<enttype='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and the attempt upon the life of Presidential
Candidate <enttype='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>. He served as a consultant to <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent>
A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and G. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>, the first and second General
Counsels of the <enttype='ORG'><enttype='ORG'>House</ent> Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> on <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>, and
served through the end of <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent>'s existence.
He is author of "<enttype='ORG'>Electronic Business Systems</ent>" (<enttype='ORG'>Ronald Press</ent>)
1962, "<enttype='ORG'>Information Utilities</ent>" (<enttype='ORG'>Prentice Hall</ent>) 1969, and a
celebrated series of articles which appeared in "Computers &
Automation" Magazine beginning in 1970. He is also co-author with
<enttype='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent> of "In Search of the Assassins" which is scheduled for
publication by <enttype='ORG'>the Dial Press</ent> in 1977.
The materials presented in this book are drawn from an analysis
of the photographic evidence, personal knowledge and records of the
<enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation, research files of <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
Investigate <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>s.</p>
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
<p> Introduction</p>
<p> This book is not about assassinations, at least not solely about
assassinations. It is not just another book about who murdered
President <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> or how or why. It is a book about power, about
policies. It is a book about the process of control through the
manipulation of the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n presidency and the presidential
election process. The objective of the book is to expose the
clandestine, secret, tricky methods and weapons used for this
manipulation, and to reveal the degree to which these have been
hidden from the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n public.
<enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> are only one of many techniques used in this
control process. They have been important only in the sense that
they are the ultimate method used in the control of the election
process. Viewed in this way, an understanding of what happened to
<enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> or <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> becomes more important because it leads to a
total understanding of what has happened to our country, and to us,
since 1960. But the important thing to understand is the control
and the power and all of the clandestine methods put together.
Much of the information in the book has been published before in
the magazines "<enttype='ORG'>Computer and Automation</ent>" and "<enttype='ORG'>People and the Pursuit</ent>
of <enttype='ORG'>Truth</ent>," both edited and published by Edmund C. <enttype='GPE'>Berkeley</ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'>Newton</ent>ville, Mass. The material on assassination and other events
covered is based on evidence collected by the author individually
or through <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to Investigate <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. References
to documentation of this evidence are given throughout the book.
I am indebted to the following people for assistance in the
research work involved and the preparation of the book itself:
Special thanks go to <enttype='PERSON'>Mary Ferrell</ent> who typed the original of the
book.
<enttype='PERSON'>Jerry Policoff</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>, Ed <enttype='GPE'>Berkeley</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Cutler</ent></ent>, Jim
assassinations of <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>RFK</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>MLK</ent> and the <enttype='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> attempt), as well
<enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> has been a living organism that both shrinks
and grows as a function of time. The shrinkages take place through
eliminations and a few natural deaths. The growth takes place for
several reasons. It is necessary to use new techniques and new
people for the group's activities as time passes in order to
continue effective control of the media and to continue to fool the
people and <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>. It's also necessary to bring new high level
people into the group from time to time. Candidates for president
acceptable to the group must be sworn in and must agree to continue
the cover-ups. New media lackeys or new special committees or
commissions are also needed. Once in a while an individual
blackmails his way in. Some come in on a de facto basis.
(Protectors of the <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s and their children fall into this
category.)
The very nature of the cover-up procedure has made it necessary
to expose at least some of the truth to vice presidents and vice
presidential candidates, in addition to presidents <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>son, <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>,
and <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>. Each vice president elected or appointed since 1963 has
had to know the truth about the cover-ups in the event he became
president (<enttype='PERSON'>Humphrey</ent> under <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>son, <enttype='PERSON'>Agnew</ent> under <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, and then <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>The <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>ers were split. <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent>, <enttype='GPE'>Dulles</ent> McCloy and
<enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> all knew the truth; <enttype='PERSON'>Cooper</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Bogg</ent>s and <enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent> did not. The
"know what it's like to live under Naziism or Communism." (They
don't distinguish.)
Some believe because they are religious, and somehow religion is
always linked to anti-communism. Others aren't sure, but they
think "radical" groups might be <enttype='NORP'>Communist</ent> controlled. The flag
waving, the national anthem, the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n Legion, our prisoners of
war, the draft of the past--all of these symbols are linked to the
one big issue of "Communism."
There can be several sub-issues of lesser significance than the
fundamental issue. Some of these might be related to the main
issue. Others may be unrelated. Some are used to appeal to
certain segments of the population. They can be carefully
exploited and added together with the main issue in a way which
enhances it. Some are useful with low-intelligence-level people.
Others appeal to bigots. Some are fearful issues which people
would rather avoid. Others hit the individual right in his
pocketbook or his security.
If played one against the other, very carefully, many of these
sub-issues can be blamed on Communism. <enttype='PERSON'>Archie Bunker</ent>, of the TV
series, "All In The Family", was not exaggerating when he blamed
his white niece's dancing with a black neighbor boy on "a <enttype='NORP'>Communist</ent>
plot."
Examples of sub-issues used by those controlling <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
administration to fool the people include:</p>
<p> The black-white issue
The busing issue
The young radical issue
The law and order issue
The national security issue
The old-fashioned <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n work ethic versus
poverty and welfare issue</p>
<p> INGREDIENT 2. REACHING THE M<enttype='GPE'>IND</ent>S OF THE <enttype='GPE'>PEOPLE</ent>. To fool a
majority of the people all of the time it is necessary to reach
into their minds over a relatively long period of time. Make an
analysis of what you, the reader, believe today or disbelieve,
along with the mental condition you are in when you enter a polling
booth, or write a letter to your <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>man. After some thought
list all of the ways in which information might reach you today.
You will list all of the environmental factors, self images,
motivations, ego factors and acquired beliefs that make you do what
you do, and make you think what you think.
You will realize that your heritage, your schooling, your life's
experience, and the present bombardment of information have an
impact on how you vote. If your father and grandfather before you
were strong <enttype='NORP'>Republicans</ent> or <enttype='NORP'>Democrats</ent>, you may well vote the same
"pull one lever" way. You might close your mind to any messages of
imminent disaster, and think, "I'm better off not knowing and just
voting straight <enttype='NORP'>Republican</ent>." (In 1972)
You might have strong faith in the "<enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n way of life" and
pay no attention to the people who go around claiming that <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> were all murdered by
elements of an invisible government to keep the U.S. on the
military, wealthy, conservative track.
You might ignore solid evidence regarding <enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey Osward</ent>'s,
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>'s or <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent>'s actions and instead rely on a
long-term, well engineered faith that something like that "couldn't
happen here."
Go back in time to 1935, if you are over 50, or go back to 1945,
if you are over 40, or back to 1955, if you are over 30. Examine
your general overall attitudes, beliefs and prejudices as developed
over that period of time between then and now. You will discover
that your political beliefs about the U.S., the Presidency, foreign
policy, wage and price controls, and your own economic conditions,
etc., have been strongly influenced by the various news media.</p>
<p> INGREDIENT 3. CONTROLLING THE NEWS MEDIA. In Chapter 9, the
author proves that it has been possible for a very small group of
people in power to control or fool nearly all of the major news
media in the U.S. about the assassination of <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and
subsequent investigations conducted by groups other than the
sources of power (<enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Secret Service</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>,
legal system. It more than proved its worth in fooling the people
in cases involving classified documents, <enttype='ORG'>the Black Panthers</ent> and
other situations where the truth had to be obscured.
<enttype='ORG'>Control</ent> over the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n Bar Association and individual lawyers
and district attorneys is another method used. And finally, it is
often useful to control local and state police, either individually
or in groups.
The exercise of control is important. It may be desirable to
suppress truth in a court situation during a trial or hearings.
The judge can do this very effectively. It may also be desirable
to delay a trial or a hearing in which the truth might be exposed.
Judges and lawyers can do this quite easily. It may be desirable
to entirely shut off a trial or an appeal where truth could be
exposed. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was able to do this to perfection.
Lies and fake cases may be presented as truth in court while
truth is attacked as being falsehood. This technique has been very
successful.
All of this takes both money and power. Judges and lawyers,
must either be paid a lot of money, or frightened about their
career and health. The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> conduits used for espionage financing
have been used extensively in controlling the legal system. <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent>
has been used to control lower courts and local police or district
attorneys from the highest source of power in <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>, the
invisible government.
A few examples will suffice to demonstrate how the legal system
is used to fool the people.
The 1972 election demonstrated that two-thirds of the people
either did not associate Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> with the <enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> affair and
the Chapin-<enttype='PERSON'>Segretti</ent> sabotage project, or else they didn't know
about it or didn't care.
Surely, you say, a traditional <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n patriot would not vote
for a man who did all of the things the <enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> 7 and Chapin-<enttype='PERSON'>Segretti</ent> and company did. But wait! The situation as of January
1973 had not yet reached the courts. Except for <enttype='PERSON'>Bernard Barker</ent>'s
conviction for falsely using his notary public seal to stamp a
check from <enttype='PERSON'>Kenneth Dahlberg</ent> in <enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent>, no court actions had taken
place.
Wasn't that lucky for the <enttype='NORP'>Republicans</ent>, you say. It wasn't luck.
The <enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> arrests took place in June 1972. By successfully
delaying a whole series of trials and court actions, Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>,
through control of the courts, kept the truth away from the people
until after the election on November 7. Perhaps some of the people
who voted for him had doubts, but if court cases had been conducted
before November 7, and conducted fairly by uncontrolled judges, the
truth would have been exposed in all of its glory.
Now that he had a powerful mandate from the people, it was
likely that other forms of control would be used to continue
fooling the people about <enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>. Some of these were covered in
the prior chapters. Executive privilege has been used to a major
extent.
<enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> was actually defended and <enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>, in effect, was put
to bring <enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> to trial for perjury were successfully blocked by
Federal courts and judges.
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent>'s trial for the murder of <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was
controlled by the <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> administration in order to hide the truth
from the people. The case involved controlling the judge at the
trial, the district attorney, the lawyers for <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>, the Los
Angeles police, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>, and some of the officials of the state of
<enttype='GPE'>California</ent>. The control exercised has continued to prevent <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>
from receiving a new trial based on new evidence of what happened
which <enttype='ORG'>the power control group</ent> must continue to fool the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n
people about are the assassinations of <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
and <enttype='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>; the attempted assassination of George
<enttype='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>; and the <enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> episode. (In 1973, the truth about
against <enttype='PERSON'>Jackie</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, Ethel <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and all of the
murders, and even the whole <enttype='GPE'>Viet Nam</ent> war, but they would rise up in
wrath if the truth about any one or all of those five events were
exposed.
Thus, Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Hanson</ent> for <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>, Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Fensterwald</ent> for <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> administrations. <enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> managed to beat out the <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>-controlled Justice <enttype='ORG'>Department</ent> in his own trial in September 1973.
various conservative papers. On radio, the <enttype='ORG'>Westinghouse</ent> network
used four commentators who appeared to be liberal at first glance,
but who adhered to the party line when the time came to get at the
truth about the five key events mentioned earlier. These four were
<enttype='PERSON'>Peter Lisagor</ent>, Rod McCleish, <enttype='PERSON'>Simeon Booker</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Irwin Cannon</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>William Safire</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Evans</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>Novak</ent>, Mary <enttype='PERSON'>McCarthy</ent>, and occasionally
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent> also fall into the "fool the people" column. The
impact of these columnists on the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n people has not really
<enttype='NORP'>Republican</ent> and right-wing newspapers all across the U.S. The
election poll that indicated over 700 newspapers supported <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
while fewer than 50 supported <enttype='PERSON'>McGovern</ent> provides some estimate of
how influential these papers and columnists can be. With the
exception of two or three stories by <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent> about <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and plots to assassinate <enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent>, none of the evidence about
the truth pertaining to the assassinations has ever appeared in any
of these columns. Yet the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n people read these columns more
<p> The greatest threat to <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n freedom is still a world-wide <enttype='NORP'>Communist</ent> take-over. The domino theory may or may not
be correct, but we must never give up a fight. "Peace
with honor" was essential in <enttype='GPE'>Viet Nam</ent>.</p>
<p><enttype='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>:</p>
<p> Few people have taken the time to read the <enttype='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>
and have understood their significance. The two-thirds
majority who elected <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> in 1972 may have been puzzled
by the papers or they may not have cared. No doubt, most
of them believed <enttype='PERSON'>Ellsberg</ent> a traitor and worthy of jail.
It is very unlikely they will ever believe they were duped
by <enttype='PERSON'>Truman</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>son and <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and most
particularly by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and allies in matters pertaining
to <enttype='EVENT'>the cold war and Communism</ent>. The fundamental, gut issue
of the <enttype='NORP'>Communist</ent> conspiracy overrides any other revelation
in this field.</p>
<p><enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>:</p>
<p> In spite of polls and uneasy feelings, at least half and
perhaps a majority of the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n people still believe
that <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>
were assassinated by <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent> and
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>, respectively, and that the assassination
attempt on <enttype='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent> was solely <enttype='PERSON'>Arthur Bremer</ent>'s
doing. They believe these men acted alone and that they
were madmen. (This statement pertains to the period of
1972-73.)</p>
<p><enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>:</p>
<p> Prior to the election in November 1972, a majority of the
<enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n people believed that <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Maurice Stans</ent> and everyone else of importance in
the White <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> had nothing to do with the <enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>
affair or the activities of <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <enttype='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent> and others
prior to the election. Almost no one believed that the
<enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> was involved in setting up <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> so as to capture and
control the executive to an even greater degree.</p>
<p><enttype='NORP'>Democracy</ent> and Freedom:</p>
<p> By the end of 1973 a relatively large percentage of the
<enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n people still did not relate any of the foregoing
incidents or situations to their own individual liberties.
They believed patriotically in <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>; they believed we
still had a democracy; they believed that President
<enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, with his wise ways and business experience would
pull us out of whatever problems we had. From the time he
nailed <enttype='PERSON'>Alger Hiss</ent> and the day he won the great kitchen
debate with <enttype='NORP'>Kruschev</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was believed to be the leader
who would secure our eventual victory over Communism. The
people refuse to consider the possibility that unknown
forces have seized control over the U.S. for the last
fifteen years and that our liberties and democracy are
<p> [1] "<enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the <enttype='ORG'>Mafia</ent>" -- <enttype='PERSON'>Jeff Gerth</ent>, "<enttype='LOC'>Sundance</ent> Magazine," December
1972. <enttype='PERSON'>Charles Colson</ent> interview, by <enttype='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent> - "<enttype='ORG'>Argosy Magazine</ent>,"
<p> To understand the origins of <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>, it is
necessary to return to the last years of the <enttype='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent>
administration and examine what was going on in <enttype='EVENT'>the Cold War</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent> had suffered several strokes and a heart attack. He
was partially immobilized, and entrusted a major share of the
coordination of clandestine activities being conducted by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
against the "<enttype='ORG'>Red Menace</ent>" to <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, his vice president.
While <enttype='PERSON'>Ike</ent> was warning against the military-industrial-complex's
domestic influence, and attempting to move toward detente with the
<enttype='NORP'>Soviets</ent> through a summit meeting, he was being sabotaged by the
plans section of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and by <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.
A part of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> arranged for a U-2 with Gary <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent>s as pilot
to go down over <enttype='GPE'>Russia</ent>, thus giving <enttype='PERSON'>Khrushchev</ent> a chance to expose
<enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n spying and to cancel the summit meeting. This was one of
the earliest moves of the nucleus of what later evolved into the
<enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent>. In the spring of 1960, with <enttype='PERSON'>Ike</ent> nearly senile
and pressured by <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, he approved the plan for the invasion of
<enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent> and the assassination of <enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was the chief White
direction of <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Allen</ent><enttype='GPE'>Dulles</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> M. <enttype='PERSON'>Bissell</ent>, Jr. was the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> man
in charge, according to <enttype='PERSON'>Ross</ent>&<enttype='PERSON'>Wise</ent>.[3] <enttype='PERSON'>Charles Cabell</ent>,[4] the
deputy director of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>, and a man with the code name Frank
Bender, were also near the top of the operational planning.[5]</p>
"Time" magazine, <enttype='PERSON'>Colson</ent> brought all of the others into the re-election committee espionage project at the request of <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>.[7]
In other words, it was basically the same group who worked for
<enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Bissell</ent> and Co. in 1960 and who worked for <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Colson</ent> and
Co. in 1972. They were all loyal, patriotic, anti-<enttype='NORP'>Communist</ent>, and
anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent><enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents with covert (black) espionage training.
<p><enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> engaged in a series of national
TV debates during the 1960 campaign. <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was briefed by <enttype='PERSON'>Allen</ent>
had not mentioned the plans but had kept his remarks about <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>
rather general.
On October 6, 1960, <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> gave his major speech on <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. He
said that events might create an opportunity for the U.S. to bring
influence on behalf of the cause of freedom in <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>. He called for
encouraging those liberty-loving <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>ns who were leading the
resistance against <enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> became very disturbed about this because he felt <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
was trying to pre-empt a policy which he claimed as his own. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>
ordered <enttype='PERSON'>Fred Seaton</ent>, Secretary of the <enttype='ORG'>Interior</ent>, to call the White
<enttype='ORG'>House</ent> and find out whether <enttype='GPE'>Dulles</ent> had briefed <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> on the <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n
invasion plans. <enttype='PERSON'>Seaton</ent> talked to General <enttype='PERSON'>Andrew Goodpaster</ent>,
On October 22 at <enttype='ORG'>Muhlenberg College</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> really turned on the
fabrication steam. He said, "<enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> called for--and get this--the
U.S. Government to support a revolution in <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>, and I say that
this is the most shockingly reckless proposal ever made in our
history by a presidential candidate during a campaign--and I'll
tell you why . . ."
The reason we should have taken with a grain of salt whatever
words <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> uttered about <enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <enttype='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent>'s espionage
is clearly demonstrated in that October 22, 1960 speech. He
fiercely attacked <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> for advocating a plan that he,
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, secretly advocated and claimed as his own creation.
He later had the sheer gall to brag about it in his own book as a
<enttype='PERSON'>Wright Patman</ent>'s <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> Banking <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> investigation, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>-Justice <enttype='ORG'>Department</ent> investigation, a White <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> investigation by
another invasion of <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent> in the spring and summer of 1963 and
stopped them, they began in earnest to plan his death.</p>
<p>____________________</p>
<p> [1] "Six Crises," <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> M. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <enttype='EVENT'>Doubleday</ent>, 1962.</p>
<p> [2] "The Invisible Government," <enttype='PERSON'>Wise</ent>&<enttype='PERSON'>Ross</ent>, Random <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, 1964.</p>
<p> [3] Ibid.</p>
<p> [4] Brother of <enttype='PERSON'>Earl Cabell</ent>, mayor of <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> when <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was assassinated.</p>
were attended by <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> and several <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>ns.
Plans for assassinating President <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> developed out of those
early meetings. Others whose support was sought by the group
included <enttype='PERSON'>Guy Banister</ent>, Major L. M. <enttype='GPE'>Bloomfield</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Loran Hall</ent>,
<enttype='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City. There they solicited the assistance of Guy Gabaldin,
a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent. Meetings were held in the apartment of Gabaldin,
attended by <enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent>, Gabaldin and <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> on at least
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, and "<enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>" (an adventurer who had been
working with <enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Santana</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>, Howard and others on the
<enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n invasion projects in the <enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent> Keys). <enttype='PERSON'>Fred <enttype='PERSON'>Lee</ent><enttype='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent> (alias <enttype='PERSON'>Eugene Hale</ent> Brading) were also
recruited at this point.</p>
<p><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, the <enttype='PERSON'>Patsy</ent></p>
<p><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> continued to inform on the group to the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> in <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent>.
In mid-to late September the assassination group decided to make
<enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> that he was in <enttype='GPE'>Mexico</ent>.
In 1967 <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Helms</ent> told a group of <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> officials, including
<enttype='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>, that both <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent> were <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
(<enttype='ORG'>DDP</ent>) contract agents and that <enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> had to be given <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> protection
and assistance in his <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> trial. This is a strong
<enttype='GPE'>San Francisco</ent>, and <enttype='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent> was in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. The team moving into
<enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> included <enttype='PERSON'>Albert Osborne</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>,
<enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Fred Crisman</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, and a new recruit
<enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent>, and <enttype='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent> in the <enttype='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent> building. <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent> was
set up as radio coordinator and a man with each of the riflemen had
a two-way radio. They were <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Dal Tex</ent>; <enttype='PERSON'>Fred Crisman</ent>,
<enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent>; unidentified <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n (tall tramp), <enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent>; and a man in the
<enttype='ORG'>TSBD</ent> Building. Osborne was in overall charge of the <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> teams,
several bullets and shells with the pistol, fired three shells and
one bullet through the rifle, and planted the rifle and rifle
shells on the sixth floor of the <enttype='ORG'>TSBD</ent> and a rifle bullet at
<enttype='ORG'>Parkland Hospital</ent>. The pistol shells were given to <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>
for planting later on. The photographers also planted photos of
<enttype='ORG'>General Walker</ent>'s house and driveway to implicate <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in the
<enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent> Theatre. <enttype='PERSON'>Jerry Hill</ent> was involved in that event as well as in
the planting of evidence against <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in the <enttype='ORG'>TSBD</ent> Building.
<enttype='PERSON'>Montgomery</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>son were involved in planting the paper bag as
evidence against <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Alexander</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>Batchelor</ent> were primarily
responsible for making sure that <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent> assassinated <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and
that he didn't talk about it afterward. <enttype='PERSON'>Alexander</ent> was present on
every occasion when <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> was questioned or interviewed in the jail,
Hospital, or perhaps travelled down inside the body of the
President, and was never recovered.
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> fired his shot from the west end of the <enttype='ORG'>TSBD</ent>
Building upon command from his radio man between Z 230 and Z 237,
<p><enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>, in addition to his <enttype='ORG'>Mafia</ent> involvements and other
criminal activities, was also running guns to <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent> and carrying
payoff money to other anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent> groups on behalf of various <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>-backed projects. His involvement in the assassination of <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
appears to have been minor, even though he knew about it in
advance. In his night club <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> met on several occasions with Clay
<enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>, and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>.
The group decided to assassinate <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in jail after the police
failed to kill him in the <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent> Theatre. <enttype='PERSON'>Alexander</ent> made
arrangements to have <enttype='ORG'>Batchelor</ent> escort <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> into the jail when it
was known <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was being moved. They arranged an audible signal
(an auto horn) to let <enttype='ORG'>Batchelor</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> know when <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was
coming down an elevator into the garage. They came down an
elevator opposite the one carrying <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> gave <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> his instructions to shoot <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> through
<enttype='PERSON'>Breck Wall</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> telephoned <enttype='ORG'>Wall</ent> from <enttype='GPE'>San Francisco</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>Wall</ent>
called <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent>. He was told it was an official <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>-sponsored act, in
time prior to November 22, fired several shots from it and saved
the shells. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, after shooting policeman <enttype='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>, ran
away in such a manner as to attract attention, throwing the shells
<p><enttype='PERSON'>David Belin</ent> of the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> is fond of
saying, "<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> killed policeman <enttype='PERSON'>Tippit</ent>. Since the
case against <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> for the <enttype='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> slaying is so strong, it
follows that <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> also shot <enttype='ORG'>the President</ent>." The case against
<enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> in the <enttype='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> murder is as weak as the case against him in
the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. The most important evidence showing that
<enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> and another one of the assassination team shot <enttype='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> is
to <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> than either <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> Report or the
<enttype='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> report. It matches the known evidence from
the two prime sources, <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> files in the National
<enttype='PERSON'>Fred <enttype='PERSON'>Lee</ent><enttype='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent> - <enttype='ORG'>OSS</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> domestic agent from <enttype='GPE'>Tacoma</ent>,
<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent>. Participated with <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> and others as radio
Lawrence Howard - Anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent> adventurer. No-name key group.
Friend of <enttype='PERSON'>Loran Hall</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>. Visited Sylvia Odio.
<enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence - Resident of <enttype='PERSON'>Wes</ent>t <enttype='GPE'>Virginia</ent> and southern <enttype='GPE'>California</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> - <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> operative in <enttype='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City; testified
before <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>s.
<enttype='ORG'>OSS</ent> - Office of Strategic Services.
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> - <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> and <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> resident. <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>
agent and informer. <enttype='PERSON'>Patsy</ent> in assassination.
<enttype='LOC'>Marina</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> - Wife of <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>. Helped to frame her
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> - Mexican-<enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n adventurer and hired killer. On
no-name key training for second invasion of <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent> in 1963.
Impersonated <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> and resembled <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>. Fired
Murdered in 1974. Living double life as <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Bertrand</ent>, friend
of <enttype='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Sergio Arcacha Smith</ent> - Anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent><enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n. Devoted to overthrowing
<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent>. <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract agent. Close to <enttype='PERSON'>Guy Banister</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ferrie</ent>,
and <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent><enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> operations. Fled to <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent>, escaped
J. D. <enttype='PERSON'>Tippit</ent> - <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> policeman, shot on November 22, 1963. Co-conspirator in assassination, <enttype='ORG'>Mafia</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> functionary.
<enttype='PERSON'>Tammie True</ent> - <enttype='ORG'>Owner</ent> of <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> safe house in <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Roy Truly</ent> - Manager of <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent> School Book Depository.
<enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, from which <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was supposed to have fired shots at
President <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.
<enttype='ORG'>General Walker</ent> - Right-wing former <enttype='ORG'>Army General</ent>. Resident of
<enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent>. Supposedly shot at by <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Breck Wall</ent> - Friend of <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Marvin Wise</ent> - <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> police officer, arrested "tramps" in Dealey
Plaza.</p>
<p>____________________</p>
<p>[1] For a complete listing of articles on political assassinations in the
speaking out against the <enttype='GPE'>Viet Nam</ent> war. His influence might help
defeat <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> at the polls. So <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> created an
environment in which he could be assassinated by his arch enemies.
The <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> and J. <enttype='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent> had become a vital part of the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> by 1968. <enttype='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> had no love for <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> and was
harrassing him in several ways. <enttype='ORG'>The <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>
undoubtedly let <enttype='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> know that it wouldn't be a bad idea to have
<enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> out of the way before the election campaigns really warmed up.
They also passed the word along to some of the groups who were out
to murder <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> that the crime would probably not be stopped.
net result of these actions was the assassination of Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> by a
group of wealthy white bigots who employed two of the intelligence
community's own expert assassins. One of these men, <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, had
fired shots at <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>. The other, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent>, was a soldier of
fortune and <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract killer. They recruited <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> and
the identity of the patsy was a mystery, first unidentified, then
identified as <enttype='PERSON'>Eric Starvo</ent> Galt, then as <enttype='PERSON'>Raymond Sneyd</ent>, and finally
as <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>. If <enttype='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> had been in on the plan, Ray's
identity. <enttype='ORG'>The <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>, led by J. <enttype='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>, solved
hired <enttype='PERSON'>Percy Foreman</ent> to keep <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> quiet. They also were forced to
pay off or frighten off author <enttype='ORG'>Huie</ent> who had by then become
convinced <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was telling him the truth. <enttype='ORG'>Huie</ent> had found several
witnesses who had seen <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> together.
The group got <enttype='PERSON'>Foreman</ent> to talk <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> into pleading guilty and <enttype='ORG'>Huie</ent>
to retract his conspiracy talk and publish an article and a book
claiming <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was the <enttype='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>. Ever since <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was put away
for 99 years, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> have been hard at
work covering up the truth, bribing or influencing judges who have
legal hearing for a new trial in <enttype='GPE'>Memphis</ent> in 1975.[2]
After Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> was eliminated, <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> faced a
much greater threat. <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> began his quest for the
presidency. There was little doubt in the minds of anyone in the
<enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> that <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> would be nominated as <enttype='NORP'>Democratic</ent> candidate at
the convention, and would have a very good chance of defeating
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>. This would be a near certainty if Eugene <enttype='PERSON'>McCarthy</ent>
decided to drop out and support Senator <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
represented a double threat to the <enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> in that he would
undoubtedly expose them after becoming president and seize control.
The plan they adopted was again to create an environment in
which it would be easy for an enemy like the Minutemen or the <enttype='ORG'>Mafia</ent>
direction. Two hypnotists and at least three other people were
involved in the framing of <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Cesar</ent> killed <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> from behind while <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> was firing
under hypnosis from in front of the Senator. His programmed signal
was given by a girl in a polka dot dress and another young <enttype='NORP'>Arabic</ent>
man with them in the pantry.
After the crime, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent (<enttype='PERSON'>Manny Pena</ent>), the
District Attorney's office (<enttype='PERSON'>Evelle Younger</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Joseph Busch</ent>) and
the <enttype='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> Police <enttype='ORG'>Department</ent> (Ed Davis, <enttype='PERSON'>Robert Houghton</ent> and
others), knowing the truth, all teamed up to suppress all other
evidence except that which was aimed at framing <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>. The <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent>
Ethel <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> done something about it?" No one except the <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s
know the answers to these questions for sure. However, there are
plenty of clues and some other <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> actions to
provide the answers to us.
First of all, thanks to <enttype='PERSON'>Jackie</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> Onassis' butler in
<enttype='GPE'>Athens</ent>, <enttype='GPE'>Greece</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Christain Cafarakis</ent>, we know why <enttype='PERSON'>Jackie</ent> did nothing
after her husband's death. In a book published in 1972, <enttype='PERSON'>Cafarakis</ent>
tells about an investigation <enttype='PERSON'>Jackie</ent> had conducted by a famous New
York City detective agency into the assassination of <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> in 1964
and 1965.[1] It was financed by <enttype='PERSON'>Aristotle Onassis</ent> and resulted in
a report in the spring of 1965 telling who the four gunmen were and
who was behind them. <enttype='PERSON'>Jackie</ent> planned to give the report to <enttype='ORG'>LBJ</ent> but
was stopped by a threat from <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> to kill her
and her children. <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Bobby</ent> and other family members knew about
for president. Privately he is forced to ask his closest friends
and his relatives not to get involved with new investigations, and
to help protect his children. Some of them know the truth. Others
do not, and are puzzled by his behavior. They go along with it
under the assumption that he has good and sufficient reasons not to
open the can of worms represented by the conspiracies in his
brother's deaths.
<enttype='ORG'>The <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> faced up to the <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
family problem very early. They used the threat against the
<enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> children's lives very effectively between 1963 and 1968 to
silence <enttype='PERSON'>Bobby</ent> and the rest of the family and friends who knew the
truth. It was necessary to assassinate <enttype='PERSON'>Bobby</ent> in 1968 because with
the power of the presidency he could have prevented the <enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> from
harming the children. When <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent>dy began making moves to run for
president in 1969 for the 1972 election, the <enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> decided to put
some real action behind their threats. Killing <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent>dy in 1969 would
have been too much. They selected a new way of eliminating him as
a candidate. They framed him with the death of a young girl, and
promoted of both <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. Books like "<enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent>dy Bare"
take full advantage of the situation.
Just which operatives in <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> at the high
have failed to take their toll on all of the <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s. Rose, <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'>Jackie</ent>, Ethel and the other close family members must be very tired
of it all by now. They can certainly not be blamed for hoping it
will all go away. Investigations like those proposed by <enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> only raised the spectre of the powerful
<enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> taking revenge by kidnapping some of the seventeen
children.
It was no wonder that a close <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> friend and ally in
<enttype='GPE'>California</ent>, Representative <enttype='PERSON'>Burton</ent>, said that he would oppose the
<enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> resolutions unless <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> put his stamp
of approval on them. While the sympathies of every decent <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n
go out to them, the future of our country and the freedom of the
people to control their own destiny through the election process
mean more than the lives of all the <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>s put together. If <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> were alive today he would probably make the same statement.
<enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Dean</ent> summed it up when he said to <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> as recorded
on the White <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> tapes in 1973: "If <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent>dy knew the bear trap he
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <enttype='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent>, E. Howard Hunt, G. <enttype='PERSON'>Gordon Liddy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Helms</ent>, or
increasing popularity in the primaries, the only question remaining
for <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> was whether <enttype='PERSON'>McGovern</ent> had any real
<enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and a resultant landslide victory. That, of course, is
exactly what happened. It was never close enough to worry the
<enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> very much. <enttype='PERSON'>McGovern</ent>, on the other hand, was worried. By the
time of the <enttype='GPE'>California</ent> primary he and his staff had learned enough
about the conspiracies in the assassinations of <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> that they asked for increased Secret
Service protection in <enttype='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent>.
If <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> had decided to kill Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>McGovern</ent> the
<enttype='ORG'>Secret Service</ent> would not have been able to stop it. However, they
did not, because the election was a sure thing. They did try one
more dirty trick. They revealed <enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Eagleton</ent>'s psychiatric
<enttype='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> himself has told his brother that others were involved
and that he was paid by them. Researcher <enttype='PERSON'>William Turner</ent> has turned
up evidence in <enttype='GPE'>Milwaukee</ent> and surrounding towns in <enttype='GPE'>Wisconsin</ent> that
<enttype='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> received money from a group associated with <enttype='PERSON'>Dennis Cossini</ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <enttype='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent> and J. <enttype='PERSON'>Timothy Gratz</ent>. Several other young
"leftists" were seen with <enttype='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> on several occasions in <enttype='GPE'>Milwaukee</ent>
and on the ferry crossing at Lake <enttype='GPE'>Michigan</ent>.
The evidence shows that <enttype='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> had a hidden source of income.
He spent several times more than he earned or saved in the year
<p> As mentioned in Chapter 1, one of the two clever strategies used
by <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> in the taking of <enttype='GPE'>America</ent> has been the
control of the news media.
For those <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n citizens who steadfastly refuse to believe
that all of the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n establishment news media could be
controlled by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and its friends in the White <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, the
and the India-<enttype='GPE'>Pakistan</ent> war, <enttype='PERSON'>Hoover</ent>&<enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> antics, the <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent>
Times," "<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent><enttype='ORG'>Post</ent>," <enttype='PERSON'>North</ent><enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n Newspaper <enttype='ORG'>Alliance</ent>, and a
made for eleven of the fifteen. They are: <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>ABC</ent>, Time-Life, "The <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," "Newsweek," Associated <enttype='ORG'>Press</ent>, United
<enttype='ORG'>Press</ent>, "Saturday <enttype='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>," Capital City Broadcasting, and
"<enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Times <enttype='ORG'>Herald</ent>," "<enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Morning News," <enttype='GPE'>Fort Worth</ent> "<enttype='ORG'>Star</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Telegram</ent>," <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent><enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent>-Affiliate <enttype='ORG'>WBAP</ent>, "<enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> Times Picayune,"
"<enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> Times <enttype='ORG'>Herald</ent>," and <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent><enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent>-Affiliate <enttype='ORG'>WDSU</ent>-TV.
turned over a copy of the <enttype='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film to <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>,
the <enttype='ORG'>Archives</ent>. That copy came from Zapruder's original to the
<enttype='ORG'>Secret Service</ent> to <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> to the <enttype='ORG'>Archives</ent>. It is
The <enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='ORG'>Beers</ent> photos "<enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Morning News"
The <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Allen</ent></ent> photos "<enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> Times <enttype='ORG'>Herald</ent>"
going through its final preparation stages in May and early June.
The author was in constant touch with <enttype='PERSON'>Wise</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent> and Richter
during this period and was informed about the basic thrust of the
script toward conspiracy and recommendations for a new
investigation.
On May 8 a dinner meeting took place at the author's <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent>
club with Mr. and Mrs. <enttype='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent>. There, Mrs. <enttype='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent> and the
author tried to convince <enttype='PERSON'>Bernie</ent> that he should take a stronger
position on a new investigation.
On May 18, <enttype='PERSON'>Bob Richter</ent> and one of <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s investigators
met in the <enttype='ORG'>National Archives</ent> with the author and reviewed the
evidence of conspiracy. On June 2, 3 and 4 in <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent>, the author
showed <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bernie</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent></ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Wes</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Wise</ent></ent> a film taken by <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>ny Martin
that showed three of the assassins and their cohorts on the grassy
<enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent> running toward the parking lot a few seconds after firing two
shots. <enttype='PERSON'>Wise</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Birnbaum</ent> tried to interest <enttype='PERSON'>Barker</ent> and others in
taking a look at the film.
On June 14 <enttype='PERSON'>Bob Richter</ent> invited the author to meet <enttype='ORG'>Midgely</ent>,
Lister and <enttype='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> at <enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent> in <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> where an interview was being
taped with <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> for use in the series. At that time
<enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>, Richter and the author spent some time with the producer
and his assistant discussing the evidence of conspiracy.
Finally, on June 20, just five days before the program was to go
on the air, the author met with Richter and <enttype='PERSON'>Dan</ent> Rather in the
<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. <enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent> studios. The script was reviewed by Richter
and Rather in the author's presence. The gist of the conversation
was that Rather and Richter agreed that the conclusions stating
conspiracy had to be made even stronger than they were at that
time.
The day before the program was aired, <enttype='PERSON'>Bob Richter</ent> assured the
author that the theme would point to conspiracy and demand a new
investigation. The author telephoned Richter immediately after the
first broadcast and asked what had happened. Richter was
devastated. He could not understand what had happened. From that
time forward his course paralleled that of <enttype='PERSON'>Dick Billings</ent>. He
resigned from <enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent> in disgust and formed his own company, Richter-McBride, in <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent>. It was his original intent to make a film
about the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination based on his own research and the films
he could obtain. However, the massive suppression of the
assassination, especially the suppression of the <enttype='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film by
Time-Life films, cancelled Richter's plans for a film.
Correspondence with <enttype='GPE'>Cronkite</ent> and others determined that the
decision to change the script, distort and hide CBS's own findings
and back up <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> to the hilt came from <enttype='ORG'>Midgely</ent> and
author had an opportunity to learn a little more about Mr. Paley's
knowledge. <enttype='PERSON'>Jeff</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Paley</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent> Paley's son, returned to <enttype='GPE'>the United</ent>
States from <enttype='GPE'>Paris</ent> in the winter of 1967-1968, where he had been
could have been timed to prevent a discovery of new evidence of
conspiracy in the autopsy materials. The reason for this
possibility developing in the November 1971 period is that the
five-year restriction placed on the autopsy evidence by <enttype='PERSON'>Burke</ent>
Marshall, a <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> family lawyer, expired in November of 1971.
Four well-known and highly reputable forensic pathologists, Dr.
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Cyril</ent><enttype='ORG'>Wecht</ent></ent> of <enttype='GPE'>Pittsburgh</ent>, Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> Nichols of <enttype='ORG'>the University</ent> of
Kansas, Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>Milton Helpern</ent> of <enttype='GPE'>New York City</ent> and Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> Chapman of
<enttype='GPE'>Detroit</ent> had already asked permission to examine the x-rays and
photos upon the expiration of the five-year period. All four were
extremely strong editorial position favoring the Justice
<enttype='ORG'>Department</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, and the <enttype='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> stance,
suspicions were raised about NBC's and RCA's independence.[7] At
<enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and attacking <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>ABC</ent> was
<p> Of all the fifteen major news organizations included herein, <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent>
has come closest to really pursuing the truth about the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
assassination. Yet they, too, have suppressed evidence, have not
had the courage of their convictions in analyzing conspiratorial
evidence, and by default have become accessories after the fact.
Two different departments at <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent> became involved in the
photographic evidence of the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. The regular photo
news service department, which receives wire photos and negatives
from many sources all over the world, accumulated a large
collection of basic evidence both from <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent> photographers and by
purchasing wire service photos from newspapers, <enttype='ORG'>Black Star</ent>, AP and
other sources. This department has made all of its photographs
available to anyone at reasonable prices ($1.50 to $3.00 per
print).
<enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent> photographer <enttype='PERSON'>Frank Cancellare</ent> was in the motorcade and
snapped several important photographs. In addition, five other
photographs at <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent>, taken by three unknown photographers, are
significant. All of these were purchased by the author from <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent>.
The other department has not been as cooperative. Within the
news department at <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Burt Reinhardt</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Rees Schonfeld</ent> have
varied in their attitude and performance. <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent> news purchased the
commercial rights to two very important films shortly after the
assassination. These were color movies taken by <enttype='PERSON'>Orville Nix</ent> and
<enttype='PERSON'>Marie Muchmore</ent> (private citizens). Both show the fatal shot
striking <enttype='ORG'>the President</ent>, and both show evidence of conspiracy. In
the Nix film, certain frames (when enlarged) show one of the
assassins on the grassy <enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent> with a rifle. Both movies show a
puff of smoke generated by another one of the men involved in the
assassination.
<enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent>, under the direction of <enttype='PERSON'>Burt Reinhardt</ent>, did several things
with the Nix and <enttype='PERSON'>Muchmore</ent> films. They produced a book, "Four
Days," including several color frames from the movies. They made a
composite movie in 35mm from the original 8mm movies. The
composite used the technique of repeating a frame several times to
give the appearance of slow motion or stop action during key
sections of the films. <enttype='PERSON'>Reinhardt</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Schonfeld</ent> and Mr. <enttype='ORG'>Fox</ent>, a <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent>
writer, made the composite movie available to researchers at their
projection studio in <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> in 1964 and 1965.
<enttype='ORG'>Fox</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Schonfeld</ent> wrote an article for "Esquire" in 1965 which
portrayed the Nix film as proving the conspiracy theories about
assassins on the grassy <enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent> to be false. This was deemed
necessary by <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent> management because a <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> researcher and a
photographic expert, after seeing the Nix film at <enttype='GPE'>UPI</ent>, claimed it
showed an assassin with a rifle standing on the hood of a car
parked behind the <enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent>.
The research team had used a few frames from the film in color
transparencies and enlarged them in black and white to show the
and its aftermath was largely the doing of one man, Hugh
<enttype='PERSON'>Aynesworth</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Aynesworth</ent> was the <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent>-<enttype='GPE'>Houston</ent> correspondent for
The <enttype='ORG'>Alliance</ent> also became involved in the <enttype='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> case
and it circulated the syndicated column by the black writer and
reporter, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Lomax</ent></ent>, who had taken an interest in finding out
what really happened in the <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> assassination.
<enttype='PERSON'>Lomax</ent> located a man named <enttype='PERSON'>Stein</ent> who had taken a trip with <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent>
Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> from <enttype='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> to <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. The two retraced the
automobile trip of <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Stein</ent>, beginning in <enttype='GPE'>Los Angeles</ent> and
heading through <enttype='GPE'>Arizona</ent>, New <enttype='GPE'>Mexico</ent> and <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent>. They were trying to
find the telephone booth from which <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> had called a friend named
<enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> somewhere along the route. <enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent>, according
to <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent>, was the man who actually fired the shot that killed <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Stein</ent> remembered that <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> told him he was going to meet <enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> in
<enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and that <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> phoned <enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> at someone's office. <enttype='PERSON'>Stein</ent>
couldn't remember exactly where the phone booth was because he and
<enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> had been driving non-stop day and night.
<enttype='PERSON'>Lomax</ent> wrote a series of articles depicting <enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> as the killer
attorney, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. During the first few
1964. <enttype='PERSON'>Carr</ent> brought it to the attention of <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>.
<p> The <enttype='GPE'>Fort Worth</ent> "<enttype='ORG'><enttype='ORG'>Star</ent><enttype='ORG'>Telegram</ent></ent>" shines like a light in the <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent>
darkness. It made photographic evidence from five of their
photographers, <enttype='PERSON'>Joe</ent> McAulay, <enttype='PERSON'>Harry Cabluck</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Jerrold Cabluck</ent>, George
Smith and <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent> Davis available to everyone. Even though the
concerning events in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> by "Time" magazine, "Newsweek,"
"U.S. News," "The <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> Times," <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>ABC</ent>, UP, AP, etc., the
average <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> citizen was well aware that the Justice
lawyers were paid by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>. You and I were told that <enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> paid
his lawyers a lot of money and suffered financially because of it.
<enttype='PERSON'>Joe</ent> knew that the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> was looking for <enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> under his alias, Clay
Bertrand, before lawyer <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Dean</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Andrews</ent></ent> ever mentioned the name
associated with <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> just before he was killed by <enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent>. You and I were told that <enttype='PERSON'>Andrews</ent> fabricated the name Clay
Bertrand out of whole cloth, and no mention was made to us of the
<enttype='ORG'>Irving</ent> Dymond, to go easy on him if he would alter his testimony.
He assured <enttype='PERSON'>Russo</ent> that his employer, <enttype='ORG'>Equitable</ent> Life, had promised
the president of <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent> that no retaliation would be taken against
<enttype='PERSON'>Russo</ent> if he cooperated with <enttype='ORG'>WDSU</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Walter Sheridan</ent> told <enttype='PERSON'>Russo</ent> that <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>WDSU</ent> could set him up in
<enttype='GPE'>California</ent> (where <enttype='PERSON'>Russo</ent> always wanted to live) if he helped break
the <enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> probe's back. <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent> would pay his expenses there,
protect his job, obtain a lawyer for <enttype='PERSON'>Russo</ent> and guarantee that
<enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> would never extradite him to <enttype='GPE'>Louisiana</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Sheridan</ent> told
<enttype='PERSON'>Russo</ent> that <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent> had flown <enttype='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent> out of <enttype='GPE'>Louisiana</ent> to McLean,
<enttype='GPE'>Virginia</ent> (home of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>) and had given Novel (an important
statements, however, did come true. The <enttype='ORG'>Federal Government</ent>, aided
and abetted by <enttype='ORG'>WDSU</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent>, did crucify <enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>.
The author's belief is that this kind of behavior in the face of
all the evidence gathered by the staffs of their own organizations,
on the part of 15 to 24 major news media management groups is
highly suspect. It might be that each major news organization shut
up about the <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination because each was afraid of
losing face or influence, <enttype='ORG'>FCC</ent> licenses, business or advertisers, or
Government favors of one kind or another.
This theory is perhaps best exemplified by a story told by
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Dorothy</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kilgallen</ent></ent>, before she died, to a close friend. <enttype='PERSON'>Kilgallen</ent>
was writing several articles about the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination for the
newspapers who published her column. She strongly believed there
had been a conspiracy that included <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>. She interviewed
<enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> alone in his jail cell in <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> (the only person outside of
the police who had this opportunity). She told her friend shortly
afterward that she was planning to "blow the case wide open" in her
column. She said the owner of the <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> newspaper where her
column appeared refused to let her print stories in opposition to
about the "<enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> Times" and the "<enttype='ORG'>Pentagon Papers</ent>," the
"<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent><enttype='ORG'>Post</ent>," <enttype='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Woodward</ent>, <enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent>, NBC's white
looking into the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination were not the push-overs that
<enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Harold Weisberg</ent> and others once were. There were also
<enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent> B. <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> and their new resolutions in
the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, not to mention <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent> Edwards' subcommittee and <enttype='ORG'>Bell</ent>a
Abzug's subcommittee.
The evil forces needed to muster the strongest counterattack
possible at this stage. For them it was a matter of life and
death. So they rounded up <enttype='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Joseph Ball</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Wes</ent>ley
Liebeler, <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> J. McCloy, Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Lattimer</ent>, the old <enttype='PERSON'>Ramsey Clark</ent>
panel of doctors who secretly went into the <enttype='ORG'>Archives</ent> in 1968, and
some of the coterie of writers who were in their camp in the
Thus <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>, in one of his own inimitable paragraphs, tried to
give the impression that he was following the lead of <enttype='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>-
-rather than the other way around--in the continued cover-up
efforts. Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent> was always saying, "I've seen no new
evidence." <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Belin</ent> and the rest were forced to echo this
refrain, as though all of the things that have been learned since
1964 about the real assassins of <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and their planners
and backers, were false rumors or stories and theories created out
of whole cloth by the researchers and later by <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>.[17]</p>
<p> Pure Coincidence?</p>
<p> One <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>-White <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> lackey is <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Phelan</ent>, formerly a freelance
writer for the old "Saturday <enttype='ORG'>Evening Post</ent>." <enttype='PERSON'>Phelan</ent> was brought out
to support <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>, and <enttype='PERSON'>Leslie Midgeley</ent> carried them
<enttype='PERSON'>Rivera</ent> on <enttype='ORG'>Channel</ent> 5 in <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent>, and <enttype='ORG'>ABC</ent>, who the "Times" believed
revealed that two officials of <enttype='GPE'>Itek</ent>, Howard <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Franklin</ent> T.
<enttype='PERSON'>Lindsay</ent>, were <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent><enttype='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> members. So when <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Belin</ent> and
<enttype='PERSON'>Salant</ent> or whoever at <enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent> needed help, all they had to do was call
upon good old <enttype='GPE'>Itek</ent> and Howard <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. (Frank <enttype='PERSON'>Lindsay</ent> has since
departed.)</p>
<p> AP: Faithful to the White <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent></p>
<p> Associated <enttype='ORG'>Press</ent> has been editorially silent since 1969. They
have faithfully broadcast all of the White <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>-<enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> cover or
will investigate the <enttype='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> members in the 15 media
organizations and their influence and control over editorial
policies on domestic assassination conspiracies. It is also to be
hoped that the committees will investigate the role of then-president Gerald <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> and his working relationship to various <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
people in the original cover-up of the <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> F. <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
assassination conspiracy. Certainly, <enttype='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>'s relationship to
the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and to <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> in the media cover-up campaign needs be
counsel of <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. In fact, <enttype='ORG'>Belin</ent> still reports to
the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>: Harding <enttype='ORG'>Bancroft</ent>, Jr. ("<enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> Times"); <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Salant</ent>
Lewis <enttype='PERSON'>Powell</ent>, lawyer (<enttype='ORG'>ABC</ent>); and <enttype='PERSON'>Benjamin Bradlee</ent> ("<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Post</ent>").</p>
<p>____________________</p>
<p> [1] "Accessories After the <enttype='ORG'>Fact</ent>" is the title of a book by Sylvia
Meagher, published by <enttype='PERSON'>Bobbs Merrill</ent> in 1967, accusing the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> and the various government agencies of covering up the
crime of the century. This book accuses the national news media
of the same crimes. </p>
<p> [2] <enttype='ORG'>Black Star</ent> is a <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> based organization made up of free-lance photographers, called stringers, in every major city. They
do contract work for news media with <enttype='ORG'>Black Star</ent> acting as
contracting agent.</p>
<p> [3] <enttype='PERSON'>Samuel</ent><enttype='ORG'>Thurston</ent>, "The <enttype='ORG'>Central <enttype='ORG'>Intelligence</ent><enttype='ORG'>Agency</ent></ent> and 'The New
<p>[17] For a summary of the evidence and scenario about what it shows
the reader is referred to two articles in "People and the
Pursuit of <enttype='ORG'>Truth</ent>:" "The Assassination of President <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> F.
<enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> the Involvement of the <enttype='ORG'>Central <enttype='ORG'>Intelligence</ent><enttype='ORG'>Agency</ent></ent> in the
Plans and the Cover-Up," May 1975, and "Who Killed <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>?,"
<p>[19] <enttype='ORG'>Thurston</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Samuel</ent> F. (psuedonym for <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> E. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>), "The
effectively used by <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Penn Jones</ent>, Jr.
published a list of "mysterious deaths" in his series of four
volumes, "Forgive My Grief."[1] <enttype='PERSON'>Sylvia Meagher</ent> published facts
the use of these techniques in the book, "Accessories After the
<enttype='ORG'>Fact</ent>."[2] Very few people other than researchers pay any
attention. Two movies with somewhat wider circulation, "Executive
Action" and "The Parallax View," covered the techniques fairly
well, but they were considered to be fiction by most viewers. So
the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> goes on murdering where and when it is necessary, and it
covers up the murders where necessary.
In 1974 and 1976, two murders became necessary. Rolando
<enttype='PERSON'>Masferrer</ent>, mentioned as a <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> conspirator, became dangerous to the
<enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>, and he was eliminated in early 1976 with a non-sophisticated
weapon. A bomb was planted in his car in <enttype='GPE'>Miami</ent>. The cover-up in
this case merely involved planting an informer who claimed
<enttype='PERSON'>Masferrer</ent> was killed by a rival anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent><enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n faction in
<enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent>.[3]
<enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> became quite nervous in 1974 after <enttype='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>'s
statements to the press earlier that year made it known that <enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent>
was a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract employee and that the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> gave him assistance
and protection before his trial in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and after Jim
<enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> arrested him. <enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> was murdered in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> by the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>
and the murder covered-up by simply controlling his embalming and
burial and blocking any local investigation.[4] The reason for his
murder was to keep him from talking and from returning to the
public eye.
The techniques and weapons fall into several classes. First,
there are sophisticated weapons developed by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>. An example
developed this to the level of a real science. The assassination
is allowed to be obvious, but the assassin is presented as a single
madman or criminal who acts alone. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent></ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Arthur Bremer</ent> have all been
patsies. They are not all exactly alike, nor is the way in which
they were used the same in each case. For example, <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent>
did not fire any shots, while <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> did. <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>
and <enttype='PERSON'>Bremer</ent> were "programmed", whereas <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> was talked into killing
<enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> by his friends in the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>. Four of the five men were
framed; a lot of evidence was manufactured and planted to
implicate them, including fake diaries, fake photographs, planted
guns, bullets and shells, and men using their identities. The one
who did not fit this category was <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent>. It was not needed in his
case because he killed <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> before live television and believed
until the day he died of cancer that his friends were going to get
him out of jail in exchange for his "patriotic" act.
(<enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>RFK</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>MLK</ent>, Mary Jo Kopechne, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>,
69. General <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson
70. <enttype='PERSON'>Lou Staples</ent>
71. <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent> C. <enttype='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>
72. <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Chaney</p>
<p> The large majority of these murders eliminated witnesses to,
participants in, or investigators of one of the assassinations.
People involved with the participants in one of the assassinations
or cover-ups were also listed above. The participants were: <enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent>, J. <enttype='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>
(in the cover-up), and <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Perrin. There were four
investigators: <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Koethe</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Lomax</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Dorothy</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kilgallen</ent></ent> and Hale
<enttype='PERSON'>Bogg</ent>s. The rest were witnesses or associates.
Two articles[8] written in 1976 analyzed some of these deaths
and concluded that they were not accidents unconnected with the
assassinations of our leaders. Another analysis by the authors
demonstrated that fifty of the first seventy murders met three
criteria for proving death by foul means. All involved people
directly or indirectly linked to the major assassinations. All met
death under violent or very strange circumstances. No autopsies
their heads knowingly and assumed <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> had made his "deal" with
<enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> when he nominated him for the vice presidency. <enttype='PERSON'>Evans</ent> and
<enttype='ORG'>Novak</ent>[1] assumed that Julie <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Eisenhower</ent> talked <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> into the
<enttype='ORG'>Socarras</ent>.[8] <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Bissell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Helms</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Allen</ent><enttype='GPE'>Dulles</ent></ent> were
the three higher level men in the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
These <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> cronies and financial partners became involved with
the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>. They murdered <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.[9] Whether <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was
White <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>, the Justice <enttype='ORG'>Department</ent> or the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> unless they
<enttype='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ehrlichman</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> (who had the job of
<enttype='PERSON'>Colson</ent>, along with <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Tony</ent><enttype='ORG'>Ulasewicz</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>ald <enttype='PERSON'>Segretti</ent></ent> and others, were
in a position to make demands in exchange for their silence. The
worth a cool million to keep Hunt silent. Again, the <enttype='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>-<enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> June 23, 1972 tapes are revealing.[18]
getting him out of jail, buying him a large estate in <enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent> and
paying him a lot of money.[20] <enttype='PERSON'>Helms</ent> could be counted on.
<enttype='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent> may have been a problem, but he finally agreed. His
wiretaps were ordered to find out who knew about the
assassinations. <enttype='PERSON'>Hoover</ent> was dead. <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> was murdered.[21]
<enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent> was dead. <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent> was dead. <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> Sherman <enttype='PERSON'>Cooper</ent>
was bought off (he received an important ambassadorship). <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> J.
McCloy was too old to worry about.
That left <enttype='PERSON'>Colson</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>, and <enttype='PERSON'>Ehrlichman</ent>, plus some
other small fry. The <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> strategy as planned with these men
involved pardons for all of them in exchange for their silence,
especially <enttype='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, who not only knew what happened
to <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, but who also took overt actions to cover-up. (<enttype='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>
erased the 18 1/2 minutes of tape and <enttype='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> nailed Jim
<enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>.)
Newer members of the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> may cause some problems. They all have
The evidence for <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>'s and <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>/Nixon's
the assassination group in the murder of <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>.</p>
<p> 7. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was in <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> for three days, including the
morning of the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. He was trying to
stir up trouble for <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.</p>
<p> 8. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> went to <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> under false pretenses. There was
no board meeting of <enttype='ORG'>the Pepsi Cola Company</ent> as he
announced his law firm had had to attend.</p>
<p> 9. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> did not admit being in <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> on the day <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
was shot and did not reveal the true reason for his
trip. He held two press conferences on the two days
before the assassination, attacking both <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and
<enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>son and emphasizing the <enttype='NORP'>Democratic</ent> political
problems in <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent>.</p>
<p> 10. Research indicates that <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> either knew in advance
about assassination plans, or learned about them soon
after the assassination.</p>
<p> 11. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> proposed to <enttype='PERSON'>Lyndon</ent><enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>son that Gerald <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> serve
kill both <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>.</p>
<p> 17. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> became president in 1968 only because <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was killed by a conspiracy. <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> was well
aware of the conspiracy whether or not he approved of
it in advance.</p>
<p> 18. <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent> and J. <enttype='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent> joined <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> and the
ambassador to East <enttype='GPE'>Germany</ent>.</p>
<p> 30. <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Hale Boggs</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Cooper</ent> believed there
was a conspiracy in the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. <enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent> and
<enttype='PERSON'>Bogg</ent>s both said so publicly.</p>
<p> 31. <enttype='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> erased 18 1/2 minutes of a taped discussion
with <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>. This tape undoubtedly contained "national
security" matters. The fact that <enttype='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> did the
erasing can easily be determined by tracing the trail
of possession of the tape from the day it was taken out
of the vault to the day the gap was discovered.
<enttype='ORG'>Haldeman</ent> had the tape with the recorder alone for
nearly 48 hours. No one else had the tape alone long
enough to do the erasing.</p>
<p> 32. <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> and the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> contemplated pardons for <enttype='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>,
<enttype='ORG'>Haldeman</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ehrlichman</ent> and possibly others who know the
<p>[15] Gerald <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> "<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>: Portrait of the Assassin."</p>
<p>[16] "The Framing of <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>", R.E. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, "Computers and
Automation," December, 1973.</p>
<p>[17] "The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> Assassination" -- Unpublished article by
R.E. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>.</p>
<p>[18] <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> tape, June 23, 1972.</p>
assignment to reinforce the cover-up of the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination
conspiracy. <enttype='ORG'>Separate</ent> new efforts were necessary to control the
courts and lawyers and other public officials in the <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> and
<enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination conspiracies. These were brought
about by appeals for new trials by <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> and <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent> B.
<enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>. The appeals were accompanied by new revelations. New
publicity was given to demands for an investigation into the
<enttype='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> shooting by prominent people, including <enttype='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> himself.
A minor success in the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case was scored by researchers with
the assistance of <enttype='PERSON'>Dick Gregory</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Geraldo Rivera</ent> of <enttype='ORG'>ABC</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Tom Snyder</ent>
of <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Mort Sahl</ent> and others. They managed to have the <enttype='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent>
film and other photographic evidence of conspiracy shown on local
and national television. No one of any intelligence outside the
<enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> who has even seen the <enttype='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film questions the fact that
breakthrough after eleven years of effort put new public and
<enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>ional pressures on the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>. It was closely followed by a
grass roots campaign conducted by <enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>'s Citizens <enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent>
of Inquiry to reopen the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case. <enttype='ORG'>Press</ent>ure was brought to bear on
<enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>men by their local constituents as a result of this
campaign. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> from <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> from
New revelations were made in 1975 about the FBI's and the CIA's
information withheld from <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. From <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent> came
independent investigation with a staff of nine people. It would be
harder to control their efforts than to control the <enttype='ORG'>Church</ent>
committee, where the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> had several strong allies, including
Senators <enttype='PERSON'>Goldwater</ent> and Tower.
Gerald <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Colby</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Helms</ent> (from his faraway post
in <enttype='LOC'>Asia</ent>) and the other <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> members developed a three-prong strategy
for the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case in order to cope with all of these new problems.
First came the reinforcement of the lone-assassin <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> scenario. <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> selected <enttype='PERSON'>David Belin</ent> to be chief of
himself. It formed a base for controlled media presentations of
the <enttype='ORG'>lone assassin</ent> scenario. <enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent> used much of the basic material in
its series in 1975. Others quoted liberally from the favorite
misquotes of <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Cyril</ent><enttype='ORG'>Wecht</ent></ent> and the statements of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> doctors
concerning the fatal shot at frame 313 of the <enttype='PERSON'>Zapruder</ent> film. That
had always been a sticky point with <enttype='ORG'>Belin</ent> and the other <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> defenders and technical cover-up artists in the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
<enttype='ORG'>Belin</ent> was nearly driven to distraction at times, trying to avoid
be one that the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> and Senate and <enttype='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Church</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and
and to conceal this from the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n people. Some citizens are
known to have this worst form of the fever. They include a
<enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>man or two. Others have come down with a milder form in
which they imagine separate conspiracies in four assassination
cases (<enttype='PERSON'>John</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent>, and the attempted
assassination of <enttype='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>).
Members of the <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> Administration, particularly <enttype='PERSON'>David Belin</ent>,
obvious. Very tight control over the news from the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> is
exercised by the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>.
The larger implication is there for all to see who want to open
their eyes. Seeing it and believing it are two different things.
For nearly all <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>men who still have faith in <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>, the
whole point of this book, and the existence of a <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> which included <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Kissinger</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>, the
fifteen major news media management level people, plus nearly
anyone else of importance in the executive branch and many
<enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>men, is too much to swallow. They would rather have the
whole thing go quietly away than face up to something that
<p> Several truly historic and highly encouraging events occurred in
the months of September and October, 1976 that could indicate a
change in the tide and power and control described in earlier
chapters.
First, on September 15, a coalition of representatives from the
Black Caucus, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> managed to get
Resolution H1540 through the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> Rules <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>,
Coretta <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> and others were responsible for creating pressures
that finally convinced Speaker Carl <enttype='PERSON'>Albert</ent>, Chairman Tom <enttype='PERSON'>Madden</ent> of
the Rules <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> and others that this was necessary and
desirable. The new resolution, made up of parts of the <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> and
<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> resolutions plus input from Representative <enttype='PERSON'>Walter Fauntroy</ent>
from <enttype='ORG'>the Black Caucus</ent> called for a special 12-person committee to
reopen the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> cases and any other deaths that the
committee might decide to investigate.
The Rules <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> voted nine to four in favor. Representative
<enttype='PERSON'>Bolling</ent>, who perhaps unknowingly had lent his support to the
opposition in the earlier vote, was an important swing vote and
actually introduced the resolution in the meeting. The position of
the nine who voted for the resolution was more than vindicated two
days later, when the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, by the extraordinary vote of 280 to 64,
passed the resolution. History was made. On that day cheers
should have gone up from several hundred dedicated researchers
around the world, and <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent> should have begun
The next hurdle was for <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>Fauntroy</ent> to
convince <enttype='PERSON'>Albert</ent> that the chairman of the new committee for 1977
should be Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> since Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> had announced his
retirement. Because elections were being held in November, Mr.
<enttype='PERSON'>Albert</ent> named Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> as chairman for the balance of 1976, with
Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> as next in line. He also let it be known to the press
that Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> would be the best choice to head the committee
next year.
Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Albert</ent> then named ten other members of the committee for the
1976 period. Four of them, <enttype='ORG'>Fauntroy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Burke</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>, were
members of <enttype='ORG'>the Black Caucus</ent>. Stewart McKinney, Representative from
from <enttype='GPE'>Nebraska</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Talcott</ent> from <enttype='GPE'>California</ent>--were unknown quantities.
If the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> theory holds up, at least one of them, and perhaps two,
will turn out to be <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> representatives.
The next event of significance occurred on October 4 when Mr.
<enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> named <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, former district attorney from
<enttype='GPE'>Philadelphia</ent> and fearless prosecutor of the <enttype='PERSON'>Yablonski</ent> murderers, as
executive director of the committee's staff. The main significance
of this event was who was not named. <enttype='PERSON'>Bernard Fensterwald</ent>, Jr., was
in strong contention, but he was not selected because of suspicions
that he might be a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent and also because of conflicts of
interests among his clientele. <enttype='PERSON'>Fensterwald</ent> represented Otto
Otepka, <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> McCord, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> and Andrew St. George, among
others. There is certainly a strong <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> flavor and <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> influence
among his clients. Whether or not <enttype='PERSON'>Bud Fensterwald</ent> himself works
for the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> or the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>, his rejection as executive director was a
healthy sign that the committee might be able to go through the
purification process described as essential in Chapter 14.
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> had his hands full attempting to separate <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>
applicants for staff positions from non-<enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> members. The <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>,
during the same time period (September and October) these historic
events were taking place, was very active in spreading its second
line of defense information. "<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent> did it in revenge" stories
began popping up everywhere. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Anderson</ent></ent> was revived to back up
the strategy by publishing another of his "<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent> did it" columns.</p>
dictates we must build an investigative base from the ground
upward, beginning with the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination, and use "hard"
evidence in each assassination case. This view assumes that any
grand, overall conspiracy to cover up the cover-ups would be
detected and made public following exposure of the first layer of
cover-ups.
The less conservative view holds that the political processes
underlying the original assassinations and the massive cover-up
superstructure should be attacked and exposed simultaneously.
The resolutions to establish a Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> to Investigate
<enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>, introduced by <enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> in
continue to appear in the media to the effect that, "I've seen no
evidence of conspiracy." Or, "We are not sure whether there were
others involved in addition to <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent><enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent></ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> or <enttype='PERSON'>Arthur Bremer</ent>." These statements are made in
spite of the fact that even the most casual analysis clearly shows
that <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Sirhan</ent>, and <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> did not fire any of the shots that
struck <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>RFK</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>MLK</ent>, and that they were all patsies. <enttype='PERSON'>Bremer</ent>
closed the <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> case and concluded <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> was the lone
assassin. Placed in the hands of the opposition to the Select
uncovered by <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Livingston</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Wayne</ent><enttype='ORG'>Chastain</ent></ent> and published in
<enttype='PERSON'>Livingston</ent> was Ray's attorney in <enttype='GPE'>Tennessee</ent>. <enttype='ORG'>Chastain</ent> is a
<enttype='GPE'>Memphis</ent> reporter. <enttype='PERSON'>Livingston</ent> and Chastain's sighting of <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>-<enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> at the <enttype='GPE'>Detroit</ent> airport during a meeting between <enttype='PERSON'>Livingston</ent>,
<enttype='ORG'>Department</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>Secret Service</ent>.</p>
<p> 11. Trying to insert their own man at the head of the
staff.</p>
<p> 12. Brainwashing <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> into believing that <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
and others were agents.</p>
<p> 13. Sacrificing <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> when it became obvious the
<enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> could not control him as their chairman.</p>
<p> 14. Leaking stories that seemed to make the committee's
year before. <enttype='PERSON'>George Lardner</ent> Jr. had been in <enttype='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>'s
apartment until 4 AM on the morning he was murdered. <enttype='PERSON'>Lardner</ent> was a
<enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> member in 1967, while he worked as a reporter for the
"<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent><enttype='ORG'>Post</ent>" (he is still with the "<enttype='ORG'>Post</ent>"). <enttype='PERSON'>David Burnham</ent> at
(with <enttype='PERSON'>Eric Sevaried</ent>, Dick <enttype='PERSON'>Salant</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Leslie Midgeley</ent>), <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent> (with
<enttype='PERSON'>David Brinkley</ent>), and <enttype='ORG'>ABC</ent> (with <enttype='PERSON'>Bob Clark</ent> and Howard K. Smith) all
went on the attack. The overall theme was that the committee would
directing, did a real hatchet job on <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. These techniques
convinced <enttype='ORG'>congress</ent>men and much of the public. <enttype='ORG'>Sqrague</ent> was forced
to stay very quiet and away from reporters and cameras. That did
not deter the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> people. Once an image of a man has been created
by the media, it is not necessary for him to appear in public. He
could even disappear for several weeks, but the flamboyant, noisy
image would go on uninterrupted. This technique is much less
obvious than murder, but it works nearly as well. When the time
comes to destroy or eliminate the man, all the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> has to do is
create an image.</p>
<p> The Vote to Continue</p>
<p> The man chosen to eliminate <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was the new chairman of the
Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>. Before setting up a classic
"personality conflict" between <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> used
another tactic. It attempted to kill <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> with a vote not
to continue it in the 1977 <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>.
The <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> and media <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> members overemphasized the large budget
requested by Dick <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, the use of the polygraph, the use of the
psychological stress evaluator and the telephone monitoring
equipment. Rather than telling the truth about the budget,
describing how the money would be spent, and describing why and how
the equipment was going to be used, the media (aided and abetted by
<enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> members in the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> itself) made it seem as though the budget
was totally out of line and that citizen's rights would be violated
by the use of such equipment. The <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> planted false information
that led <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent> Edwards of <enttype='GPE'>California</ent> to play into their hands on the
equipment issue.
The year-end report of <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent>, which they and the staff
hoped would make these subjects clear, countered the media attacks.
*But*, of course, the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> controls the media, and the report was
completely blacked out. Most citizens do not even know it exists.
Almost every U.S. citizen has heard and seen Dick <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> called a
rattlesnake and an unscrupulous character. However, the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> lost
the vote against continuing <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> and used a new method to
try to kill it.</p>
<p> The New Tactic</p>
<p> The <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> decided to use <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> to control <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent>. The
stage was set for the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> to knock off <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and to install one
of their own men. The plan was to do this by brainwashing <enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> into distrusting <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and selected members of the
<enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> and the staff.
The idea was to use <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> in this way to install a <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> man
(the fact that he was a <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> man was unknown to <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>) as chief
of staff. <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> would fire <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and the key staff members,
first blocking their access to important files and witnesses. The
<enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> would then have been in a position to either fold up the
<enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> by March 31, or to direct its efforts toward finding a
people were like one giant lion backed into a corner, spurred on to
greater heights to fight back.
For this reason, the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> tactic to use a brainwashed <enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> failed. The eighty-four people resisted that <enttype='ORG'>manuever</ent> by
threatening to resign en masse. Tip O'<enttype='PERSON'>Neill</ent> and others were forced
to go against <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> resigned. The <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> voted by a
large majority to accept his resignation and Tip O'<enttype='PERSON'>Neill</ent> appointed
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> as the new chairman. At this point, the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> decided
to abandon <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and to try another tactic, signalled by an
article in the "<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent><enttype='ORG'>Star</ent>" on March 3, 1977. Written by
"<enttype='ORG'>Star</ent>" staff writer Lynn <enttype='PERSON'>Roselli</ent>ni, the article was entitled,
"<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>' Action Stuns Panel but Not the Home Folks." It was
manufactured by the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> to discredit <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and his final demise.
(It was the first anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> article to appear.) The <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> had
obviously decided to throw <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> to the wolves. The significant
quote was supposedly from a "source familiar with <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>' career"
that said "<enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent> focuses in on conspiracies, the weird angle of
things. Once he gets involved in something, he shakes it by the
throat until it's dead." That was a dead giveaway that the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> no
spillover from the <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> case into <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>RFK</ent> or <enttype='PERSON'>Wallace</ent>, provided
<enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent>, the author named <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Salant</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> names <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent> C.
<enttype='PERSON'>Paley</ent>. At the "<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent><enttype='ORG'>Post</ent>" and "Newsweek" <enttype='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent> names
Philip <enttype='PERSON'>Graham</ent>, Katherine Graham's husband, former owner of the
"<enttype='ORG'>Post</ent>" and "Newsweek," and by inference, Mrs. <enttype='PERSON'>Graham</ent> since her
husband's death. The author named <enttype='PERSON'>Ben Bradlee</ent>. But Bernstein's
rise to the top of <enttype='ORG'>CBS</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>ABC</ent>, the "<enttype='GPE'>New York</ent> Times et al." could
<enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Ruby</ent> were lone nuts. Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Paley</ent> and Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Salant</ent> are the
<enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> people calling the shots. <enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent> is planning a show on Martin
Luther <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> which will have a section on the assassination. Even
innocence or information about <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>-<enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> or <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent>
<p> One of the more remarkable things about the massive 1977
campaign of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> is their blatant use of freelance
writers and news reporters who are well known <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents to nearly
anyone who has taken the time to pay attention. Three agents are
<enttype='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent> McMillan and her husband, George McMillan, and Jeremiah
O'<enttype='PERSON'>Leary</ent> of the "<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent><enttype='ORG'>Star</ent>." <enttype='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent> (in particular) is so
obviously an agent that even <enttype='PERSON'>Dick Cavett</ent> indirectly accused her of
being one when she appeared on his show with <enttype='LOC'>Marina</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> to plug
her new book.
The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> decided the perfect time to publish McMillan's book[9],
which had been completed for several years. A publisher under <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
control was selected, and the book was published in time for the
December committee budget vote. The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> arranged that <enttype='LOC'>Marina</ent>
appear with <enttype='PERSON'>Pat</ent> on several national TV shows. <enttype='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent> had <enttype='LOC'>Marina</ent>
well rehearsed for these shows--she even retold the old lies about
<enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> shooting at <enttype='ORG'>General Walker</ent>. The commentators selected to
interview both women, including <enttype='PERSON'>Dick Cavett</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>David Hartmann</ent> (<enttype='ORG'>ABC</ent>),
and <enttype='PERSON'>Tom Snyder</ent> (<enttype='ORG'>NBC</ent>) had their orders to deal delicately with them
and not to ask any embarrassing questions. <enttype='PERSON'>Cavett</ent> came closest
with his essentially accusatory question about whether <enttype='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent>
was a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent.
No one asked <enttype='LOC'>Marina</ent> the one embarrassing question she would have
had the greatest difficulty answering regarding the picture of
<enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> holding the rifle and the <enttype='NORP'>communist</ent> newspaper that <enttype='LOC'>Marina</ent>
claimed she took of him: "How was it possible for you to have
taken a photograph that since has been demonstrated to be a
composite of three photographs, with your husband's head attached
to someone else's body at the chin line?" (flashing on the screen
<enttype='PERSON'>Fred Newcomb</ent>'s slide showing the chin level discontinuity). <enttype='PERSON'>Cavett</ent>
actually flashed the fake photograph on the screen at the beginning
of his show, but he never mentioned it.
This monumental <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> effort that involved controlling at least
three TV networks, a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> publisher, <enttype='LOC'>Marina</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>, a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent,
<enttype='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent> McMillan, an enormous amount of time and money, and a
and <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> had those beliefs reinforced by <enttype='PERSON'>Priscilla</ent>
best agents was designed to throw people off the track who have a
somewhat deeper interest in the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. It was meant to
divert attention away from the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> by omitting at least twelve of
the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> conspirators who were in the files of <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
Investigate <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> (co-founded by <enttype='PERSON'>Fensterwald</ent> and the
author in 1968).
No excuse can be given for leaving these key people out of the
book, because the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> had extensive files on most of them. Bud
<enttype='PERSON'>Fensterwald</ent> even had a personal correspondent relationship to the
key informant of the group, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>. The twelve are:
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>, Manuel Garcia <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, Guy
Gabaldin, <enttype='PERSON'>Mary Hope</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent>, Ronald
<enttype='ORG'>Zebra Books</ent>, the publisher of Fensterwald's book, is a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>-controlled organization that has also published another
and <enttype='PERSON'>Willem Oltmans</ent>. He told <enttype='NORP'>Oltmans</ent> that <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Allen</ent><enttype='GPE'>Dulles</ent></ent> was the key
brought to the U.S. as a double agent during <enttype='EVENT'>World War</ent> II by
<enttype='PERSON'>Franklin</ent> Roosevelt.) He held back his knowledge of the
assassination conspiracy until the <enttype='ORG'>Church</ent><enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> was formed. He
then took his information to <enttype='ORG'>Church</ent>, who brought him to President
<enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> rather than having him questioned by the <enttype='ORG'>Church</ent><enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> or
the <enttype='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> sub-committee. <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Church</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson had a
meeting in which <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent> talked both of them into keeping <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson's
information under wraps.
When de Mohrenschildt was killed, <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson decided it was time
to make his information public and to offer it to the Select
<enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>. He approached <enttype='NORP'>Oltmans</ent>, asked that his identity be kept
secret, told <enttype='ORG'>NOS</ent> his story, and then remained in <enttype='GPE'>Holland</ent> while
<enttype='NORP'>Oltmans</ent> attempted to tell the story to President <enttype='PERSON'>Carter</ent>. <enttype='NORP'>Oltmans</ent>
revealed <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson's identity on <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n TV and to the Select
<enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> when <enttype='PERSON'>Carter</ent> refused to listen to the story. <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>aldson
then moved to <enttype='GPE'>England</ent>, and subsequently disappeared from a <enttype='GPE'>London</ent>
hotel, leaving large unpaid bills at both his <enttype='GPE'>London</ent> and <enttype='GPE'>Amsterdam</ent>
hotels. The possibility is very good that he has gone the same
route as de Mohrenschildt, murdered by the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>.</p>
<p> Attacks on the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent></p>
<p> One of a series of attacks on the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> in November
and December, leading up to the December vote on the 1978 budget,
took place in the form of an article by probable <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent George
part I of this chapter, the only chance <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> and the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>
have to keep the investigation going is to expose the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> and their
media control, from the top down. Otherwise <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> cannot
win the battle.</p>
<p>____________________</p>
<p> [1] <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent> (<enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>) defined in prior articles and one book
by the author, as follows:</p>
<p> The <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> includes all organizations and individuals who
knowingly participated in any of the domestic political
assassinations or attempted assassinations, or in any of the
efforts to cover-up the truth about those assassinations. This
includes a large number of murders of witnesses and participants.
The assassinations involved include, but are not necessarily
limited to the following:</p>
<p><enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>, George
<enttype='PERSON'>Wallace</ent> and Mary Jo Kopechne.</p>
<p> The <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> is a much larger group than just the clandestine parts
of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>, or the <enttype='ORG'>Secret Team</ent> as defined by L.
<p> The investigations by the <enttype='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>-Hart subcommittee of the
<enttype='ORG'>Church</ent> committee and the Ervin <enttype='EVENT'>Watergate</ent> committee were never
really approved by <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>, and so lacked the power and
influence to become a threat to the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>.</p>
<p> [4] "The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <enttype='ORG'>Press</ent>," Carl <enttype='PERSON'>Bernstein</ent>, "Rolling <enttype='ORG'>Stone</ent>," October
4, 1977. A copy of the full unedited manuscript of this article
was also made available to the author. The "Rolling <enttype='ORG'>Stone</ent>"
Any doubts about who is in charge of <enttype='GPE'>America</ent> and how effective
they have become in creating our actual version of Newspeak,
disappeared as the <enttype='PERSON'>Carter</ent> administration, <enttype='ORG'>congress</ent>, the courts, and
the media, all combined their coordinated efforts to cover up and
distort our current history. The hopes of thousands of <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>ns
that their only true representatives in government, the members of
the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, would expose the fabric of lies about our recent history
and <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>'s activities were dashed to smithereens
by the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> of Representative's Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> on
<enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. The hopes that <enttype='PERSON'>Carter</ent> might be on our side, faded
away in 1978 and the intentions of the executive branch were made
quite clear by the new directors of the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> and the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>.
The murder incorporated group within <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='ORG'>Power</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent><enttype='ORG'>Group</ent></ent>
continued to murder people in 1978, with efficiency and dispatch.
The presidential race in 1980 has been foreclosed to <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
for a long time, but the chances that any candidate, not willing to
extend the assassination cover-ups, could be nominated and elected,
are close to zero.
The <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n people, by and large, do not understand or
appreciate very much of this. The Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> teamed with the
media and by holding public hearings with almost no live coverage
they convinced the majority of <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>ns that there was no
conspiracy in the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case and that <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> shot Martin
Luther <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> although he might have had help from his brothers. The
public has never heard of most of the eight men assassinated in
1977 and 1978 by the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>, nor do they appreciate the fact that
future assassinations will be carried off by the same bunch.
How the hell did the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> control <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent> and the Select
<enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>? It wasn't easy and they very nearly didn't.
There may also be another explanation about the committee's
actions in which the word "control" is too strong. Influence,
intimidation by throwing out implied warnings or threats, or just
plain making it obvious that personal danger could be involved,
might have been used. The process was very involved and it made
use of a number of techniques and approaches, including some we can
behest of J. <enttype='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>, carried out the <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> assassination using
<enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent> plus others.
Returning to the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>, I must switch over to a more
personal tone because of my direct involvement with the group from
its inception. I helped <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> in the early days of 1975
and 1976 when the committee was just a wild dream for most people.
I made a presentation to <enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent>'s staff members who
eventually became part of the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> staff. <enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent>
arranged that in the summer of 1976. The photographic evidence of
conspiracy in the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case was as overwhelming to them and to <enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
as it was to anyone who has taken the five or six hours or so to
look at it. I then became an advisor to <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> when the committee was formed and spent the months from
November 1976 to July 1977 helping them with the photographic
evidence and with evidence collected by <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
Investigate <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> including <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s evidence.
If <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> or <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, or <enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> had
stayed with the committee their work would not have been
controlled. Sprague's loyal deputy counsels, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent>, in
charge of the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> investigation and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Lehner</ent></ent> in charge of the <enttype='PERSON'>MLK</ent>
So <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Lehner</ent> and others who dared
take on the intelligence portions of the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>, had to go. They were
forced out by one of the ancient techniques employed by the <enttype='NORP'>Romans</ent>
known as divide and conquer. Once <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent> became convinced
that <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was working for the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>, he
attacked <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> bitterly. <enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent> knew there was a <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> and he knew
who had murdered <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and why. <enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent> had to go. He was
made to look like a paranoid fool and forced out by the key <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>
members of the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>. Two <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> agents, Mr. Z and Harry <enttype='PERSON'>Livingston</ent>e,
helped convince him that <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> man.
Mr. Z was brought in by <enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent> as a lawyer for his committee and
gradually calmed down, and the so-called search for the right chief
counsel was underway. It is difficult to detect what was going on
during that spring of 1977. Suffice it to say that the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> was
undoubtedly pulling out every stop to get their own chief counsel
into the committee and to build up the case for getting rid of
<enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Lehner</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>ovan <enttype='PERSON'>Gaye</ent>, and others who knew too much or
who had the gall to go up against the agencies.
The result of all this hard work by the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> was the installation
in July 1977 of Dr. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent> as chief counsel. <enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>
bold and bald about it as <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> or the <enttype='PERSON'>Rockefeller</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> or the Justice <enttype='ORG'>Department</ent> and the courts have been in
the <enttype='PERSON'>MLK</ent> case. Their conclusions are inconclusive; sort of. They
<enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>ovan <enttype='PERSON'>Gaye</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Pat</ent> Orr, <enttype='PERSON'>Chellie Mason</ent>, and <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>.
So <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> cannot claim they didn't know about these
photos. They saw the <enttype='PERSON'>Foley</ent> photo over a long period of time, and
were no doubt quite embarrassed by the unexpected appearance of the
<enttype='PERSON'>Bronson</ent> film. Not one word about the sixth floor window, the
cartons, the planted shells, the planted rifle, and the extra rifle
found on the roof, the impossible shot, no one in the window when
the shots were fired; not one word was mentioned in the public
hearings about the photos and other evidence. Where was the
photographic panel? Asleep? Frightened by the agreement they
signed?
An example of evidence of conspiracy left dangling was the
testimony given by the photographic panel spokesman, Calvin S.
McCamy. The panel examined all of the photos of <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> during the
early part of the shot sequence, and took a vote on when the first
shot struck <enttype='ORG'>the President</ent>. It came out as around Z189 to Z196.
Perfect. That matches. But no one asked the trajectory panel or
the ballistics spokesman how <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was able to fire bullet 399
right through the center of that big oak tree at Z189-Z196. Not
He might have told them the same story he told the author,
through an intermediary in 1971. Namely, that <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was reporting
to <enttype='ORG'>Hosty</ent> on the assassination plans of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> group based in
<enttype='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City. <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> agent witness, Regis <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> might have given
private interview evidence, but he was killed the day before he was
to meet with the committee.
<enttype='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, Mary
Hope, Guy Gabaldin, Manuel Garcia <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, Emilio
<enttype='ORG'>Santana</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent> Lawrence, Major L.M. <enttype='GPE'>Bloomfield</ent>,
<enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Sergio Arcacha Smith</ent>, Harry <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent>s, <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Hicks</ent>, Sylvia
Odio, <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent><enttype='ORG'>Hosty</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent> Du Brueys, <enttype='PERSON'>Louis Ivon</ent>, E.
invasion at the moment <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> was shot, in a <enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C., <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
location.
With respect to the assassination of Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent>, the committee
also performed admirably for the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>, in this case, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> wing.
They failed to deal with the important evidence of conspiracy,
failed to call the prime witnesses, and distorted or omitted
evidence. They spent a great amount of time trying to prove,
rather unsuccessfully except for media accounts, that <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl
<enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> was guilty and that he had help from his family and was
possibly financed by some wealthy sountherners.
Briefly, here is the evidence they did not cover. The witnesses
who saw a man in the rooming house--all of whom said it was not
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent>--were not called. <enttype='PERSON'>Charles Stephens</ent>, who was bribed
and coerced by the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> into identifying the man as <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent>, but who was
dead drunk, and saw nothing, was not put on the stand with his
common law wife <enttype='PERSON'>Grace</ent> and a cab driver who saw how drunk he was.
Confronting his testimony by cross examination and by using counter
witnesses should have been done.
The three bar maids in <enttype='GPE'>Montreal</ent> and <enttype='GPE'>Atlanta</ent> who saw <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and
<enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> together were not called. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent> Bradford <enttype='ORG'>Huie</ent></ent> found them
and <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> knew where they were. The committee didn't look for them.
<enttype='ORG'>Huie</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Foreman</ent> were not put on the stand and asked all of the key
questions about why <enttype='ORG'>Huie</ent> changed his entire approach toward <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> as
never explored under fierce cross examination as it would be if
<enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> were able to get a new trial for <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent>. He should have
been asked why he told <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> he got the <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> photos from the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>
when he actually got them from me!
The <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>-<enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> sketch comparison, made by <enttype='PERSON'>Bill Turner</ent> and I
in the summer of 1968, should have been produced and shown to
<enttype='PERSON'>Foreman</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Huie</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and other witnesses.
The complete list of witnesses who saw <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> together,
as well as the complete list who saw <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> at the gasoline station a
few blocks away from the crime at the time the shot was fired, were
not called. The committee adopted the stance that it was up to
<enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> to produce those witnesses, as though the
investigation of the <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> killing was a trial instead. The
committee, not <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent>, had the responsibility of investigating and
locating those witnesses. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Lehner</ent></ent> wanted to do that, but he was
fired.
The evidence about the rooming house bathroom window as an
impossible firing point, presented so well in <enttype='PERSON'>Harold Weisberg</ent>'s
book "Frame-Up: The <enttype='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent>/<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> Case," was
either ignored or distorted. The evidence about the trajectory of
the shot was completely distorted. The ballistics, medical and
trajectory panels discussed the vertical angle of difference
between the "grassy <enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent>" firing point and bathroom window firing
point trajectories to the Lorraine Motel balcony. They stated that
the differential angle between the two trajectories was too small
to determine, from the medical evidence, whether the shot came from
the window or the <enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent>.
But, they failed to discuss the horizontal differential angle
between the two trajectories which was much larger, large enough to
determine the firing point.
They also failed to present a number of witnesses who saw the
actual assassin, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent>, both before and after he fired
from the <enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Wayne</ent><enttype='ORG'>Chastain</ent></ent> should also have been called to
The evidence concerning who <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent> and <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>-<enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent>
worked for, and their involvement, was not dealt with at all. The
committee should have presented the photographic evidence showing
<enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> was <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, and should have asked <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent> and the witnesses who
saw <enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> to identify him from the <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> photos. <enttype='PERSON'>Jeff</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Paley</ent>
knew about <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent> because they read <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Wayne</ent><enttype='ORG'>Chastain</ent></ent>'s
In summary, the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> performed reasonably well on
behalf of the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>. There are no public outcrys over what they did
because the media wouldn't air them. <enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> held a number of
press conferences during the committee's life span, and no media
organization reported on any of them. The media, of course, were
quite willing servants of the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>, as they always have been since
1963. The combination of the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>, the Select
<enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> spokesmen for the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> and the cooperative
media is really nearly unbeatable.
Some researchers hoped against hope that the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>,
under <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Preyer</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>Fauntroy</ent>, would still unveil the
truth, as the public hearings began in August. The hopes
disappeared during the first week of hearings on the <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> case as
the committee demonstrated quite clearly that they were going to
continue the cover-ups and to get <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> Earl <enttype='PERSON'>Ray</ent></ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> in
the bargain. Still, the hopes would not quite die. The letters I
wrote to <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> in the fall of 1978, expressed the last ditch
thought that maybe they were conducting a charade designed to fool
the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and the rest of the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> into believing they were going
to cover-up the truth. It turned out be for real, no charade.
The eight people assassinated by the <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> in 1977-78 during the
in charge of the U.S. and what their intentions are. The murders
are all part of the cover-up efforts and were all successfully
carried out, a la The Parallax View, with very few suspicions
raised on the part of the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n media or the public. They
included <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>, Regis <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, George de Mohrenschildt,
<enttype='PERSON'>Sam Giancana</ent>,[5] <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Roselli</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Carlos Prio Socarras</ent>, Thomas
<enttype='NORP'>Karamessines</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent>, and an attempt on the life of
<enttype='PERSON'>Larry Flynt</ent>.
Each of these murders was carried out with great success and for
varying reasons. One common thread connects them all. Each man
knew too much about the assassinations of President <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> or
<enttype='PERSON'>Martin Luther King</ent> and the subsequent cover-up conspiracies. All
but <enttype='PERSON'>Flynt</ent> were witnesses to be called by the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> or
ones that had given some information and were scheduled to give
more. Of the nine people including <enttype='PERSON'>Flynt</ent>, the two most important
were <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> and Regis <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>.
Regis <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> was one of two <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> agents in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> assigned
as contact men for <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> in his role as <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> informer.
The other agent was <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent> du Brueys. <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent><enttype='ORG'>Hosty</ent> was his contact
agent in <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> knew a lot, but was under strict orders
from the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> not to reveal any of it. He was called as a witness
at the trial of <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> and asked by <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> whether he
hadn't been searching for <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> under the name <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Bertrand</ent>,
before it was known that <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Bertrand</ent> wanted to hire a lawyer for
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> took executive privilege, a popular
dodge at that time with the <enttype='PERSON'>Nixon</ent> administration. When the judge
pressed him, he said he would have to check with the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> and the
attorney general, <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Mitchell</ent>, in <enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent>, D.C. Word came
through that he could answer that one question, so he said yes it
was true. He went no further however. The significance is that
the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> knew all about <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>'s involvement in the assassination
because <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> was reporting back to them as a paid infiltrator of
<enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>/<enttype='PERSON'>Raoul</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Youngblood</ent></ent> to do the job. <enttype='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent> was also
due to meet with the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> within a day or two after the
day he was shot. Whether he would have talked or not probably
makes little difference. The <enttype='ORG'>PCG</ent> couldn't take the chance.
<enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Karamessines</ent> died of an apparent heart attack at the age
of 61 on September 4, 1978 at his vacation home in <enttype='LOC'>Grand Lake</ent>,
<enttype='GPE'>Quebec</ent>. He headed the covert operations part of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> after
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Helms</ent> was promoted from that position to head of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>David Phillips</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> dirty tricks operative who is making public
speeches supporting the Deputy Director of Plans (dirty tricks)
function, worked for <enttype='NORP'>Karamessines</ent>. His knowledge of the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
since he inherited the whole thing from <enttype='PERSON'>Helms</ent>.
The other dead people were bumped off figuratively, on the very
doorstep of the committee. <enttype='PERSON'>Roselli</ent> was killed and dumped into
<enttype='GPE'>Miami</ent> Bay. <enttype='PERSON'>Giancana</ent> was shot full of holes in his <enttype='GPE'>Chicago</ent>
residence. De Mohrenschildt was shot with a shotgun in his
daughter's friends house in <enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent>. All three were scheduled to
meet with the committee. <enttype='ORG'>Socarras</ent> was killed in a garage in
<enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Masferrer</ent> was blown up in his car in <enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Flynt</ent> was
shot on the street in <enttype='GPE'>Georgia</ent>.
<enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent>. Why does it keep popping up in these cases? Bay of
Pigs, No Name Key <enttype='ORG'>Group</ent>, anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent> forces, <enttype='ORG'>Mafia</ent> operations; it
all fits together somehow. <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s first real breakthrough
came when he found <enttype='PERSON'>Masferrer</ent> in <enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent> through Manuel Garcia
<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>. That led him and <enttype='GPE'>the District</ent> Attorney in <enttype='GPE'>Dade County</ent>,
<enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent>, to <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Emilio Santana</ent>, Howard, Hall, <enttype='ORG'>Hemming</ent>
and <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, all part of <enttype='ORG'>Socarras</ent>' and Banister's <enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent>-based, No
Name Key anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent> operations. It figured that some of them
would die in their own backyard when the committee was getting too
close. <enttype='PERSON'>Gaeton Fonzi</ent> can personally vouch for that. He was the
Why wouldn't men like <enttype='ORG'>Fonzi</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Fenton</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Fauntroy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Preyer</ent>,
and a woman like <enttype='PERSON'>Yvonne Burke</ent>, tell us the truth. I spent a lot of
time with all of them and got to know some of them very well. They
all impressed me as being very honest and dedicated people.
There may be another explanation, as I mentioned in the
beginning of this last chapter. A committee, is, after all, made
up of a bunch of individuals. So is a staff. Now, except for
<enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> took when <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Hale Boggs</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent>
To: <enttype='ORG'>PML</ent>3@PL122c.EECS.Lehigh.EDU
Subject: "The Taking of <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (10/11)
Status: RO</p>
<p>Subject: "The Taking of <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>, 1-2-3" (10/11)
Summary: we were robbed of our capability of electing a president we wanted
Keywords: part 10 of 11: chapter 17
Lines: 769</p>
<div> * * * * * * *</div>
<p> 1985: The <enttype='ORG'><enttype='ORG'>House</ent> Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> (2)</p>
<p> Chapter 17
THE FINAL COVER UP: How The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent><enttype='ORG'>Control</ent>led
The <enttype='ORG'><enttype='ORG'>House</ent> Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> On <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent></p>
<p> Introduction</p>
<p> The final report of the <enttype='ORG'><enttype='ORG'>House</ent> Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent></ent> on <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>
(HSCA), issued in 1979, concluded that a conspiracy existed in the
assassination of President <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>. This news should have
delighted hundreds of researchers who had disagreed with the no-conspiracy finding of <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent>. The fact that it did
not, is due to <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> conspiracy being a simple one, with <enttype='PERSON'>Lee</ent>
Harvey <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> still firing all but one of the shots from the sixth
floor window of the <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent> School Book Depository Building. The
existence of another shooter and another shot, from the grassy
<enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent>, was "proved" by <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>, based primarily on acoustical
evidence presented in the very last month of their public hearings.
Dr. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Billings</ent>, chief counsel and report
editor for <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>, co-authored, in 1981, a book, "The Plot to
Kill <enttype='ORG'>the President</ent>," following the publication of <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>'s final
report. The book claimed that the other shooter and <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> were
part of a <enttype='ORG'>Mafia</ent> plot to kill <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>.
To over simplify the current (1985) situation, most <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
researchers feel that the <enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n public had been deceived once
from the acoustics that a grassy <enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent> shot was fired. So, we are
back to no-conspiracy and <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> being the <enttype='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>. And even
if there was a conspiracy, <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> claims it involved the <enttype='ORG'>Mafia</ent> and
not the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>. The HSCA report and all of its volumes of evidence
omitting any reference to <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> involvement, concluded that the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
was not involved, and did not reveal any evidence that <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>
staff had collected showing that <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> people murdered <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, and that
the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> has been covering up that fact ever since.
Any followers of <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> activities connected with the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>
assassination, since 1963, must ask the question, how did they do
it? How did the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> turn things completely around from the 1976
days when <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent> and others were pursuing the truth
about the assassination, to essentially the same status as when the
<enttype='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent>/Hart <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>[2] and the efforts of independent
researchers.</p>
<p> The Situation in 1976</p>
<p> In 1976, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>, member of the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> from <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent>, and
<enttype='PERSON'>Thomas Downing</ent> from <enttype='GPE'>Virginia</ent>, were both convinced there was a
massive conspiracy in the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. They introduced a
joint bill in the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> which resulted in the formation of <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>
and an investigation of the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> assassinations. <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>
believed there were at least four conspiracies in the
assassinations of <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>MLK</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> and in the attempted
assassination of <enttype='PERSON'>George Wallace</ent>. He introduced an original bill to
have the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> investigate all four and the cover-ups and links
among them. <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> was primarily interested in the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case and
his original bill dealt only with that conspiracy. <enttype='PERSON'>Mark Lane</ent> and
his committee members and supporters around the country joined
forces with Coretta <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>the Black Caucus</ent> in the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> to
pressure <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>men and Tip O'<enttype='PERSON'>Neill</ent> to investigate the <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent> and
<enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassinations. The net result was a merging of the
<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> bills into a Final HSCA bill dealing with only
two of the cases.
In the fall of 1976, with <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> as chairman, <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> selected
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, from the <enttype='GPE'>Philadelphia</ent> District Attorney's
office, to be chief counsel. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> hired four professional
investigators and criminal lawyers from <enttype='GPE'>New York City</ent>. They were
very good and completely independent of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>, having
been trained by one of the best professionals in the business, D.A.
<enttype='PERSON'>Frank Hogan</ent> of <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent>.
<enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and his <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> team, headed by <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent>, attorney, and
<enttype='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent>, chief detective, were going after the real assassins
and their bosses, whether this led them to the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> or <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> or
anywhere else. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> had already made it clear to <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> that
he would investigate <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> involvement, and subpoena <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> people,
documents and other information, whether classified or not. He had
also had meetings with several researchers, including the author,
and made it known privately that he was going to use the talent and
knowledge of every reliable researcher on a consulting basis. He
had contacted <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and informed him he would
be following up on all of his information and leads. He had
initiated an investigation of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> activities in <enttype='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City
connected with the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination, including information
supplied to <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> by the author.[3]
R.A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> were aware of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> connections of
Lawrence, <enttype='PERSON'>Fred <enttype='PERSON'>Lee</ent><enttype='ORG'>Crisman</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Braden</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Hicks</ent>, et al. They
Manuel Garcia <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, Jerry <enttype='PERSON'>Pat</ent>rick <enttype='ORG'>Hemming</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Loran Hall</ent>, Lawrence
investigation appeared in these photos with high level <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents.
In 1977, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>, who was far more supportive of a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
conspiracy idea than Tom <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent>, was to become chairman of the
HSCA. <enttype='PERSON'>Downing</ent> did not run for re-election in 1976 and was
retiring. At that point, December 1976, <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> were
of the same mind and getting along fine. Researchers were very
pleased with the way things were going and believed <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> would
having four of the <enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent>ers belonging to them; <enttype='GPE'>Dulles</ent>, <enttype='ORG'>Ford</ent>,
McCloy and <enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent>. They were also able to kill enough people who
knew the truth, to slow down any truth-seeking that might have
taken place. They also hid documents, destroyed and altered
evidence, lied about other evidence, and bald facedly (<enttype='GPE'>Dulles</ent>)
admitted that they wouldn't tell <enttype='ORG'>the President</ent> or the <enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> if
<enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> had been a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent (which he had been). In the
Make sure none of the people were found or bury any
testimony that had already been found, or murder <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
people who might talk.</p>
<p> 7. Keep the committee members from knowing what was
happening and segregate the investigation from them.</p>
<p> 8. Create a new investigative environment whose purpose
would be to confirm all of the findings of the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> and divert attention away from the who-did-it-and-why approach.</p>
<p> 9. <enttype='ORG'>Control</ent> the committee staff in such a way as to keep
any of them from revealing what they already knew about
<enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> involvement.</p>
<p> 10. <enttype='ORG'>Control</ent> committee consultants in the same way, and
staff members who might leave or who might be fired.</p>
<p> 11. Continue to control the media in such a way as to
reinforce all of the above.</p>
<p> 12. Continue to murder witnesses or assassins in emergency
situations if necessary.</p>
<p> The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> successfully did all twelve of these things. The
techniques they used were much more subtle and devious than those
they had used before, although they did continue with murders of
potential HSCA witnesses and with media control.</p>
<p> How The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> Did It</p>
<p> The first step taken by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> was to use the media they
control, along with some members of <enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent> they control, and two
planted agents on the staff of and consulting for, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>,
to get rid of both <enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. In taking this
step, they used the old <enttype='NORP'>Roman</ent> approach of divide and conquer. They
made <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> and his closest staff assistant, <enttype='PERSON'>Gail Beagle</ent>, believe
that <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> was a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agent and that <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> must get rid of him.
They also made <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> believe that some of his other associates,
both in <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> and outside, were <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> agents. At the same time,
they used the media to attack <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> mercilessly. The key people
in doing this attack on <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> were three <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> reporters, George
<enttype='PERSON'>Lardner</ent> of the "<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent><enttype='ORG'>Post</ent>," Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Burnham</ent> of "The <enttype='GPE'>New York</ent>
committee meetings and in Rules <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> and Finance <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>
meetings, these three reporters sat next to each other, passed
notes back and forth, and wrote articles continually attacking and
undermining both <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, as well as the entire
committee. The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> had the support of top management in all three
news organizations in doing this.
<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent> eventually tried to fire <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, was over-ruled by the
committee, and then resigned from the committee. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
eventually resigned, because it became obvious that the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
controlled members of the Finance and Rules <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>s and other
<enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> allies in the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, were going to kill the committee unless he
resigned. There are many more details to this story, which
requires a book to describe. Suffice it to say, the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
accomplished their first two goals by March 1977. The next steps
were to install a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>-controlled chief counsel and to get a
chairman elected who could be fooled or coerced into appointing
such a counsel. Lewis <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> was a perfect choice for chairman.
He was, and probably still is, a good and honest man. But he was
completely bamboozled by what the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> did and is still doing. The
selection and implementation of a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> man as chief counsel had to
be done in an extremely subtle manner. It could not be obvious to
anyone that he was a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> man. <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> and the other committee
members had to be fooled into believing *they* had made the choice,
and had picked a good man. Professor <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>, an apparently
scientifically oriented, academic person, with a history of work
against organized crime, was the perfect <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> choice. Once Dr.
<enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> took over as chief counsel, he accomplished goals numbered
3, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10 very nicely. The fourth and fifth goals
having been achieved, <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> set about the other parts of his
assignment very rapidly after he arrived. For Goal 3, he fired <enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Lehner</ent></ent>, and <enttype='PERSON'>Don</ent>ovan Gay, three loyal <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>
supporters, quickly.</p>
<p> The Nondisclosure Agreement</p>
<p> The most important weapon used by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> to pursue
goals 9 and 10 was instituted within one week after <enttype='PERSON'>Blakely</ent>
arrived. It is by far the most subtle and far reaching technique
used by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> to date. It is called the "Nondisclosure
Agreement" and it was signed by all members of the committee, all
staff members including <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, all consultants to the committee,
and several independent researchers who met with <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> in 1977.
Signing the agreement was a condition for continued employment on
the committee staff or for continuing consulting on a contract
basis. The choice was, sign or get out. The author signed the
agreement in July 1977, without realizing its implications at the
time, in order to continue as a consultant. The agreement is
reproduced in full in the Appendix and is labelled "Exhibit A."
The author's consulting help was never sought after that and the
obvious objective was to silence a consultant and not use his
services.
This <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> weapon has several parts. First, it binds the signer,
if a consultant, to never reveal that he is working for the
committee (see paragraph 13). Second, it prevents the signer from
ever revealing to anyone in perpetuity, any information he has
learned about the committee's work as a result of working for the
committee (see paragraphs 2 and 12). Third, it gives the committee
and the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, after the committee terminates, the power to take
legal action against the signer, *in a court named by the
committee* or the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, in case the committee believes the signer
has violated the agreement. Fourth, the signer agrees to pay the
court costs for such a suit in the event he loses the suit (see
paragraphs 14 and 15).
These four parts are enough to scare most researchers or staff
members who signed it into silence forever about what they learned.
The agreement is insidious in that the signer is, in effect, giving
away his constitutional rights. Some lawyers who have seen the
agreement, including <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, have expressed the opinion
it is an illegal agreement in violation of the Constitution and
several Constitutional amendments. Whether it is illegal or not,
most staff members and all consultants who signed it *have*
remained silent, even after three and a half years beyond the life
of the committee. There are only two exceptions, the author and
<enttype='PERSON'>Gaeton Fonzi</ent>, who published a lengthy article about <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>
cover-up in the "<enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent>ian" magazine in 1981.
The most insidious parts of the agreement, however, are
paragraphs 2, 3 and 7, which give the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> very effective control
over what the committee could and could not do with so-called
"classified" information. The director of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> is given
authority to determine, in effect, what information shall remain
classified and therefore unavailable to nearly everyone. The
signer of the agreement, and remember, this includes all of the
<enttype='ORG'>Congress</ent>man and women who were members of the committee, agrees not
to reveal or discuss any information that the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> decides he should
not. The chairman of the committee supposedly has the final say on
what information is included, but in practice, even an intelligent
and gutsy chairman would not be likely to override the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>. Lewis
<enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> did not attempt any final decisions. In fact, the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> did
not have to do very much under these clauses. The fact that <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>
was their man and kept nearly all of the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> sensitive information,
evidence, and witnesses away from the committee members was all
that was necessary. <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> never knew what he should have argued
about with the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> director. It is this document which proves
beyond doubt that the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> controlled <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>.
The author attempted to point out to <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> in a letter dated
February 10, 1978, "Exhibit B," the type of control the agreement
gives the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> over <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> replied in a March 16, 1978
letter, "Exhibit C," that he retained ultimate authority and was
not bound by the opinion of the Central <enttype='ORG'>Intelligence</ent> Director. He
also claimed that paragraphs 12 and 14, on extending the agreement
in perpetuity and giving the government the right to file a civil
suit in which the signer will pay all costs, were legal. He said
in the letter that the purpose of the agreement was to give the
HSCA control over the conduct of the investigation including
*control over the ultimate disclosure of information to the
<enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n public*. That is a key admission about what has actually
happened. The only question is, who is controlling the information
in the heads of the staff investigators who discovered <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
involvement? Was <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> working for the public or for the
<enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>?</p>
<p> Examples of <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>-<enttype='ORG'>Control</ent></p>
<p> Some specific examples will serve to illustrate how well the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
techniques have worked and are still working.</p>
<p><enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> Evidence and Witnesses Example</p>
<p> As mentioned earlier, when <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> arrived, an investigating team
headed by <enttype='PERSON'>Cliff Fenton</ent>, reporting to <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent>, had already
been hard at work tracking down leads to the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> conspirators
generated by <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s investigation in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. This
team eventually had four investigators, all professionals, and
their work led them to believe that the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> people in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>
had been involved in a large conspiracy to assassinate <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>. As
<enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> told <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent> Gandolfo, a <enttype='GPE'>New York City</ent> researcher, the <enttype='PERSON'>Fenton</ent>
team went much further than <enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent>, in locating witnesses and
other evidence of assassination planning meetings held in New
<enttype='GPE'>Orleans</ent>, <enttype='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City and <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent>. In fact, they found a <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> man who
attended those meetings, and who was willing to testify before the
committee. The evidence was far more convincing than the testimony
presented at the trial of <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>. In the <enttype='PERSON'>Shaw</ent> Trial, <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> people
were involved in meetings in addition to the one brought out in the
trial. <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>David Ferrie</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent> and others were
the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> people planned and carried out the assassination. Their
report about the conspiracy was solid and convincing and they were
convinced. The <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>, through <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>, buried the <enttype='PERSON'>Fenton</ent>
report. <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> members were not told about the team's findings.
The evidence was not included in <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> report, nor was it even
referred to in the volumes. The witnesses in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> were
never called to testify. That included the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> man at the
meetings. <enttype='PERSON'>Fenton</ent> and the other three members of his team, having
signed the nondisclosure agreement, were legally sworn to secrecy,
or at least they thought so. To this day they refuse to discuss
anything with anybody.
There may also have been threats of physical violence against
them. There is no way to determine this. However, <enttype='PERSON'>Fenton</ent> and the
others are well aware of the witnesses that the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> murdered just
before they were about to testify before <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>. These included:
<enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> deputy under J. <enttype='PERSON'>Edgar Hoover</ent>, who headed
Division V, the domestic intelligence division; George de
Mohrenschildt, Oswald's <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> contact in <enttype='GPE'>Dallas</ent>; <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Roselli</ent>, the
<enttype='ORG'>Mafia</ent> man involved in the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> plots to assassinate <enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent>; Regis
<enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> agent who knew a lot about <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent>, alias Clay
Bertrand, in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> and who was one of <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>'s <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent>
contacts; <enttype='PERSON'>Rolando Masferrer</ent>, an anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent><enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n murdered in
<enttype='GPE'>Miami</ent>; and <enttype='PERSON'>Carlos Prio Socarras</ent>, former <enttype='GPE'>Cuba</ent>n premier, killed in
his garage in <enttype='GPE'>Miami</ent>.
With the knowledge of these murders, <enttype='PERSON'>Fenton</ent> and his team would
not have required any more than a gentle hint, to keep quiet.</p>
<p><enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> Example</p>
<p> The "tramp," <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>, who appears in seven photos taken in
<enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> assassination. Researcher <enttype='PERSON'>Bill Turner</ent> discovered that <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>
had been in the <enttype='GPE'>Florida</ent> Keys working with <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> sponsored anti-<enttype='PERSON'>Castro</ent>
groups. <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent> knew about his role,
and intended to go after him when <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent> restored its subpoena
power and obtained enough money. They were aware of the evidence
that <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent> fired the fatal shot from the grassy <enttype='ORG'>knoll</ent>. They had
assigned a team of investigators to follow a lead to <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>
provided by the author in the early part of 1977.
Unfortunately, the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> managed to keep both the subpoena power
and the funds away from the committee until after they had forced
the resignations of <enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent>. The power and
funds were restored after <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> was elected and after they
installed their own man, <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>. The investigative team remained,
however, and they did search for and find <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>. But <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and
the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> suppressed that fact, and suppressed anything they may have
learned from <enttype='NORP'>Frenchy</ent>. He is not mentioned in the report and was
not called as a witness. The author dares not reveal the source of
the above information because of the danger to staff people from
the nondisclosure agreement.</p>
<p><enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Dean</ent>, Novel, and <enttype='ORG'>Augustinovich</ent></p>
<p> The <enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation and a subsequent series of
investigations by the author and other members of <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to
Investigate <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent> in 1967 to 1973, turned up several
witnesses who were willing to talk privately about the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
assassination team that murdered <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case
<enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> had been <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>'s <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> contacts while he was in
<enttype='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City and knew about assassination planning meetings held in
Guy Gabaldin's apartment. <enttype='PERSON'>Dean</ent> knew about <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>William</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent></ent>, <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
contract agent, attending those meetings and how <enttype='PERSON'>Seymour</ent> had been
pretending to be <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent> on many occasions. <enttype='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent> knew how
the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> had covered up the truth about the assassination and how
they went to extreme lengths to ruin <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> and his
investigation. Novel had been employed by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> in this effort.
<enttype='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent> and his friend, <enttype='PERSON'>Mary Hope</ent>, had attended some
of the <enttype='GPE'>Mexico</ent> City meetings.
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent> and the author tracked down all four of these
witnesses prior to the arrival of <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent> at <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>.
<enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent> interviewed them and knew they would be willing to talk,
given protection and some form of immunity. The author presented
their names and their involvement to <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, Lewis <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> in the fall of 1976.
This was done as part of the author's consulting assignment for the
HSCA. The names were in a memorandum to <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>, which outlined
As indicated earlier, <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> could do nothing and
did nothing up to the day they left. By early 1978 it became
obvious that <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> had done nothing about calling these <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
witnesses. The author initiated a series of letter exchanges with
<enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent>, reminding them of these witnesses, and the
possibility that their lives could be in danger prior to their
being interviewed by HSCA. <enttype='PERSON'>Dick Russell</ent> had obtained an agreement
from <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> to meet with the committee, but no contact had been
made up to April 5, 1978, the date of the author's first letter to
<enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> on this subject, "Exhibit D." <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> was hiding in fear of
his children's lives, not so much his own life. He was a real <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>
agent and knew how they operated. <enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent> was the only person who
knew where <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> was. In the April 5th letter, a recommendation
was given to <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> that the committee contact <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> through
<enttype='PERSON'>Russell</ent>, and contact the other witnesses on the original list.
<enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> wrote on May 15, 1978, "Exhibit E," that the <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> matter had
been referred to <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> for follow-up. <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> never mentioned it
by telephone or by letter.
By September 1978, when the public hearings had begun, there was
no indication that <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> was going to call the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> witnesses.
<enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent> was standing by but had not been contacted. The published,
intended witness list did not contain any of these <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> names. The
author wrote to <enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent> and Representative <enttype='PERSON'>Yvonne Burke</ent> on September
22 and 23, 1978, "Exhibits F," expressing dissatisfaction with
the committee's failure to call the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> witnesses, and suggesting
that if they did not not, history would eventually catch up with
them. The names were repeated in the letter to <enttype='PERSON'>Burke</ent>, and specific
mention made that the committee had never contacted <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case
<enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> sent back a letter dated October 10, 1978,
"Exhibit G." It is what one might call a non-answer, stating "that
the committee will make every effort to tell the whole story to the
<enttype='GPE'>America</ent>n people." Seven years later (1985) it can be said that the
committee did not make an effort to call the most important
witnesses and therefore did not tell the whole story. Nor did
their report even mention these witnesses or any of the evidence
exposed earlier by the <enttype='ORG'>CTIA</ent> or <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent> was
used by the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> in <enttype='GPE'>Vietnam</ent> and elsewhere, for killing or paralyzing
people with poisons carried in self-propelled <enttype='PERSON'>Flechette</ent> darts. The
darts were self-propelled like solid fuel rockets and launched
silently and unobtrusively from a number of devices, including an
umbrella. A <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> catalog of available secret weapons shows a
photograph of the umbrella launching device and photos of the
<enttype='PERSON'>Flechette</ent>s which were self-propelled from one of the hollow spokes
of the umbrella. They could even be launched through soda straws.
Researcher <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Cutler</ent>, former <enttype='ORG'>Air Force</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Liason</ent> officer, L.
which actually appeared in May 1978. <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> knew in advance when
it would appear.
On August 3, 1978, the author wrote to <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> stating that
photographic evidence showed a high probability that <enttype='ORG'>TUM</ent> was
actually <enttype='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> contract agent from <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>, who
had been hired to ruin the <enttype='PERSON'>Garrison</ent> investigation, "Exhibit L."
The reason that some new photo evidence was just then coming to
light was that the committee had discovered a never-before seen
film of <enttype='ORG'>TUM</ent> and had released a frame from this film to the press in
July 1978. Shortly after the <enttype='ORG'>TUM</ent> photo was released by <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>,
with an appeal to him to come forward, an unknown caller contacted
<enttype='PERSON'>Penn Jones</ent> in <enttype='GPE'>Texas</ent> to tell him he knew who <enttype='ORG'>TUM</ent> was. <enttype='ORG'>Penn</ent> visited
<enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Witt</ent>, having been given his address, and upon seeing him,
jumped to the conclusion that he *was* <enttype='ORG'>TUM</ent>. This led to Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Witt</ent>
appearing before the committee in their televised hearings and
making the claim he was <enttype='ORG'>TUM</ent>. He showed the umbrella on TV that he
claimed he used.
It was immediately obvious to <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Cutler</ent></ent> and the author that
<enttype='PERSON'>Witt</ent> was not <enttype='ORG'>TUM</ent>. He displayed the umbrella he said he had used in
that <enttype='ORG'>the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent><enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent></ent> was right, and that <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent>
fired all the shots that had struck <enttype='PERSON'>John</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, Governor Connally
<p>[1] Chaired by Prof. <enttype='PERSON'>Norman Ramsey</ent> of M.I.T.</p>
<p>[2] Senators <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Schweiker</ent> of <enttype='ORG'>Penn</ent>. and <enttype='PERSON'>Gary Hart</ent> of <enttype='ORG'>Colo</ent>. formed
a sub-committee of the <enttype='ORG'>Church</ent><enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>.</p>
<p>[3] The author became an advisor to <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> as soon as he
was appointed counsel to <enttype='ORG'>the HSCA</ent>.</p>
<p>[4] The names of the witnesses in the memo were:
<enttype='PERSON'>Cooper</ent>ative Witnesses:
<enttype='PERSON'>Louis Ivon</ent> (<enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>'s chief investigator), <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case
<enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent><enttype='ORG'>Hosty</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Carver Gaten</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent> du Bruys,
Regis <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Victor Marchetti</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Gordon Novel</ent>, Manuel Garcia
<enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent>, Harry <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent>s, <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>, George de
<p> --- <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Abraham</ent><enttype='ORG'>Lincoln</ent></ent> (quoted in <enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent> London's "<enttype='ORG'>The Iron Heel</ent>").</p>
my continuing employment or engagement, with the <enttype='ORG'>Select Com</ent>-mittee, <enttype='GPE'>the United</ent> States <enttype='ORG'>House</ent> of Representatives, or the
2. I hereby agree never to divulge, publish or reveal by
words, conduct or otherwise, any testimony given before the
Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> in executive session (including the name of any
witness who appeared or was summoned to appear before the Select
<enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> in executive session), any classifiable and properly
classified information (as defined in 5 U.S.C. Section 552(b)(1)),
or any information pertaining to intelligence sources or methods
as designated by <enttype='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <enttype='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>, or any con-fidential information that is received by the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>
or that comes into my possession by virtue of my position with
the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>, to any person not a member of the Select
<enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> or its staff or the personal staff representative of
a <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> Member unless authorized in writing by the Select
in the absence of a determination by the <enttype='ORG'>House</ent>, in such manner
as the <enttype='ORG'>Agency</ent> or <enttype='ORG'>Department</ent> from which the information origin-ated may determine. I further agree not to divulge, publish
or reveal by words, conduct or otherwise, any other information
which is received by the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> or which comes into
my possession by virtue of my position with the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>,
3. I hereby agree that any material that is based upon or
may include information that I hereby pledge not to disclose,
and that is contemplated for publication by me will, prior to
discussing it with or showing it to any publishers, editors or
literary agents, be submitted to the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> to deter-mine whether said material contains any information that I
hereby pledge not to disclose. The Chairman of the <enttype='ORG'>Select Com</ent>-mittee shall consult with <enttype='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <enttype='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>
for the purpose of the Chairman's determination as to whether
or not the material contains information that I pledge not to
disclose. I further agree to take no steps toward publication
until authorized in writing by the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>, or after
As I am sure you know, I signed a non disclosure agreement for the
Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>, given to me on July 19, 1977 by <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent></ent>. Not
being a lawyer, I did not really appreciate some of the provisions of
that agreemont at the time I signed it, even though some things in it
seemed strange to me.
In the last fow months I have gone over the agreement several times,
with particular attention to those strange portions. The more I re-read the agreement, the more puzzled I have become.
I was finally triggered into writing you this letter by a conversation
I had with <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>. As you may recall I helped him and <enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent> from November 1976 forward with the photographic evidence in
the <enttype='PERSON'>JFK</ent> case, and several other areas derived from my relationship with
<enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent> and <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> to Investigate <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. I had no
written agreement with <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> at that time and did not ask for
compensation for the work I had been doing. I had signed no non dis-closure agreement and such an agreement had never been mentioned.
The first time I had any idea that <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent> would want to pay me
for my assistance was some time after Dick <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> resigned, when Mr.
<enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent> approached me about it through <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Tanenbaum</ent></ent>, shortly before
<enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent> resigned. My recent meeting with Dick <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> naturally led to
discussion about my continuing work for <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent>. He raised the
subject of the non disclosure agreement signed by each staff member,
saying that he would never have enforced such a document while he was
chief counsel because he believes it gives the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> and other agencies
too much power to control the activities of <enttype='ORG'>the Committee</ent>. It was
because of that statement that I read the agreement again in the
light of what he said.
I know that you had a lot of faith in <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and did not
personally want him to resign. For that reason I'm writing to you
rather than Mr. <enttype='PERSON'>Blakey</ent>, seeking answers to my questions.
role in the assassinations or the cover up crimes following the
assassinations of President <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> or Dr. <enttype='PERSON'>King</ent>? I believe those
paragraphs could be so interpreted, especially if each committee
member and each staff member signed a similar agreement.
2. If the purposes of paragraphs 2, 3 and 7 are not as questioned
above, then how can the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>, its staff or its con-sultants, *ever* discover whether the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> was involved in the
assassinations or whether the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent>, as I maintain, is *still*
involved in covering up the conspiracies?
For example, paragraph 3 states that you as chairman, shall con-sult with <enttype='ORG'>the Director</ent> of Central <enttype='ORG'>Intelligence</ent>--to determine
whether or not the material I might receive contains information
that I pledge not to disclose.
Assuming that all committee staff people signed that paragraph,
relations department, and included a statement taht I am a
consultant to the Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent>. I asked them to delete the
statement and they insisted on retaining something about my
assistance to the committee in order to help establish my
credibility with their readers. After some discussion I was
able to get them to modify the statement to apply to the past
work for <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>.
There will be another article in the June 1978 issue using this
same statement. I believe I mentioned the article to you several
months ago. It is about the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> weapon system developed by
July 21, 1977 when <enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent> White, <enttype='PERSON'>Robert</ent> Groden and I
made presentations to the J.F.K. subcommittee of the
Select <enttype='ORG'>Committee</ent> on <enttype='ORG'>Assassinations</ent>. You may
remember my showing a summary of photographic evidence
of conspiracy in the <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> assassination. You asked
some very pertinent questions which I answered about
how to obtain films and photos from media organizations
that were stonewalling at the time.
I am truly sorry that you have missed the first
three weeks of the J.F.K. hearings because I feel that
your presence would have created at least a minority
of one against the carefully orchestrated cover up that
is now takinq place. I had great faith in the committee,
especially after a luncheon meeting with <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Stokes</ent></ent>
in 1977 and after the presentation to you.
I want you personally to know that I have now lost
all of that faith. The farce that is going on is really
almost unbelievable to an honest researcher. All
witnesses (except <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Cyril</ent><enttype='ORG'>Wecht</ent></ent>), all panels employed by
the committee, the staff and the committee members doing
the questioning, obviously made up their minds a long
time ago that <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Lee Harvey</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent></ent> was the <enttype='ORG'>lone assassin</ent>,
that there was no conspiracy and that the <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent>
<enttype='ORG'>Commission</ent> was right.
I cannot understand how this came about. As the
most likely committee member to still keep an open mind,
I would like to ask your opinion.
How did the committee staff ignore all of the
evidence of conspiracy. I am speaking not only
about the photographic evidence, but about the
information that Clifford <enttype='PERSON'>Fenton</ent> and his team
uncovered in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>. I know you know about
that from my conversations with <enttype='PERSON'>Ted</ent> Gandolfo and
<enttype='PERSON'>Jim Garrison</ent>.
Do you believe there was a conspiracy? If you
do, will you say so when you return to <enttype='GPE'>Washington</ent>?
Will you insist that the committee hear from the
important <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent> witnesses as well as the
others I recommended long long ago. Specifically,
will you insist that the committee call as witnesses:
<enttype='PERSON'>James</ent><enttype='ORG'>Hosty</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent> du Bruys, Regis <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent>
Case <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Harry Dean</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Ronald Augustinovich</ent>, Mary
I appreciate your responding to my September 23 letter.
I am truly sorry to be so disturbing to you concerning
the committee's hearings. I wish I could be more
complimentary and positive about your work.
I could not agree with you more that the "truth supported
by the weight of the evidence" is what we are all after.
I'm enclosing for your information one more copy of the
document I gave to <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Henry</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Gonzalez</ent></ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> A. <enttype='GPE'>Sprague</ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'>Bob</ent> Tannenbaum, and you in 1976 and 1977.
Unless you call the witnesses listed on pages 4-6 of this
document, <enttype='PERSON'>Louis</ent>, you have not dealt with the most impor-tant evidence of all. How can you possibly claim to have
unearthed anything approximating the truth, unless you
and the rest of the committee interrogate with strength,
the following important witnesses that you missed:
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent> P. <enttype='ORG'>Hosty</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>Louis Ivon</ent>, Victor
I am still waiting for a reply to my letter of October 30,
1978. I thought I should write again to remind you that
the witnesses you should call in December are not going to
be around much longer. I'm afraid that <enttype='PERSON'>Gorden Novel</ent>,
<enttype='PERSON'>Richard</ent> Case <enttype='PERSON'>Nagell</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>James</ent><enttype='ORG'>Hosty</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Warren</ent> de Brueys, in
particular may go the same way that Regis <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>, <enttype='PERSON'>William</ent>
<enttype='PERSON'>Sullivan</ent>, and George de Mohrenschildt went. You really
must call them before they die.
Regis <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> reportedly died of natural causes the day
before you were to talk with him. I do not believe that.
How many more key witnesses have to die before you would
<enttype='PERSON'>Carver Gaten</ent> and <enttype='PERSON'>Jim Gochenaur</ent>. Regis <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent> also knew
why the <enttype='ORG'>FBI</ent> was searching for <enttype='PERSON'>Clay Shaw</ent> under his alias
<enttype='PERSON'>Clay Bertrand</ent> in <enttype='GPE'>New Orleans</ent>, *before* <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Dean</ent><enttype='PERSON'>Andrews</ent></ent> received
that phone call from him about defending <enttype='PERSON'>Oswald</ent>. <enttype='PERSON'>Kennedy</ent>
may also have been one of the three agents who took the
at the other end, Charles Sensenay and the <enttype='ORG'>CIA</ent> people asso-ciated with <enttype='PERSON'>Fort Detrick</ent>, <enttype='GPE'>Maryland</ent>, where that umbrella
<p> --- <enttype='PERSON'><enttype='PERSON'>Abraham</ent><enttype='ORG'>Lincoln</ent></ent> (quoted in <enttype='PERSON'>Jack</ent> London's "<enttype='ORG'>The Iron Heel</ent>").</p>
