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601 lines
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601 lines
29 KiB
Plaintext
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Global Tyranny...Step By Step
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by William F. Jasper
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In the Name of Peace
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The U.N. jets next turned their attention to the center of the
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city. Screaming in at treetop level ... they blasted the post office
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and the radio station, severing Katanga's communications with the
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outside world... One came to the conclusion that the U.N.'s action was
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intended to make it more difficult for correspondents to let the world
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know what was going on in Katanga...(1)
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-- Smith Hempstone
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Rebels, Mercenaries, and Dividends, 1962
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Early in 1987, millions of American television viewers tuned in to
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watch the dramatic ABC mini-series, AMERIKA. What they saw was a grim,
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menacing portrayal of life in our nation after it had been taken over
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by a Soviet-controlled United Nations force. Their TV sets showed a
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foreboding picture of America as an occupied police-state, complete
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with concentration camps, brainwashing, neighborhood spies, and
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Soviet-UN troops, tanks and helicopter gunships enforcing "the rule of
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law."
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Liberals angrily denounced the mini-series, claiming it demonized both
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the Soviets and the UN and insisting that it would rekindle
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anti-communist hysteria at a time when Soviet-American relations were
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at their best point since the end of World War II. The fact that
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Soviet troops were at that very time committing real atrocities
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against the peoples of Afghanistan didn't matter. UN officials,
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furious about the way their organization was being portrayed, even
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tried to have the program cancelled.(2)
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Why all the furor? Is the UN's image so sacrosanct or the goal of
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US-Soviet rapprochement so sacred that even fictional tarnishing is
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akin to blasphemy? After all, it was just a television program.
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Haven't there been scores of highly acclaimed Hollywood productions
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depicting the U.S. military and American patriots in similarly bad or
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even far worse light? Besides, the totalitarianism depicted in AMERIKA
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could never happen here. Could it?
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Dress Rehearsal?
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You may be surprised to learn that it HAS ALREADY HAPPENED HERE. NO,
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not in the same manner and on the same scale as viewers saw in the
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television series, but in an alarming real-life parallel of that
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dramatic production What follows is the true, but little-known story
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of the "invasion" of about a dozen American cities by "UN forces," as
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told by economist/author Dr. V. Orval Watts in his 1955 book, THE
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UNITED NATIONS: PLANNED TYRANNY.
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At Fort MacArthur, California, and in other centers,
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considerable numbers of American military forces went
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into training in 1951 as "Military Government Reserve
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Units." What they were for may appear from their practice
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maneuvers during the two years, 1951-1952.
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Their first sally took place on July 31, 1951, when they
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simulated an invasion and seizure of nine California cities:
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Compton, Culver City, Inglewood, Hawthorne, Huntington
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Park, Long Beach, Redondo Beach, South Gate and
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Torrance. The invading forces, however, did not fly the
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American flag. They came in under the flag of the United
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Nations, and their officers stated that they represented the
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United Nations.
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These forces arrested the mayors and police chiefs, and
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pictures later appeared in the newspapers showing these
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men in jail. The officers issued manifestoes reading "by
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virtue of the authority vested in me by the United Nations
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Security Council." At Huntington Park they held a flag-
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raising ceremony, taking down the American flag and
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running up in its place the United Nations banner.
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On April 3,1952, other units did the same thing at
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Lampasas, Texas. They took over the town, closed
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churches, strutted their authority over the teachers and
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posted guards in classrooms, set up concentration camps,
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and interned businessmen after holding brief one-sided
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trials without HABEAS CORPUS.
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Said a newspaper report of that Texas invasion: "But the
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staged action almost became actual drama when one
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student and two troopers forgot it was only make-believe.
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'Ain't nobody going to make me get up,' cried John Snell,
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17, his face beet-red. One of the paratroopers shoved the
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butt of his rifle within inches of Snell's face and snarled,
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'You want this butt placed in your teeth? Get up.'"
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The invaders put up posters listing many offenses for which
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citizens would be punished. One of them read:"25. Publishing
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or circulating or having in his possession with intent to publish
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or circulate, any printed or written matter ... hostile,
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detrimental, or disrespectful ... to the Government of any other
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of the United Nations."
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Think back to the freedom-of-speech clause of the United
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States Constitution which every American officer and
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official is sworn to support and defend. What was in the
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minds of those who prepared, approved and posted these
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UN proclamations?
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The third practice seizure under the United Nations flag
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occurred at Watertown, New York, August 20, 1952, more
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than a year later than the first ones. It followed the same
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pattern set in the earlier seizures in California and Texas.
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Is this a foretaste of World Government, which so many
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Americans seem to want?(3)
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Who ordered these "mock" UN invasions? And to what purpose were they
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carried out? Do answers to these questions really matter? Or are these
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merely idle concerns about curious but irrelevant events that happened
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decades ago and have no bearing on our lives today? Events,
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developments, and official policies in the succeeding years, under
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both Republican and Democratic administrations, indicate that the mock
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invasions of the early 1950s do matter and that they do have a bearing
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on our lives today. The dress-rehearsal takeovers of American cities
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described above occurred just six years after the founding of the
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United Nations, while the organization was still enjoying widespread
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public support. American military personnel were at that very time
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fighting and dying under the UN flag in Korea. But as recounted in our
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previous chapter, a decade later in September of 1961, the President
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of the United States would propose a phased transfer of America's
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military forces to the UN. Under such a plan, our Army, Navy, Air
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Force, Marine Corps, even our nuclear arsenal, would be given over to
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UN command, making it possible for our nation's military forces to be
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used in a REAL U.N. invasion at some future date anywhere in the
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world.
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Interestingly, the Kennedy FREEDOM FROM WAR plan differed little from
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one proposed earlier that same month by the Soviet-dominated
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"nonaligned" nations at a conference held in Belgrade, Yugoslavia.(4)
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And it was merely an expansion of the policy enunciated by Secretary
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of State Christian Herter (CFR) during the latter days of the
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Eisenhower Administration. But few Americans even saw, and fewer still
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ever read and understood the incredible disarmament document. For
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those who did see, read and understand it, however, there could be no
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doubt that it created a path leading to global dictatorship.
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If the American public had been aware of FREEDOM FROM WAR
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and a number of then-classified government studies being prepared at
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that time -- each of which spelled out even more explicitly the intent
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of government and Establishment elitists to surrender America to an
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all-powerful United Nations -- there may well have been a popular
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uprising that would have swept all of the internationalist schemers
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from public office and public trust.
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In February 1961, seven months before the President released the
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FREEDOM FROM WAR plan to the public, his State Department, led by
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Secretary of State Dean Rusk (CFR), hired the private Institute for
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Defense Analyses (contract No. SCC 28270) to prepare a study showing
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how disarmament could be employed to lead to world government. On
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March 10, 1962, the Institute delivered Study Memorandum No. 7, A
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WORLD EFFECTIVELY CONTROLLED BY THE UNITED NATIONS,
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written by Lincoln P. Bloomfield (CFR).(5) Dr. Bloomfield had himself
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recently served with the State Department's disarmament staff, and
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while writing his important work was serving as an associate professor
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of political science and director of the Arms Control Project at the
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Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of
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Technology.
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This Bloomfield/IDA report is especially significant because the
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author is uncharacteristically candid, eschewing the usual euphemisms,
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code words, and double-talk found in typical "world order"
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pronouncements meant for public consumption. The author believed he
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was addressing fellow internationalists in a classified memorandum
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that would never be made available for public scrutiny. So he felt he
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could speak plainly.
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Here is the document's opening passage, labeled SUMMARY:
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A world effectively controlled by the United Nations is one
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in which "world government" would come about through
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the establishment of supranational institutions,
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characterized by mandatory universal membership and
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some ability to employ physical force. Effective control
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would thus entail a preponderance of political power in the
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hands of a supranational organization... [T]he present UN
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Charter could theoretically be revised in order to erect such
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an organization equal to the task envisaged, thereby
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codifying a radical rearrangement of power in the world.
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Dr. Bloomfield was still fudging a little as he began. The phrase
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"some ability to employ physical force" was more than a slight
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understatement, as the bulk of the report makes abundantly clear. He
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continued:
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The principal features of a model system would include the
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following: (1) powers sufficient to monitor and enforce
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disarmament, settle disputes, and keep the peace --
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including taxing powers -- with all other powers reserved to
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the nations; (2) an international force, balanced
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appropriately among ground, sea, air, and space elements,
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consisting of 500,000 men, recruited individually, wearing
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a UN uniform, and controlling a nuclear force composed of
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60-100 mixed land-based mobile and undersea-based
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missiles, averaging one megaton per weapon; (3)
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governmental powers distributed among three branches...;
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(4) compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court...(6)
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"The notion of a 'UN-controlled world' is today a fantastic one," the
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professor wrote. "... Political scientists have generally come to
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despair of quantum jumps to world order as utopian and unmindful of
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political realities. But fresh minds from military, scientific, and
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industrial life ... have sometimes found the logic of world government
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-- and it is world government we are discussing here --
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inescapable."(7)
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Dr. Bloomfield then cited Christian Herter's speech of February 18,
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1960, in which the Secretary of State called for disarmament "to the
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point where no single nation or group of nations could effectively
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oppose this enforcement of international law by international
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machinery."(8) To this CFR-affiliated academic, who had recently
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worked for the disarmament agency where Herter's speech had most
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likely been written, there was no question about the meaning of the
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Secretary of State's words.
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"Here, then," said Bloomfield, "is the basis in recent American policy
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for the notion of a world 'effectively controlled by the United
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Nations.' It was not made explicit, but the United States position
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carried the unmistakable meaning, by whatever name, of world
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government, sufficiently powerful in any event to keep the peace and
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enforce its judgments."9
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Then, to be absolutely certain that there would be no confusion or
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misunderstanding about his meaning, he carefully defined his terms:
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"World" means that the system is global, with no
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exceptions to its fiat: universal membership. "Effectively
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controlled" connotes ... a relative monopoly of physical
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force at the center of the system, and thus a preponderance
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of political power in the hands of a supranational
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organization..."
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"The United Nations" is not necessarily precisely the
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organization as it now exists... FINALLY, TO AVOID
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ENDLESS EUPHEMISM AND EVASIVE VERBAGE, THE
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CONTEMPLATED REGIME WILL OCCASIONALLY BE
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REFERRED TO UNBLUSHINGLY AS A "WORLD
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GOVERNMENT." (10) [Emphasis added]
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If government is "force" -- as George Washington so simply and
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accurately defined it -- then world government is "world force." Which
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means that Bloomfield and those who commissioned his report and agreed
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with its overall recommendations wanted to create a global entity with
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a monopoly of force -- a political, even military power undisputedly
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superior to any single nation-state or any possible alliance of
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national or regional forces. It is as simple as that.
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"The appropriate degree of relative force," the Bloomfield/IDA study
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concluded, "would ... involve total disarmament down to police and
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internal security levels for the constituent units, as against a
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significant conventional capability at the center backed by a
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marginally significant nuclear capability."(11) Again and again as the
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following excerpts demonstrate, the study drives its essential points
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home:
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* "National disarmament is a condition SINE QUA NON
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for effective UN control... [W]ithout it, effective UN control
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is not possible."(12)
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* "The essential point is the transfer of the most vital
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element of sovereign power from the states to a
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supranational government."(13)
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* "The overwhelming central fact would still be the loss of
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control of their military power by individual nations."(14)
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Putting Theory Into Practice
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While Dr. Bloomfield was still writing his treatise for global rule,
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the hapless residents of a small corner of Africa were experiencing
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the terrible reality of "a world effectively controlled by the United
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Nations." The site chosen for the debut of the UN's version of "
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peacekeeping" was Katanga, a province in what was then known as the
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Belgian Congo. The center of world attention 30 years ago, the name
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Katanga draws a complete blank from most people today.
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Katanga and its tragic experience have been expunged from history,
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consigned to the memory hole. The region appears on today's maps as
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the Province of Shaba in Zaire. But for one brief, shining moment, the
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courageous people in this infant nation stood as the singular
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testament to the capability of the newly independent Africans to
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govern themselves as free people with a sense of peace, order, and
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justice.
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While all around them swirled a maelstrom of violent, communist
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inspired revolution and bloody tribal warfare, the Katangese
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distinguished themselves as a paradigm of racial, tribal, and class
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harmony.(15) What they stood for could not be tolerated by the forces
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of "anti-colonialism" in the Kremlin, the U.S. State Department, the
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Western news media, and especially the United Nations.(16)
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The stage was already set for the horrible drama that would soon
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unfold when Belgium's King Baudouin announced independence for the
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Belgian Congo on June 30,1960. The Soviets, who had been agitating and
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organizing in the Congo for years, were ready. Patrice Lumumba was
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their man, bought and paid for with cash, arms, luxuries, and all the
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women, gin, and hashish he wanted. With his Soviet and Czech
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"diplomats" and "technicians" who swarmed all over the Congo, Lumumba
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was able to control the Congo elections.(17)
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With Lumumba as premier and Joseph Kasavubu as president, peaceful
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independence lasted one week. Then Lumumba unleashed a communist reign
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of terror against the populace, murdering and torturing men, women,
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and children. Amidst this sea of carnage and terror, the province of
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Katanga remained, by comparison, an island of peace, order, and
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stability. Under the able leadership of the courageous Moise Kapenda
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Tshombe, Katanga declared its independence from the central Congolese
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regime. "I am seceding from chaos," declared President Tshombe, a
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devout Christian and an ardent anti-communist.(18)
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These were the days when the whole world witnessed the cry and the
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reality of "self determination" as it swept through the African
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continent. Anyone should have expected that Katanga's declaration of
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independence would have been greeted with the same huzzahs at the UN
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and elsewhere that similar declarations from dozens of communist
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revolutionary movements and pip-squeak dictatorships had evoked.
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But it was Tshombe's misfortune to be pro-Western, pro-free
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enterprise, and pro-constitutionally limited government at a time when
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the governments of both the U.S. and the USSR were supporting Marxist
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"liberators" throughout the world. Nikita Khrushchev declared Tshombe
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to be "a turncoat, a traitor to the interests of the Congolese
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people."(19) American liberals and the rabble at the UN dutifully
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echoed the hue and cry.
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To our nation's everlasting shame, on July 14, 1960, the U.S. joined
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with the USSR in support of a UN resolution authorizing the world body
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to send troops to the Congo.(20) These troops were used, NOT to stop
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the bloody reign of terror being visited on the rest of the Congo, but
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to assist Lumumba, the chief terrorist, in his efforts to subjugate
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Katanga. Within four days of the passage of that resolution, thousands
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of UN troops were flown on U.S. transports into the Congo, where they
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joined in the campaign against the only island of sanity in all of
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black Africa.
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Smith Hempstone, African correspondent for the Chicago Daily News,
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gave this firsthand account of the December 1961 UN attack on
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Elisabethville, the capital of Katanga:
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The U.N. jets next turned their attention to the center of the
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city. Screaming in at treetop level ... they blasted the post
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office and the radio station, severing Katanga's
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communications with the outside world... One came to the
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conclusion that the U.N.'s action was intended to make it
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more difficult for correspondents to let the world know
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what was going on in Katanga...
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A car pulled up in front of the Grand Hotel Leopold II
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where all of us were staying. "Look at the work of the
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American criminals," sobbed the Belgian driver. "Take a
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picture and send it to Kennedy!" In the backseat, his eyes
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glazed with shock, sat a wounded African man cradling in
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his arms the body of his ten-year-old son. The child's face
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and belly had been smashed to jelly by mortar
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fragments.(21)
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The 46 doctors of Elisabethville -- Belgian, Swiss, Hungarian,
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Brazilian, and Spanish -- unanimously issued a joint report indicting
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the United Nations atrocities against innocent civilians. This is part
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of their account of a UN attack on a hospital:
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The Shinkolobwe hospital is visibly marked with an
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enormous red cross on the roof... In the maternity, roof,
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ceilings, walls, beds, tables and chairs are riddled with
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bullets... 4 Katangan women who had just been delivered
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and one new-born child are wounded, a visiting child of 4
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years old is killed; two men and one child are killed...(22)
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The UN atrocities escalated. Unfortunately, we do not have space here
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to devote to relating more of the details of this incredibly vicious
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chapter of UN history -- even though the progress toward establishing
|
||
|
a permanent UN army makes full knowledge of every part of it more
|
||
|
vital than ever. Among the considerable body of additional testimony
|
||
|
about the atrocities, we highly recommend THE FEARFUL MASTER by G.
|
||
|
Edward Griffin; WHO KILLED THE CONGO? by Philippa Schuyler; REBELS,
|
||
|
MERCENARIES, AND DIVIDENDS by Smith Hempstone; and 46 Angry Men by the
|
||
|
46 doctors of Elisabethville.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In 1962, a private group of Americans, outraged at our government's
|
||
|
actions against the freedom-seeking Katangese, attempted to capture on
|
||
|
film the truth about what was happening in the Congo. They produced
|
||
|
KATANGA: THE UNTOLD STORY, an hour-long documentary narrated by
|
||
|
Congressman Donald L. Jackson. With newsreel footage and testimony
|
||
|
from eyewitnesses, including a compelling interview with Tshombe
|
||
|
himself, the program exposed the criminal activities and brutal
|
||
|
betrayal perpetrated on a peaceful people by the Kennedy
|
||
|
Administration, other Western leaders, and top UN officials. It
|
||
|
documents the fact that UN (including U.S.) planes deliberately bombed
|
||
|
Katanga's schools, hospitals, and churches, while UN troops
|
||
|
machine-gunned and bayoneted civilians, school children, and Red Cross
|
||
|
workers who tried to help the wounded. This film is now available on
|
||
|
videotape,(23) and is "must-viewing" for Americans who are determined
|
||
|
that this land or any other land shall never experience similar UN
|
||
|
atrocities.
|
||
|
|
||
|
After waging three major offensive campaigns against the fledgling
|
||
|
state, the UN "peace" forces overwhelmed Katanga and forced it back
|
||
|
under communist rule. Even though numerous international observers
|
||
|
witnessed and publicly protested the many atrocities committed by the
|
||
|
UN'S forces, the world body has never apologized for or admitted to
|
||
|
its wrongdoing. In fact, the UN and its internationalist cheering
|
||
|
section continue to refer to this shameful episode as a resounding
|
||
|
success.(24) Which indeed it was, if one keeps in mind the true goal
|
||
|
of the organization.
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
Following the Policy Line
|
||
|
|
||
|
Why did the government of the United States side with the Soviet Union
|
||
|
and the United Nations in their support of communists Lumumba and
|
||
|
Kasavubu and their denunciation of Tshombe? Why did our nation supply
|
||
|
military assistance to and an official endorsement of the UN's
|
||
|
military action against Katanga? The answer to both questions is that
|
||
|
our government was guided by the same "world order" policy line laid
|
||
|
out by the New York Times in its hard-to-believe editorial of August
|
||
|
16, 1961:
|
||
|
|
||
|
[W]e must seek to discourage anti-Communist revolts in
|
||
|
order to avert bloodshed and war. We must, under our own
|
||
|
principles, live with evil even if by doing so we help to
|
||
|
stabilize tottering Communist regimes, as in East Germany,
|
||
|
and perhaps even expose citadel of freedom, like West
|
||
|
Berlin, to slow death by strangulation.(25)
|
||
|
|
||
|
Further elaboration on this theme is revealed in a 1963 study
|
||
|
conducted for the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency by
|
||
|
the Peace Research Institute. Published in April of that year, here's
|
||
|
what our tax dollars produced:
|
||
|
|
||
|
Whether we admit it to ourselves or not, we benefit
|
||
|
enormously from the capability of the Soviet police system
|
||
|
to keep law and order over the 200 million odd Russians
|
||
|
and the many additional millions in the satellite states. The
|
||
|
break-up of the Russian Communist empire today would
|
||
|
doubtless be conducive to freedom, but would be a good
|
||
|
deal more catastrophic for world order...(26)
|
||
|
|
||
|
"We benefit enormously?" Who is this "we"? Certainly not the American
|
||
|
taxpayer, who carried the tax burden for the enormous military
|
||
|
expenditures needed to "contain" Soviet expansionism.
|
||
|
|
||
|
And who determined that freedom must be sacrificed in the name of
|
||
|
"world order"?
|
||
|
|
||
|
Dr. Bloomfield, in the same classified IDA study cited earlier, again
|
||
|
let the world-government cat out of the bag. If the communists
|
||
|
remained too militant and threatening, he observed, "the subordination
|
||
|
of states to a true world government appears impossible; BUT IF THE
|
||
|
COMMUNIST DYNAMIC WERE GREATLY ABATED, THE WEST MIGHT WELL LOSE
|
||
|
WHATEVER INCENTIVE IT HAS FOR WORLD GOVERNMENT." (27) ( Emphasis
|
||
|
added)
|
||
|
|
||
|
In other words, the world order Insiders were faced with the following
|
||
|
conundrum: How do we make the Soviets menacing enough to convince
|
||
|
Americans that world government is the only answer because
|
||
|
confrontation is untenable; but, at the same time, not make the
|
||
|
Soviets so menacing that Americans would decide to fight rather than
|
||
|
become subject to communist tyrants?
|
||
|
|
||
|
Are we unfairly stretching these admissions? Not at all. Keep in mind
|
||
|
that from the end of World War II, up to the very time these
|
||
|
statements were being written, the communists had brutally added
|
||
|
Albania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia, North
|
||
|
Korea, Hungary, East Germany, China, Tibet, North Vietnam, and Cuba to
|
||
|
their satellite empire and were aggressively instigating revolutions
|
||
|
throughout Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East.
|
||
|
|
||
|
And, as was later demonstrated by the historical research of Dr.
|
||
|
Antony Sutton and other scholars, all of these Soviet conquests had
|
||
|
been immeasurably helped by massive and continuous transfusions from
|
||
|
the West to the Kremlin of money, credit, technology, and scientific
|
||
|
knowledge(28) It was arranged for and provided by the same
|
||
|
CFR-affiliated policy elitists who recognized in the "communist
|
||
|
dynamic" they created an "incentive" for the people in the West to
|
||
|
accept "world government."
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
Project Phoenix
|
||
|
|
||
|
The U.S. Departments of State and Defense funded numerous other
|
||
|
studies about US-USSR convergence and world order under UN control. In
|
||
|
1964, the surfacing of the Project Phoenix reports generated
|
||
|
sufficient constituent concern to prompt several members of Congress
|
||
|
to protest the funding of such studies.(29) But there was not enough
|
||
|
pressure to force Congress to launch full investigations that could
|
||
|
have led to putting an end to taxpayer funding of these serious
|
||
|
attacks on American security and our constitutional system of
|
||
|
government.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Produced by the Institute for Defense Analyses for the U.S. Arms
|
||
|
Control and Disarmament Agency, the Phoenix studies openly advocated
|
||
|
"unification" of the U.S. and USSR.(30) The following passages taken
|
||
|
from Study Phoenix Paper dated June 4, 1963 leaves no doubt about this
|
||
|
goal:
|
||
|
|
||
|
Unification -- ... At present the approach ... may appear so
|
||
|
radical that it will be dismissed out of hand; nevertheless,
|
||
|
its logical simplicity... is so compelling that it seems to
|
||
|
warrant more systematic investigation...
|
||
|
|
||
|
Today, the United States and the Soviet Union combined
|
||
|
have for all practical purposes a near monopoly of force in
|
||
|
the world. If the use and direction of this power could
|
||
|
somehow be synchronized, stability and, indeed even unity
|
||
|
might be within reach.(31)
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Phoenix studies, like many other government reports before and
|
||
|
after, urged increased U.S. economic, scientific, and agricultural
|
||
|
assistance to the Soviet Union. These recommendations are totally
|
||
|
consistent with the long-range "merger" plans admitted to a decade
|
||
|
before by Ford Foundation President Rowan Gaither. And both Republican
|
||
|
and Democratic administrations have followed the same overall policy
|
||
|
ever since. But world order think-tank specialists like Bloomfield
|
||
|
realized that the incremental progress made through these programs was
|
||
|
too slow. He even lamented that reaching the final goal "could take up
|
||
|
to two hundred years."(32)
|
||
|
|
||
|
Bloomfield then noted that there was "an alternate road" to merger and
|
||
|
eventual world government, one that "relies on a grave crisis or war
|
||
|
to bring about a sudden transformation in national attitudes
|
||
|
sufficient for the purpose."(33) The taxpayer-funded academic
|
||
|
explained that "the order we examine may be brought into existence as
|
||
|
a result of a series of sudden, nasty, and traumatic shocks."(34)
|
||
|
|
||
|
Incredible? Impossible? Couldn't happen here? Many Americans thought
|
||
|
so 30 years ago -- before "perestroika," the Persian Gulf War,
|
||
|
propaganda about global warming, and other highly publicized
|
||
|
developments. But by the fall of 1990, Newsweek magazine would be
|
||
|
reporting on the emerging reality of "Superpowers as Superpartners"
|
||
|
and "a new order... the United States and the Soviet Union, united for
|
||
|
crisis management around the globe."(35) [Emphasis added]
|
||
|
|
||
|
In a seeming tipping of his hat to Bloomfield, President Bush would
|
||
|
state in his official August 1991 report, NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY
|
||
|
OF THE UNITED STATES: "I hope history will record that the Gulf crisis
|
||
|
was the crucible of the new world order."(36)
|
||
|
|
||
|
The CFR's house academics were already beating the convergence drums.
|
||
|
Writing in the Winter 1990 issue of Foreign Policy ( published by the
|
||
|
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace), Thomas G. Weiss (CFR) and
|
||
|
Meryl A. Kessler exhorted: "If Washington is to seize the full
|
||
|
potential of this opportunity, it will have to ... begin to treat the
|
||
|
Soviet Union as a real partner."
|
||
|
|
||
|
The long-planned partnership began to take form officially with the
|
||
|
signing of "A Charter for American-Russian Partnership and Friendship"
|
||
|
by Presidents Bush and Yeltsin on June 17, 1992.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Among the many commitments for joint action in this agreement, we find
|
||
|
the following:
|
||
|
|
||
|
* "... Summit meetings will be held on a regular basis";
|
||
|
|
||
|
* "The United States of America and the Russian
|
||
|
Federation recognize the importance of the United
|
||
|
Nations Security Council" and support "the strengthening
|
||
|
of UN peace-keeping";
|
||
|
|
||
|
* The parties are determined "to cooperate in the
|
||
|
development of ballistic missile defense capabilities and
|
||
|
technologies," and work toward creation of a joint "Ballistic
|
||
|
Missile Early Warning Center";
|
||
|
|
||
|
* "In view of the potential for building a strategic
|
||
|
partnership between the United States of America and the
|
||
|
Russian Federation the parties intend to accelerate defense
|
||
|
cooperation between their military establishments ..."; and
|
||
|
|
||
|
* "The parties will also pursue cooperation in
|
||
|
peacekeeping counter-terrorism, and counter-narcotics
|
||
|
missions."(37)
|
||
|
|
||
|
Before this charter had even been signed, however, our new " partners"
|
||
|
were already landing their bombers on American soil. AIRMAN, a
|
||
|
magazine for the U.S. Air Force, reported in large headlines for the
|
||
|
cover story of its July 1992 issue: "The Russians Have Landed." The
|
||
|
cover also featured a photo of the two Russian Tu-95 Bear bombers and
|
||
|
an An-124 transport which had landed on May 9th at Barksdale Air Force
|
||
|
Base in Louisiana. An accompanying article noted that the Russians
|
||
|
were given "a rousing salute from a brass band and a thrilled
|
||
|
gathering of Air Force people and civilians who waved U.S. and
|
||
|
Commonwealth of Independent States flags."
|
||
|
|
||
|
The long-standing plan of the Insiders calls for a merger of the U.S.
|
||
|
and the USSR (or Commonwealth of Independent States as it has become)
|
||
|
and then world government under the United Nations (see Chapter 5).
|
||
|
Details leading to completion of the plan are unfolding week after
|
||
|
week, month after month, before an almost totally unaware America.
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
|