Research Group presented convincing evidence that "the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> has
|
||
|
promoted black cultural nationalism to reinforce neo-colonialism in
|
||
|
<ent type='GPE'>Africa</ent>." In their introduction they added that "activists in the black
|
||
|
colony within <ent type='GPE'>the United States</ent> can easily see the relevance to their own
|
||
|
situation; in many cases the same techniques and occasionally the same
|
||
|
individuals are used to control the political implications of
|
||
|
Afro-<ent type='NORP'>American</ent> culture."[2]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> But this is lost history, found today only on dusty library shelves
|
||
|
or buried in obscure databases. None of it is mentioned in the current
|
||
|
debate over diversity, not even in one of the most lucid essays, an
|
||
|
opinion piece by <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>David</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Rieff</ent></ent> that appeared in a recent <ent type='PERSON'>Harper</ent>'s.[3] <ent type='ORG'>Rieff</ent>
|
||
|
paints a picture of multiculturalism and shows, in broad strokes, how
|
||
|
multiculturalism serves capitalism. To appreciate the significance of
|
||
|
multiculturalism we must, as <ent type='ORG'>Rieff</ent> does, look at the academic arguments
|
||
|
from someplace in the real world, or at least from off campus. But we must
|
||
|
also be aware of our own historical legacy: psychological warfare and the
|
||
|
secret state, the mass media and the culture of spectacle, the role of
|
||
|
foundations, and above all, the interests and techniques of the elite
|
||
|
globalists who won <ent type='EVENT'>the Cold War</ent>.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> From the time that this war began in 1947, the <ent type='ORG'>Carnegie</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>, and
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Rockefeller Foundations</ent>, in cooperation with the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>, began funding
|
||
|
programs at major U.S. universities such as <ent type='ORG'>Harvard</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>MIT</ent>, and <ent type='ORG'>Columbia</ent>.
|
||
|
They began with an emphasis on <ent type='NORP'>Russian</ent> studies, but by the mid-1960s these
|
||
|
three foundations and the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> had a near-monopoly on all international
|
||
|
studies in the U.S.[4] This phenomenon, a big-money, top-down affair born
|
||
|
out of strategic considerations, is the precursor of today's academic
|
||
|
multiculturalism.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Some defenders of academic diversity pretend that the elitist shoe
|
||
|
is on the other foot, and note that their critics are funded by certain
|
||
|
conservative foundations. Sara <ent type='PERSON'>Diamond</ent> tracks <ent type='ORG'>the Olin Foundation</ent> and
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Smith</ent>-Richardson money behind Dinesh D'<ent type='PERSON'>Souza</ent> and the National Association
|
||
|
of Scholars (<ent type='ORG'>NAS</ent>), two of the more vocal critics of multiculturalism.[5]
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Diamond</ent> points out that the <ent type='ORG'>Smith</ent>-Richardson Foundation has its own <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
||
|
connections, even though they pale in significance alongside the <ent type='ORG'>Carnegie</ent>
|
||
|
- <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> - <ent type='ORG'>Rockefeller</ent> nexus. But <ent type='PERSON'>Diamond</ent>'s major error is in framing her
|
||
|
arguments in terms of right and left. This allows the real dynamics to
|
||
|
escape her field of vision.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The ruling elite that finds diversity useful is an elite operating
|
||
|
at a level which transcends right and left. While there is an ideological
|
||
|
right that is battling the left, and while they do enjoy funding from
|
||
|
other conservatives, these folks are not the problem because they do not
|
||
|
have substantial power. Nothing shows this better than the fact that this
|
||
|
ideological right has always been as concerned as the left over the real
|
||
|
source of power, the elite globalists. This began with <ent type='ORG'>the Reece Committee</ent>
|
||
|
on the role of foundations in 1954, continued through the 1960s with the
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>John Birch Society</ent>'s attacks on the <ent type='ORG'>Council on Foreign Relations</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent>),
|
||
|
and later on <ent type='ORG'>the Trilateral Commission</ent>, and continues today with Pat
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Robertson</ent>,[6] <ent type='PERSON'>Pat Buchanan</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Ross Perot</ent>, Spotlight, and others. It's not
|
||
|
a right-left problem, but rather a top-bottom problem.[7]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Secondly, whatever the funding enjoyed by D'<ent type='PERSON'>Souza</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>NAS</ent>, one
|
||
|
must recognize that the ideological right has long been motivated by
|
||
|
a <ent type='ORG'>Constitutionally</ent>-based, protectionist patriotism that hates big
|
||
|
government. Too often the patriotic component has devolved into what can
|
||
|
only be described as racism and imperialism. But in 1993 they are once
|
||
|
again isolationist, at a time when louder mainstream voices want to assume
|
||
|
the role of the world's policeman. And today the populist, ideological
|
||
|
right (as opposed to the corporate, <ent type='NORP'>Republican</ent>, elitist right found on the
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent> roster) is also opposed to NAFTA, every bit as firmly as the
|
||
|
trade-union <ent type='NORP'>Democrat</ent>s. The ideological right, in other words, takes ideas
|
||
|
seriously -- a characteristic of those who lack power. It's just possible
|
||
|
that diversity for its own sake deserves to be criticized because it
|
||
|
replaces the search for truth with a situationist relativism based on
|
||
|
personal experience. This too is a consideration that defies simplistic
|
||
|
left-right categories.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> For those who feel that the forces behind the debate are instructive,
|
||
|
it's worthwhile noting that the <ent type='ORG'>Ford Foundation</ent> began supporting feminist
|
||
|
groups and women's studies programs in the early 1970s. Just ten years
|
||
|
earlier they were busy training <ent type='NORP'>Indonesian</ent> elites (using <ent type='GPE'>Berkeley</ent>
|
||
|
professors as instructors) to take over from <ent type='PERSON'>Sukarno</ent>,[8] which occurred
|
||
|
soon after a <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>-sponsored coup in 1965 that led to the slaughter of
|
||
|
hundreds of thousands. Did the folks at <ent type='ORG'>Ford Foundation</ent> have a bleeding
|
||
|
change of heart, or are they continuing the same battle on another front?
|
||
|
It would appear to be the latter. <ent type='PERSON'>David</ent> R. <ent type='PERSON'>Hunter</ent>, considered the
|
||
|
"godfather of progressive philanthropy" by hip heirs such as George
|
||
|
Pillsbury,[9] began his new career co-opting the next generation after
|
||
|
spending four years at the <ent type='ORG'>Ford Foundation</ent>.[10] The ruling elite knows
|
||
|
exactly what it's doing, and they are remarkably consistent.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> When <ent type='ORG'>Ramparts</ent> blew the whistle on the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>'s domestic cultural
|
||
|
activities in 1967, President <ent type='PERSON'>Johnson</ent> appointed a committee consisting of
|
||
|
elitists <ent type='PERSON'>Nicholas Katzenbach</ent> (Rhodes scholar and former <ent type='ORG'>Ford Foundation</ent>
|
||
|
fellow), <ent type='ORG'>OSS</ent> old-boy <ent type='PERSON'>John Gardner</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>Carnegie</ent> Corporation president,
|
||
|
1955-1965), and <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> director <ent type='PERSON'>Richard Helms</ent> to study the problem. The
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Katzenbach Committee</ent> reported that they expected private foundations,
|
||
|
which had grown from 2200 in 1955 to 18000 in 1967, to take over
|
||
|
the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>'s funding of international organizations, and recommended a
|
||
|
"public-private mechanism" to give grants openly. Sixteen years later
|
||
|
a <ent type='NORP'>Democratic</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> adopted this recommendation by establishing the
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>National Endowment for Democracy</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>NED</ent>). By now it requires a leap of good
|
||
|
faith to draw distinctions among complicated overlapping networks of <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent>
|
||
|
funding, <ent type='ORG'>NED</ent> funding, and funding by foundations such as <ent type='ORG'>Carnegie</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent>,
|
||
|
and <ent type='ORG'>Rockefeller</ent>. The same people are behind all three, and they seem to
|
||
|
be getting richer every day. They promote the two-party system because
|
||
|
it keeps the rest of us off track.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Consider the issue of women in the workplace. Everyone agrees that
|
||
|
increased opportunities for women are wonderful, but what effect has this
|
||
|
had on family income? Here's the sobering answer, from <ent type='PERSON'>Daniel</ent> Patrick
|
||
|
Moynihan, no less:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The average weekly take home pay of a worker who entered the
|
||
|
workforce in 1989 is $5.68 less today than thirty years ago. This is
|
||
|
also reflected in hourly wages. Compared to 1959, there has been a
|
||
|
slight increase, 60 cents an hour. But hourly wages are down from
|
||
|
their peak in 1973. The 1950s were our boom time. In that one decade
|
||
|
hourly wages grew by 83 cents. It took the following three decades
|
||
|
to add a mere 60 cents. Families made do by doubling up in the
|
||
|
workforce. Between 1955 and 1989 female participation in the work
|
||
|
force rose from 35.7 percent to 57.4 percent. Even so, family income
|
||
|
stayed flat. Median family income in 1973 was $32109. Half a
|
||
|
generation later in 1988 it was, in constant 1988 dollars, $32191, a
|
||
|
gain of $82. We also started the 1980s as the largest creditor nation
|
||
|
in history. We are now the largest debtor.... As a debtor nation, we
|
||
|
must expect that the people we owe money to will be better off than
|
||
|
we are.[11]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> More <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> women are working just to keep the family going, while
|
||
|
more <ent type='GPE'>Japan</ent>ese women can afford to stay home and are choosing to do so. The
|
||
|
flip side of increased opportunities for <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> women is that they can
|
||
|
no longer choose to stay out of the labor force. As <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>David</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Rieff</ent></ent> asks, "If
|
||
|
multiculturalism is what its proponents claim it is, why has its moment
|
||
|
seen the richest one percent of <ent type='NORP'>American</ent>s grow richer and the
|
||
|
deunionization of the <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> workplace? There is something wrong
|
||
|
with this picture."[12]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Consider, too, the situation of <ent type='GPE'>Africa</ent>n-<ent type='NORP'>American</ent>s. As soon as the
|
||
|
ghettos erupted in the mid-1960s, <ent type='PERSON'>Johnson</ent>'s war on poverty began pouring
|
||
|
funds on the flames. This was followed with <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>'s "black capitalism,"
|
||
|
and by the early 1970s affirmative action was institutionalized by edict
|
||
|
from above in both the public sector and in major private corporations
|
||
|
that held government contracts. But twenty years later only the
|
||
|
politicians, pundits, and movie stars pretend that any of this is
|
||
|
significant; it's the <ent type='PERSON'>Jesse Jacksons</ent> and black personalities on television
|
||
|
who justify what they've got by emphasizing how far we've come thanks to
|
||
|
the civil rights struggle. Meanwhile the young in the ghettos, and
|
||
|
increasingly even on campuses, know that these front-office PR slots were
|
||
|
filled long ago. It's not a problem of inequality; for the next generation
|
||
|
there's already a rough equality in anticipated misery. The big problem
|
||
|
is that opportunities are vanishing altogether, without regard to race,
|
||
|
gender, or sexual orientation.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> What's left of the left has yet to even acknowledge this, which makes
|
||
|
the proponents of diversity seem irrelevant and even a bit suspicious.
|
||
|
It's as if the <ent type='NORP'>multiculturalists</ent> are protesting too much. Trapped by the
|
||
|
cognitive dissonance engendered by hard evidence and common sense, their
|
||
|
words lash out reactively in an effort to justify themselves. What else
|
||
|
can they do? As <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>David</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Rieff</ent></ent> notes, their relationship to the real world
|
||
|
is peripheral:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> For all their writings on power, hegemony, and oppression, the campus
|
||
|
<ent type='NORP'>multiculturalists</ent> seem indifferent to the question of where they fit
|
||
|
into the material scheme of things. Perhaps it's tenure, with its way
|
||
|
of shielding the senior staff from the rigors of someone else's
|
||
|
bottom-line thinking. Working for an institution in which neither pay
|
||
|
nor promotion is connected to performance, job security is guaranteed
|
||
|
(after tenure is attained), and pension arrangements are probably the
|
||
|
finest in any industry in the country -- no wonder a poststructuralist
|
||
|
can easily believe that words are deeds. She or he can afford to.[13]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> While self-justification may motivate tenured <ent type='NORP'>multiculturalists</ent>, the
|
||
|
same politics also work well for those who are trying to get there. As any
|
||
|
humanities grad student soon discovers, academia is about specialization,
|
||
|
not about teaching. You need a gimmick. The choreography of the canon
|
||
|
limits the varieties of mental gymnastics during any given academic period
|
||
|
(about ten years), and anyone out of sync is destined for unemployment. By
|
||
|
insisting on diversity as a challenge to the canon, new slots are forced
|
||
|
open for tenure-track spin doctors. Pressure from the administration for
|
||
|
departmental affirmative action dovetails nicely with the fact that only
|
||
|
victims can preach this new canon; presto, tenure at last! Elizabeth
|
||
|
Fox-Genovese, who resigned as chair of <ent type='PERSON'>Emory</ent>'s women's studies program
|
||
|
because of complaints she wasn't sufficiently radical, admits as much:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> In real terms, however, the battle over multiculturalism is a battle
|
||
|
over scarce resources and shrinking opportunities. To recognize this
|
||
|
much does not deny the related battle over national identity, but
|
||
|
does caution us to take the more extreme pronouncements pro and con
|
||
|
with a grain of salt.[14]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Multiculturalism can be an ideology that is used to bludgeon one's
|
||
|
way into tenure, because affirmative action alone is insufficient. The
|
||
|
essence of affirmative action becomes clear after leaving grad school and
|
||
|
spending fifteen years working for small companies as well as several
|
||
|
large corporations. Affirmative action (the PR phrase is "equal
|
||
|
opportunity" and the accurate phrase is "preferential treatment") is a
|
||
|
facade, affecting only the low-level and public-interface positions in
|
||
|
large corporations. After instructing their human resource departments
|
||
|
along federal guidelines, upper management stays the same, secure in the
|
||
|
knowledge that the low-level hires will statistically offset the white
|
||
|
males behind their closed office doors. <ent type='ORG'>Feminists</ent> call this the "glass
|
||
|
ceiling."</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> For young white males without exceptional advantages, it's closer to
|
||
|
a glass floor. Math doesn't play language games: if you quota something in
|
||
|
you also quota something out. Someone must pay for the sins of the elite.
|
||
|
When the diversity-mongers target white males, at best they are almost
|
||
|
half correct -- many (not all) older white males have enjoyed advantages.
|
||
|
But then when they make someone pay, they are all wrong: it's always the
|
||
|
young and innocent who bear the brunt of their policies. It would make as
|
||
|
much sense for U.S. institutions to impose sanctions on young women today,
|
||
|
simply because historically they have enjoyed exemption from the military
|
||
|
draft.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The fact that affirmative action appeared so rapidly over twenty
|
||
|
years ago, without opposition from entrenched interests, should have
|
||
|
provided a clue. It may have been designed to defuse civil unrest, but
|
||
|
this remedy was forced from above, not from below. In a poll commissioned
|
||
|
by <ent type='PERSON'>Pat Robertson</ent>'s <ent type='ORG'>Christian Coalition</ent>, which plans to organize minorities
|
||
|
in support of traditional family values, only 36.6 percent of <ent type='NORP'>Hispanics</ent>,
|
||
|
37.6 percent of blacks, and 10 percent of whites agreed with the statement
|
||
|
that "<ent type='GPE'>Africa</ent>n-<ent type='NORP'>American</ent>s, <ent type='NORP'>Hispanics</ent> and other minorities should received
|
||
|
special preference in hiring to make up for past inequalities."[15] The
|
||
|
agenda of victimology, defined by <ent type='PERSON'>George Will</ent> as "the proliferation of
|
||
|
groups nursing grievances and demanding entitlements,"[16] is not an
|
||
|
agenda shared widely off campus.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> It appears that those who are most vocal in support of affirmative
|
||
|
action are those, reasonably enough, who are most dependent on it to
|
||
|
maintain their advantage. The ruling elite are experts at manipulating
|
||
|
their own interests; they know how to divide and conquer, which is why
|
||
|
they continue to rule. As inequality becomes increasingly obvious, those
|
||
|
who are less equal begin to see society in terms of "us" and "them." The
|
||
|
dominant culture shades this definition by using the mass media to
|
||
|
emphasize our differences at every opportunity. Conventional wisdom
|
||
|
becomes articulated within narrow parameters, which is another way of
|
||
|
saying that the questions offered for public debate are rigged.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The objective is to define "us" and "them" in ways that do not
|
||
|
threaten the established order. Today everyone can see that there is more
|
||
|
Balkanization on campus, and more racism in society, than there was when
|
||
|
affirmative action began over twenty years ago. And for twenty years now
|
||
|
one can hardly get through the day without being reminded that race is
|
||
|
something that matters, from TV sitcoms all the way down to common
|
||
|
application forms (it would have been unthinkable to ask about one's race
|
||
|
on an application form in the 1960s). We are not fighting the system
|
||
|
anymore, we're fighting each other.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Multiculturalism fails to challenge the underlying assumption of all
|
||
|
affirmative action rationales, namely that opportunities are scarce and
|
||
|
there's not enough for everyone. There is much evidence to substantiate
|
||
|
this, particularly as the U.S. tries to remain competitive in a new global
|
||
|
economy. Perhaps we should take the global perspective seriously and
|
||
|
hunker down for hard times. It's just poor business sense to build a
|
||
|
factory in the U.S. if you can build it in <ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent> (2000 have moved
|
||
|
already). In 1983 the cost of an hour's labor time here was $12.26. The
|
||
|
hourly savings for using foreign labor that year amounted to $10.81 in
|
||
|
<ent type='GPE'>Mexico</ent>, $10.09 in <ent type='GPE'>Singapore</ent>, $6.06 in <ent type='GPE'>Japan</ent>, and $10.97 in <ent type='GPE'>Korea</ent>.[17]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Perhaps <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>'s only potential advantage is the technical lead we
|
||
|
enjoy in certain areas. If we can play this card well, it might partially
|
||
|
compensate for a declining industrial base. Here, too, affirmative action
|
||
|
has it all backwards. A huge pool of talent -- the ones, incidentally,
|
||
|
who have most of the skills needed in a society that wants to emphasize
|
||
|
technical innovation, merit, and quality -- are underemployed and
|
||
|
demoralized by affirmative action policies.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Recent literacy tests by <ent type='ORG'>the Education Department</ent>, the most
|
||
|
comprehensive in two decades, show that <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> adults aged 21 to 25
|
||
|
scored significantly lower than eight years ago, and that about 40 million
|
||
|
<ent type='NORP'>American</ent> adults of all ages have difficulty reading a simple sentence. Men
|
||
|
outscored women in document and quantitative literacy, and white adults
|
||
|
scored significantly higher than any of the other nine racial and ethnic
|
||
|
groups surveyed.[18] Over half of all minorities admitted to college under
|
||
|
affirmative action programs drop out before graduating; 30 percent before
|
||
|
the end of their freshman year.[19] <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> does not have the time or
|
||
|
resources to bring everyone up to the same level, so instead it appears to
|
||
|
be "dumbing down" our culture by denying opportunities and challenges to
|
||
|
our most capable young people. This attempt at social leveling is a poor
|
||
|
second choice.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> None of these dire trends are of any concern to the ruling elites who
|
||
|
have the power to address them. They are citizens of the world, and no one
|
||
|
-- now not even the <ent type='NORP'>Soviet</ent> bloc -- stands in their way. They have no need
|
||
|
for borders; free trade is what they want and what they will eventually
|
||
|
get. Many on Wall Street prefer unrestricted immigration, which would
|
||
|
drive down wages and fold up our few remaining unions. For ruling elites,
|
||
|
private security provides insulation and "social decay" is just an
|
||
|
irrelevant phrase. A massive amount of money, some $1 trillion, is traded
|
||
|
every day on currency exchanges around the world. On those rare occasions
|
||
|
when money laundering is discovered, the tax man gets too greedy, or
|
||
|
regulators become pesky, one nation can be played off against another. And
|
||
|
there is disturbing evidence that even the <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> operates at the level of
|
||
|
offshore banking and drug-running, presumably after they determine that
|
||
|
their already-bloated budgets, picked from our pockets, simply don't meet
|
||
|
their needs.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The owners of corporate <ent type='GPE'>America</ent> have the resources to move offshore
|
||
|
or south of the border, while the rest of us are here for the duration. If
|
||
|
we were all tightening our belts together, there might be some basis for
|
||
|
programs designed to redistribute opportunities. But the rich are getting
|
||
|
richer at the same time that they institute policies such as affirmative
|
||
|
action and NAFTA. It doesn't pass the smell test. The campus left speaks
|
||
|
of equality, and then forgets about justice by ignoring economic and class
|
||
|
distinctions. This failure is so fundamental that <ent type='NORP'>multiculturalists</ent>
|
||
|
should no longer be considered "leftists." As long as they claim this
|
||
|
description, some of us -- those who still feel that elites ought to be
|
||
|
accountable -- are beginning to feel more comfortable as "populists."</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Back on campus, the debate rages over the quality of
|
||
|
politically-correct (PC) courses and the propriety of speech codes
|
||
|
designed to penalize so-called "hate" speech. Multiculturalism is
|
||
|
pervasive throughout the humanities, but English and art classes seem
|
||
|
to attract most of the PC professors. At <ent type='ORG'>the University</ent> of Maryland,
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Josephine Withers</ent> taught "<ent type='ORG'>Contemporary Issues</ent> in Feminist Art" in 1993.
|
||
|
Nine of her students, in an effort to propagate the awareness of rape as
|
||
|
a feminist issue, tacked up hundreds of fliers bearing the heading
|
||
|
"Notice: These Men Are Potential Rapists." The names underneath were
|
||
|
chosen arbitrarily from the student directory. Some of those named were
|
||
|
not amused. This is not "hate speech," because in this case the
|
||
|
perpetrators -- the nine women -- are victims of a "male-identified"
|
||
|
culture, and are simply expressing sensitivity to their own
|
||
|
oppression.[20]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> For an example of actionable hate speech, we go to <ent type='ORG'>the University</ent> of
|
||
|
<ent type='GPE'>Pennsylvania</ent>. The theft of 14000 copies of the student newspaper by black
|
||
|
students unhappy with a white columnist went unpunished at <ent type='ORG'>Penn</ent>. But a
|
||
|
white male freshman was hauled before the school's judicial board after
|
||
|
yelling "water buffalo" at a group of black sorority sisters creating a
|
||
|
disturbance under his dormitory window.[21]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Some of the steam has gone out of campus speech codes because of
|
||
|
recent court decisions that have declared them unconstitutional. But
|
||
|
political correctness and multiculturalism is still rampant inside some
|
||
|
classrooms. Scholars from <ent type='ORG'>NAS</ent> have expressed concern over standards of
|
||
|
scholarship and rising campus tensions.[22] Thoughtful progressives like
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Barbara Epstein</ent> worry that "a politics that is organized around defending
|
||
|
identities ... forces people's experience into categories that are too
|
||
|
narrow."[23] <ent type='PERSON'>Todd Gitlin</ent>, a former 1960s student leader who now teaches
|
||
|
at <ent type='GPE'>Berkeley</ent>, echoes similar sentiments:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The academic left has degenerated into a loose aggregation of margins
|
||
|
-- often cannibalistic, romancing the varieties of otherness,
|
||
|
speaking in tongues. In this new interest-group pluralism, the
|
||
|
shopping center of identity politics makes a fetish of the virtues
|
||
|
of the minority, which, in the end, is not only intellectually
|
||
|
stultifying but also politically suicidal.... Authentic liberals have
|
||
|
good reason to worry that the elevation of 'difference' to a first
|
||
|
principle is undermining everyone's capacity to see, or change, the
|
||
|
world as a whole.[24]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Even <ent type='ORG'>Mother Jones</ent> magazine is having second thoughts. Karen <ent type='PERSON'>Lehrman</ent>,
|
||
|
a thirtyish conservative who visited 20 women's studies classes at
|
||
|
<ent type='GPE'>Berkeley</ent>, <ent type='GPE'>Iowa</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>Smith</ent>, and <ent type='ORG'>Dartmouth</ent>, delivered a withering critique of
|
||
|
course content in a recent issue.[25] The same <ent type='ORG'>Mother Jones</ent> issue also
|
||
|
tantalizes with a teaser for future articles: "Is <ent type='PERSON'>Hillary</ent> our friend?"
|
||
|
and "Did someone get to Bill?" At this rate the magazine may eventually
|
||
|
(sometime after the next election, naturally) figure out who the <ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>s
|
||
|
really represent. Or at least discover that <ent type='PERSON'>Donna Shalala</ent>, <ent type='ORG'>FOH</ent> (friend of
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Hillary</ent>) and chancellor of <ent type='ORG'>the University</ent> of Wisconsin (before <ent type='PERSON'>Hillary</ent>
|
||
|
appointed her <ent type='ORG'>HHS</ent> secretary), is a member of both the Council on Foreign
|
||
|
Relations and the super-elitist <ent type='ORG'>Trilateral Commission</ent> (as is <ent type='PERSON'>Hillary</ent>'s
|
||
|
husband). <ent type='PERSON'>Shalala</ent> has called for "a basic transformation of <ent type='NORP'>American</ent>
|
||
|
higher education in the name of multiculturalism and diversity."[26]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The critics of course content object to some of the sensitivity
|
||
|
training programs and techniques that are in vogue on the multicultural
|
||
|
campus. Many universities now require PC sensitivity exposure of some sort
|
||
|
for incoming freshmen. The <ent type='ORG'>NAS</ent> worries that such programs are making the
|
||
|
situation on campus worse, not better:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 'Sensitivity training' programs designed to cultivate 'correct
|
||
|
thought' about complicated normative, social, and political issues do
|
||
|
not teach tolerance but impose orthodoxy. And when these programs
|
||
|
favor manipulative psychological techniques over honest discussion,
|
||
|
they also undermine the intellectual purposes of higher education and
|
||
|
anger those subjected to them. If entire programs of study or
|
||
|
required courses relentlessly pursue issues of 'race, gender, and
|
||
|
class' in preference to all other approaches to assessing the human
|
||
|
condition, one can expect the increasing division of the campus along
|
||
|
similar lines.[27]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Sensitivity training has its roots in the late 1960s, when it became
|
||
|
a business management fad much the way that "total quality" has been the
|
||
|
fad over the past few years. An undergraduate at the time, at least in
|
||
|
<ent type='GPE'>California</ent>, could usually find a sensitivity course in the business
|
||
|
school. These revolved around personal rather than political sensitivity.
|
||
|
A similar experience might be found in the psychology department, where
|
||
|
one "humanist" might have held out against the behaviorists. In sociology,
|
||
|
a race relations class might sponsor trips to the ghetto, where poverty
|
||
|
program militants would harangue and titillate white sorority sisters by
|
||
|
using foul language.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Ethical questions should be raised when such techniques are applied
|
||
|
with a political agenda. In the late 1960s in <ent type='GPE'>California</ent>, a group with
|
||
|
liberal <ent type='NORP'>Protestant</ent> connections calling itself the "<ent type='ORG'>Urban Plunge</ent>" organized
|
||
|
sensitivity immersions for white liberals from the suburbs. After several
|
||
|
days or more of intensive ghetto exposure organized by charismatic <ent type='ORG'>Plunge</ent>
|
||
|
staffers, interspersed with group "attack therapy" sessions, many
|
||
|
participants were duly impressed. I attended two or three "<ent type='ORG'>Plunge</ent>s" in
|
||
|
1967-1968 in <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> and <ent type='GPE'>San Francisco</ent>. In early 1970, when I believed
|
||
|
in pacifism and was appealing a conviction for draft resistance, the Los
|
||
|
Angeles "<ent type='ORG'>Plunge</ent>" invited me to speak to the weekend participants. I
|
||
|
arrived at the scheduled time and discovered that new techniques were
|
||
|
being used: everyone had been deprived of sleep and food for two days
|
||
|
in an effort to sensitize them to the Third World. Tempers were
|
||
|
understandably short. As I walked in, fists were flying between a staffer
|
||
|
and participant. Disgusted with the whole scene, I immediately walked
|
||
|
back out.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> In 1968, despite all the mistakes and stupidity of that era,
|
||
|
victimology as self-justification was not yet in vogue. Poverty program
|
||
|
militants acted more like kings on their own turf than like victims; they
|
||
|
even seemed to enjoy themselves. Women didn't start complaining until a
|
||
|
year or two later. <ent type='NORP'>Hispanics</ent> were only recently recognized on a par with
|
||
|
blacks, even in the huge barrios of <ent type='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent>. Draft resisters risked
|
||
|
prison in an effort to stop the machine, and many who served in <ent type='GPE'>Vietnam</ent>
|
||
|
felt an obligation to society and risked everything. In this social stew
|
||
|
there were many demands for justice but few self-serving claims to
|
||
|
entitlements. Today, however, <ent type='PERSON'>Lehrman</ent> discovers that victimology is all
|
||
|
the rage:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Terms like sexism, racism, and homophobia have bloated beyond all
|
||
|
recognition, and the more politicized the campus, the more frequently
|
||
|
they're thrown around.... [T]hose with the most oppressed identities
|
||
|
are the most respected.... The irony is not only that these students
|
||
|
(who, at the schools I visited at least, were overwhelmingly white
|
||
|
and upper-middle class) probably have not come into contact with much
|
||
|
oppression, but that they are the first generation of women who have
|
||
|
grown up with so many options open to them.[28]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Another sore point for the critics is the moral relativism of today's
|
||
|
<ent type='NORP'>multiculturalists</ent>, particularly in the humanities. <ent type='PERSON'>Lehrman</ent> complains that
|
||
|
their "post-structuralism" implies that "all texts are arbitrary, all
|
||
|
knowledge is biased, all standards are illegitimate, all morality is
|
||
|
subjective." When it comes to their own <ent type='NORP'>Western</ent>-culture feminism, however,
|
||
|
the relativism is conveniently forgotten.[29] <ent type='PERSON'>Mortimer</ent> J. Adler feels that
|
||
|
those who assert subjectivism have dug themselves into a philosophical
|
||
|
hole:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> For such <ent type='NORP'>multiculturalists</ent> ... what is or is not desirable is,
|
||
|
therefore, entirely a matter of taste (about which there should be
|
||
|
no disputing), not a matter of truth that can be disputed in terms of
|
||
|
empirical evidence and reasons. We are left with a question that
|
||
|
should be embarrassing to the <ent type='NORP'>multiculturalists</ent>, though they are not
|
||
|
likely to feel its pinch. When they proclaim the desirability of the
|
||
|
multicultural, they dispute about matters that should not be disputed.
|
||
|
What, then, can possibly be their grounds of preference? Since in
|
||
|
their terms it cannot appeal to any relevant body of truth, what they
|
||
|
demand in the name of multiculturalism must arise from a wish for
|
||
|
power or self-esteem.[30]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Classes on campus that are considered PC tend to be easy credits,
|
||
|
where students grade each other and spend much of their time discussing
|
||
|
personal experiences and writing journals. Indeed, once relativism is
|
||
|
embraced, there's not much to learn that doesn't come from within, so what
|
||
|
else can be done? But then add social pressure to the classroom, so that
|
||
|
certain patterns of experience are validated by one's peers while others
|
||
|
are not. If one's classmates represented a cross-section of society the
|
||
|
effect might even out, but in this rigged environment they all end up
|
||
|
saying the same thing. Thus college becomes a narrowing experience rather
|
||
|
than a broadening experience. Normally this isn't supposed to happen
|
||
|
until grad school.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> But perhaps learning has always occurred more frequently outside of
|
||
|
the classroom. In 1968 I noticed from a puff piece in our campus yearbook
|
||
|
that a university trustee, <ent type='PERSON'>John McCone</ent>, was a former <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> director. In the
|
||
|
library there was exactly one book to be found that was critical of the
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> (<ent type='ORG'>The Invisible Government</ent> by <ent type='PERSON'>David</ent> Wise and <ent type='PERSON'>Thomas</ent> B. <ent type='PERSON'>Ross</ent>, published
|
||
|
in 1964) and it included some material on <ent type='PERSON'>McCone</ent>. Then I began looking at
|
||
|
the other <ent type='ORG'>University of Southern California</ent> trustees, and discovered some
|
||
|
of the people behind Governor <ent type='PERSON'>Ronald Reagan</ent> and Richard <ent type='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> No one ever assigned me readings on power-structure research; the
|
||
|
established order never encourages anyone to research or expose its inner
|
||
|
workings. I became interested on my own, with help from soon-defunct
|
||
|
magazines like <ent type='ORG'>Ramparts</ent>. (Years later a former postal worker told me that
|
||
|
at his post office, the feds collected lists of <ent type='ORG'>Ramparts</ent> subscribers.)
|
||
|
When it comes to naming and describing the ruling elite, the facts are
|
||
|
inconvenient for those who are nursing careers. Students at <ent type='ORG'>Columbia</ent>
|
||
|
published impressive research on the trustees at their university in 1968,
|
||
|
but not a hint of this made it into the major media. It was reported as
|
||
|
long-haired, pot-smoking draft dodgers who spontaneously decided to take
|
||
|
over the campus for no reason at all. Film at eleven.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> Professors know little about ruling elites because they do know
|
||
|
how to recognize a career-stopper when they see one. The fact that
|
||
|
administrators are actively promoting multiculturalism should have set
|
||
|
off alarm bells for class-conscious leftists who haven't yet deluded
|
||
|
themselves about the role of the university. This support by the
|
||
|
administration ought to clearly suggest that multiculturalism is endorsed
|
||
|
by the ruling elite because they find it useful.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> <ent type='PERSON'>Donna Shalala</ent>, now secretary of <ent type='ORG'>Health and Human Services</ent>, once
|
||
|
remarked:</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> The university is institutionally racist. <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> society is racist
|
||
|
and sexist. Covert racism is just as bad today as overt racism was
|
||
|
thirty years ago. In the 1960s we were frustrated about all this. But
|
||
|
now, we are in a position to do something about it.[31]</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> She and her <ent type='ORG'>CFR</ent> and <ent type='ORG'>Trilateralist</ent> friends must laugh about this in
|
||
|
private, knowing that their policies function like self-fulfilling
|
||
|
prophecies. They also know that any focus on racism and sexism to the
|
||
|
exclusion of class analysis amounts to a cover-up of their own agenda. The
|
||
|
1980s speak for themselves. Ultimately the ruling elites intend nothing
|
||
|
less than <ent type='ORG'>the Balkanization</ent> of the <ent type='NORP'>American</ent> middle class. Comparatively
|
||
|
speaking, this class is one of world's few remaining reservoirs of
|
||
|
unprotected, unexploited wealth.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 1. <ent type='PERSON'>Peter Coleman</ent>, The Liberal Conspiracy: The <ent type='ORG'>Congress</ent> for Cultural
|
||
|
Freedom and the Struggle for the Mind of Postwar <ent type='LOC'>Europe</ent> (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>:
|
||
|
Free Press, 1989), 333 pages.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 2. <ent type='PERSON'>Dan Schechter</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>Michael Ansara</ent>, and <ent type='PERSON'>David</ent> Kolodney, "The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> as an
|
||
|
Equal Opportunity Employer," <ent type='ORG'>Ramparts</ent>, June 1969, pp. 25-33.
|
||
|
Reprinted with an introduction in <ent type='PERSON'>Ellen Ray</ent>, <ent type='PERSON'>William Schaap</ent>, Karl
|
||
|
van Meter, and <ent type='PERSON'>Louis Wolf</ent>, eds., Dirty Work 2: The <ent type='ORG'>CIA</ent> in <ent type='GPE'>Africa</ent>
|
||
|
(<ent type='GPE'>Secaucus</ent> NJ: <ent type='PERSON'>Lyle Stuart</ent>, 1979), pp. 50-69.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 3. <ent type='PERSON'><ent type='PERSON'>David</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Rieff</ent></ent>, "Multiculturalism's Silent Partner: It's the newly
|
||
|
globalized consumer economy, stupid." <ent type='PERSON'>Harper</ent>'s, August 1993,
|
||
|
pp. 62-72.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 4. Sigmund <ent type='PERSON'>Diamond</ent>, Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of
|
||
|
Universities with <ent type='ORG'>the Intelligence Community</ent>, 1945-1955 (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>:
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Oxford</ent> University Press, 1992), 371 pages; <ent type='PERSON'>David Horowitz</ent>, "<ent type='PERSON'>Sinews</ent> of
|
||
|
<ent type='GPE'>Empire</ent>," <ent type='ORG'>Ramparts</ent>, October 1969, pp. 32-42.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 5. Sara <ent type='PERSON'>Diamond</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>The Funding</ent> of the <ent type='ORG'>NAS</ent>." In <ent type='PERSON'>Patricia Aufderheide</ent>, ed.,
|
||
|
Beyond PC: Toward a Politics of Understanding (Saint Paul MN:
|
||
|
Graywolf Press, 1992), pp. 89-96. This essay first appeared in
|
||
|
Z Magazine, February 1991.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 6. Compare Sigmund <ent type='PERSON'>Diamond</ent>'s discussion of <ent type='ORG'>the Reece Committee</ent> in
|
||
|
Compromised Campus and <ent type='PERSON'>Pat Robertson</ent>'s discussion of same in The New
|
||
|
World Order (Dallas: Word Publishing, 1991).</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 7. I'm indebted to <ent type='PERSON'>Ace Hayes</ent> for this sentence.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 8. <ent type='PERSON'>David</ent> Ransom, "<ent type='ORG'>Ford</ent> Country: Building an Elite for <ent type='GPE'>Indonesia</ent>." In
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Steve Weissman</ent>, ed., The Trojan Horse: A Radical Look at Foreign Aid
|
||
|
(<ent type='GPE'>Palo Alto</ent> CA: <ent type='ORG'>Ramparts</ent> Press, 1975), pp. 93-116.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p> 9. <ent type='PERSON'>Kathleen Teltsch</ent>, "Adviser Helping the Rich Discover Worthy Causes,"
|
||
|
<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent>, 14 October 1984, p. 50.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>10. Who's Who in <ent type='GPE'>America</ent>, 1984-1985 (<ent type='GPE'>Chicago</ent>: <ent type='PERSON'>Marquis Who</ent>'s Who, 1984).</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>11. <ent type='PERSON'>Daniel</ent> Patrick Moynihan, "Deficit by Default" (14th edition of an
|
||
|
annual series beginning with Fiscal Year 1976), July 31, 1990,
|
||
|
pp. xiv - xvii.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>12. <ent type='ORG'>Rieff</ent>, p. 63.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>13. <ent type='PERSON'>Ibid</ent>., p. 66.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>14. <ent type='PERSON'>Pat Aufderheide</ent>, ed., Beyond PC: Toward a Politics of Understanding
|
||
|
(Saint Paul MN: Graywolf Press, 1992), p. 232.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>15. <ent type='PERSON'>Ralph</ent> Z. Hallow, "<ent type='ORG'>Christian Coalition</ent> to Court Minorities: Blacks,
|
||
|
<ent type='NORP'>Hispanics</ent> Back Key Stands," <ent type='ORG'><ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent></ent>, 10 September 1993,
|
||
|
p. A5.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>16. George F. Will, "Literary Politics." In <ent type='PERSON'>Aufderheide</ent>, ed., p. 24.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>17. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Handbook of Labor Statistics (<ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>:
|
||
|
1985), p. 435, Table 132.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>18. <ent type='PERSON'>Carol Innerst</ent>, "<ent type='GPE'>America</ent>'s Illiterates Increasing: Survey Disputes
|
||
|
U.S. Self-Image," <ent type='ORG'><ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent></ent>, 9 September 1993, p. A1, A10.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>19. C. <ent type='PERSON'>Vann Woodward</ent>, "Freedom and the Universities." In <ent type='PERSON'>Aufderheide</ent>,
|
||
|
ed., p. 32.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>20. <ent type='PERSON'>Janet Naylor</ent>, "'Potential Rapists' Flier Stirs UMd. <ent type='ORG'>Flap</ent>," <ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent>
|
||
|
<ent type='ORG'>Times</ent>, 7 May 1993, p. A1, A7.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>21. <ent type='PERSON'>Carol Innerst</ent>, "The <ent type='GPE'>Hackney Hubbub</ent>: PC Debate at <ent type='ORG'>Penn</ent> Trails
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Clinton</ent>'s Pick for <ent type='ORG'>NEH</ent>," <ent type='ORG'><ent type='GPE'>Washington</ent> <ent type='ORG'>Times</ent></ent>, 14 June 1993, p. D1, D2.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>22. <ent type='ORG'>National Association of Scholars</ent>, "The Wrong Way to Reduce Campus
|
||
|
Tensions." In <ent type='PERSON'>Aufderheide</ent>, ed., pp. 7-10.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>23. <ent type='PERSON'>Barbara Epstein</ent>, "<ent type='ORG'>Political Correctness and Identity Politics</ent>." In
|
||
|
<ent type='PERSON'>Aufderheide</ent>, ed., pp. 148-54.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>24. <ent type='PERSON'>Todd Gitlin</ent>, "On the Virtues of a Loose Canon." In <ent type='PERSON'>Aufderheide</ent>, ed.,
|
||
|
pp. 185-90.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>25. Karen <ent type='PERSON'>Lehrman</ent>, "Off Course," <ent type='ORG'>Mother Jones</ent>, September-October 1993,
|
||
|
pp. 45-51, 64, 66, 68.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>26. <ent type='PERSON'>Shalala</ent> is quoted in Dinesh D'<ent type='PERSON'>Souza</ent>, Illiberal Education: The
|
||
|
Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (<ent type='GPE'>New York</ent>: Vintage Books, 1992),
|
||
|
p. 13.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>27. <ent type='ORG'>National Association of Scholars</ent>, p. 9.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>28. <ent type='PERSON'>Lehrman</ent>, pp. 64, 66, 68.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>29. <ent type='PERSON'>Ibid</ent>., p. 66.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>30. <ent type='PERSON'>Mortimer</ent> J. Adler, "Multiculturalism, Transculturalism, and the Great
|
||
|
Books." In <ent type='PERSON'>Aufderheide</ent>, ed., pp. 59-64.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>31. <ent type='PERSON'>Shalala</ent> is quoted in D'<ent type='PERSON'>Souza</ent>, p. 16.</p>
|
||
|
|
||
|
<p>\\\\\<special>jhdaugh@a-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent>.com</special>\\\\\\\*////////<info@a-<ent type='NORP'>albionic</ent>.com///////////
|
||
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|
||
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<ent type='GPE'>Ferndale</ent>, MI 48220), a ruling class/conspiracy research resource for the
|
||
|
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</xml>
|