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212 lines
10 KiB
Plaintext
212 lines
10 KiB
Plaintext
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THOMAS JEFFERSON'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS:
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Called upon to undertake the duties of the first
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executive office of our country, I avail myself of the
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presence of that portion of my fellow citizens which
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is here assembled to express my grateful thanks for
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the favor with which they have been pleased to look
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toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the
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task is above my talents, and that I approach it with
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those anxious and awful presentiments which the
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greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers
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so justly inspire. A rising nation, spread over a
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wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with
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the rich productions of their industry, engaged in
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commerce with nations who feel power and forget right,
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advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of
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mortal eye, when I contemplate these transcendent
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objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the
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hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue,
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and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the
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contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude
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of the undertaking. Utterly, indeed, should I despair
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did not the presence of many whom I see here remind me
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that in the other high authorities provided by our
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Constitution I shall find resources of wisdom, of
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virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all
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difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are
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charged with the sovereign functions of legislation,
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and to those associate with you, I look with
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encouragement for that guidance and support which may
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enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we
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are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a
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troubled world.
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During the contest of opinion through which we
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have passed the animation of discussions and of
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exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might
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impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak
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and to write what they think; but this being now
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decided by the voice of the nation, announced according
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to the rules of the Constitution, all will of course
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arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite
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in common efforts for the common good. All, too, will
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bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the
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will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that
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will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the
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minority possesses their equal rights, which equal law
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must protect, and to violate would be oppression. Let
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us, then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart and
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one mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that
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harmony and affection without which liberty and even
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life itself are but dreary things. And let us reflect
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that, having banished from our land that religious
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intolerance under which mankind so long bled and
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suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance
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a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and
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capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During
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the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during
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the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through
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blood and slaughter his long lost liberty, it was not
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wonderful that the agitation of the billows should
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reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this
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should be more felt and feared by some and less by
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others, and should divide opinions as to measures of
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safety. But every difference of opinion is not a
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difference of principle. We have called by different
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names brethren of the same principle. We are all
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republicans, we are all federalists. If there be any
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among us who would wish to dissolve the Union or to
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change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed
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as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion
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may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat
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it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a
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republican government can not be strong, that this
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Government is not strong enough; but would the honest
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patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment,
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abandon a government which has so far kept us free and
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firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this
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Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility
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want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I
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believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government
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on earth. I believe it the only one where every man,
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at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of
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the law, and would meet invasions of the public order
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as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that
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man cannot be trusted with the government of himself.
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Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others?
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Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern
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him? Let history answer this question.
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Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue
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our own Federal and Republican principles, our
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attachment to union and representative government.
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Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the
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exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too
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high-minded to endure the degradations of the others;
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possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our
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descendants to the thousandth and thousandth
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generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right
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to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of
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our own industry, to honor and confidence from our
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fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our
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actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a
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benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in
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various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty,
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truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man;
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acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence,
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which by all its dispensations proves that it delights
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in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness
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hereafter, with all these blessings, what more is
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necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people?
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Still one thing more, fellow citizens, a wise and
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frugal Government, which shall restrain men from
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injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free
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to regulate their own pursuits of industry and
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improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor
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the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good
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government, and this is necessary to close the circle
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of our felicities.
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About to enter, fellow citizens, on the exercise
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of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable
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to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem
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the essential principles of our Government, and
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consequently those which ought to shape its
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Administration. I will compress them within the
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narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general
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principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and
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exact justice to all men, of whatever state or
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persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce,
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and honest friendship with all nations, entangling
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alliances with none; the support of the State
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governments in all their rights, as the most competent
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administrations for our domestic concerns and the
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surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the
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preservation of the General Government in its whole
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constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace
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at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right
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of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective
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of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution
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where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute
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acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the
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vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal
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but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent
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of despotism; a well disciplined militia, our best
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reliance in peace and for the first moments of war,
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till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the
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civil over the military authority; economy in the public
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expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest
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payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the
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public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of
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commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information
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and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public
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reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and
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freedom of person under the protection of the habeas
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corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected.
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These principles form the bright constellation which
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has gone before us and guided our steps through an age
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of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our
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sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to
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their attainment. They should be the creed of our
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political faith, the text of civic instruction, the
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touchstone by which to try the services of those we
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trust; and should we wander from them in moments of
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error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps
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and to regain the road which alone leads to peace,
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liberty, and safety.
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I repair, then, fellow citizens, to the post you
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have assigned me. With experience enough in
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subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of
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this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that
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it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to
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retire from this station with the reputation and the
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favor which bring him into it. Without pretensions to
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that high confidence you reposed in our first and
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greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent
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services had entitled him to the first place in his
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country's love and destined for him the fairest page
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in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much
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confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the
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legal administration of your affairs. I shall often go
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wrong through defect of judgment. When right, I shall
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often be thought wrong by those whose positions will
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not command a view of the whole ground. I ask your
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indulgence for my own errors, which will never be
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intentional, and your support against the errors of
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others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in
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all its parts. The approbation implied by your
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suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and
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my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion
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of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate
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that of others by doing them all the good in my power,
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and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of
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all.
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Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will,
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I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire
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from it whenever you become sensible how much better
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choice it is in your power to make. And may that
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Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the
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universe lead our councils to what is best, and give
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them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.
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-------------------------------------
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Prepared by Nancy Troutman (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa345)
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Distributed by the Cybercasting Services Division of the
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National Public Telecomputing Network (NPTN).
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Permission is hereby granted to download, reprint, and/or otherwise
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redistribute this file, provided appropriate point of origin
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credit is given to the preparer(s) and the National Public
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Telecomputing Network.
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V R T
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