<conspiracyFile>(The Elkhorn Manifesto)
SHADOW OF THE SWASTIKA:
The Real Reason the Government Won't Debate Medical Cannabis and
Industrial Hemp Re-legalization
An Open Letter to All Americans By R. William Davis
Documented Evidence of a Secret Business and Political Alliance
Between the U.S. "Establishment" and the Nazis - Before, During and
After World War II - up to the Present.
PREFACE
Before the Gatewood Galbraith for Governor Campaign in 1991, few
Kentuckians knew that the plant that the federal government had
demonized for over 50 years as "Marijuana - Assassin of Youth," was,
in fact, Cannabis Hemp, the most traded commodity in the world until
the mid-1800s, and our state's number one crop, industry, and most
important source of revenue, for over 150 years.
Today, thanks to the efforts of pioneer hemp researchers and public
advocates such as Galbraith, Jack Fraizer, Jack Herer, Chris Conrad,
Ed Rosenthal, Don Wirtshafter and others, the federal government's
unjustifiable suppression of our state's right to develop our most
valuable and versatile natural resource, is facing increasing
opposition from an informed public. Hemp is now recognized as the
number one agriculturally renewable raw material in the world, and
perhaps the only crop / industry which can guarantee us industrial
and economic independence from the trans-national corporations.
"Shadow of the Swastika" is a follow-up to my earlier work,
"Cannabis Hemp: the Invisible Prohibition Revealed," which I wrote
and published in support of the Galbraith Campaign. Since
publication of that booklet, there has been growing public
acceptance of the evidence that Marijuana Prohibition was created in
1937, not to protect society from the "evils of the drug Marijuana,"
as the Federal government claimed, but as an act of deliberate
economic and industrial sabotage against the re-emerging Industrial
Hemp Industry.
Previous investigations by hemp researchers have been limited to
the suppression of free-market competition from the hemp industry,
and focused on the activities of three prominent members of
America's corporate, industrial and banking establishment during the
mid- to late-1930s:
WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST, the newspaper and magazine tycoon.
The expected rebirth of cannabis hemp as a less expensive source of
pulp for paper meant his millions of acres of prime timberland, and
investment in wood pulp papermaking equipment, would soon be worth
much less. In the 1920s, about the same time as the equipment was
developed to economically mass-produce raw hemp into pulp and fiber
for paper, he began the "Reefer Madness" hoax in his newspaper and
magazine publications.
ANDREW MELLON, founder of the Gulf Oil Corporation.
He knew that cannabis hemp was an alternative industrial raw
material for the production of thousands of products, including fuel
and plastics, which, if allowed to compete in the free-market, would
threaten the future profits of the oil companies. As Secretary of
the Treasury he created the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, and
appointed his own future nephew-in-law, Harry Anslinger, as
director. Anslinger would later use the sensational, and totally
fabricated, articles published by Hearst, to push the Marijuana Tax
Act of 1937 through Congress, which successfully destroyed the
rebirth of the cannabis hemp industry.
A prominent member of one Congressional subcommittee who voted in
favor of this bill was Joseph Guffey of Pennsylvania, an oil tycoon
and former business partner of Andrew Mellon in the Spindletop oil
fields in Texas.
THE DU PONT CHEMICAL CORPORATION,
which owned the patents on synthetic petrochemicals and industrial
processes that promised billions of dollars in future profits from
the sale of wood pulp paper, lead additives for gasoline, synthetic
fibers and plastics, if hemp could be suppressed. At the time, du
Pont family influence in both government and the private sector was
unmatched, according to historians and journalists.
This publication, however, reveals documented historical evidence
that the suppression of the hemp industry was only one key part of a
much larger conspiracy in the 1930s, not only by the three corporate
interests named above, but by many others, as well.
Congressional records, FBI reports and investigations by the
Justice Department, during the 1930s and 1940s, have already
documented evidence of this wider plot. A list of the corporations
named include Du Pont, Standard Oil, and General Motors, all of
which were proven to be conspiring with Nazi industrial cartels to
eliminate competition world-wide and divide among themselves the
Earth's industrial resources and commercial markets, for profitable
exploitation.
This conspiracy succeeded. It is now obvious that this lack of
serious competition in the industrial raw materials market caused
our present - and totally contrived - addiction to petrochemicals.
Its success is directly responsible for the most troubling problems
we now face in the 1990s; serious damage to our environment,
concentration of economic and political power into fewer and fewer
hands, and the weakening of the rights of individuals and states to
determine their own futures.
It is more and more evident that, given the historical record, the
structure of the New World Order is being built upon the Foundation
of Marijuana Prohibition, and only the relegalization of free-market
hemp competition can save us.
R. William Davis July 4, 1996 Louisville, Kentucky
INTRODUCTION
To clearly understand the circumstances which existed during the
1930s and 1940s, and are the subject of this booklet, it would be
helpful to first put the hemp / petrochemical conflict into
historical perspective. The events which took place in the years
leading up to World War II were a continuation of a struggle between
agricultural and industrial interests that began before the American
Revolution, a struggle which has yet to be decided, even today.
AGRICULTURE VS. INDUSTRY
The historical record, at least as it has been presented to us in
the public school system, is that the Civil War was fought to end
slavery. This is not the whole story. The truth of the matter is
that it was also a clash between Northern industrialists and
Southern agriculturists, over control of the expansion into the
newly opened West.
In 1845, Abraham Lincoln wrote, "I hold it a paramount duty of us
in the free states due to the union of the states, and perhaps to
liberty itself, to let the slavery of other states alone." (1)
Concerning the Western territories, he said "The whole Nation is
interested that the best use shall be made of these territories. We
want them for homes and free white people. This they cannot be, to
any considerable extent, if slavery be planted within them." (2)
Lincoln was caught in the middle between the Northern
industrialists and the Southern agriculturists, who both wanted to
dominate Western expansion because of the wealth it offered. The
industrialists knew that the agriculturists depended on slavery
because cotton, upon which Southern wealth was based, was very labor
intensive and required the inexpensive labor that slavery provided.
They knew that if the Western lands were declared "free states" then
the Southern agriculturists would be unable to compete, and would be
forced to leave Western expansion, and its potential profits, to the
Northern industrialists.
Quoting "The Irony of Democracy," by Thomas R. Dye and T. Harmon
Zeigler,
"The importance of the Civil War for America's elite structure was
the commanding position that the new industrial capitalists won
during the course of the struggle. . . . The economic transformation
of the United States from an agricultural to an industrial nation
reached the crescendo of a revolution in the second half of the
nineteenth century.
"Civil War profits compounded the capital of the industrialists and
placed them in a position to dominate the economic life of the
nation. Moreover, when the Southern planters were removed from the
national scene, the government in Washington became the exclusive
domain of the new industrial leaders." (3)
The Northern industrialists used this increased capital to build
the system of transcontinental railways, linking the Northeast with
both the South and West. The labor for this undertaking was from the
Northeastern Establishment's own source of cheap labor - recently
freed slaves and poor immigrants from Europe and China - who
suffered under living conditions which were often little better than
those which existed under the Slave System just a few years before.
It was during the years between the Civil War and the beginning of
the Twentieth Century that the Northern industrialists altered the
role of the American government. Originally established by the
Revolution to protect and preserve the lives, property and freedoms
of all Americans from repressive government, it was transformed into
an agency to protect the economic future of Northern industrialists.
"[T]he industrial elites," according to Dye and Zeigler, "saw no
objection to legislation if it furthered their success in business.
Unrestricted competition might prove who was the fittest, but as an
added precaution to insure that the industrial capitalists
themselves emerged as the fittest, these new elites also insisted
upon government subsidies, patents, tariffs, loans, and massive
giveaways of land and other natural resources." (4)
The struggle between Western farmers and the railroads owned by the
Northern industrialists is a good example. To protect their
interests, citizens created "the Grange," an organization which
helped to enact state laws regulating the "ruthless aggression" of
the railroads. In 1877, these laws were upheld by the Supreme Court
in the Munn v. Illinois decision. But, a few years later, Justice
Stephen A. Field changed the role, and the very definition, of the
corporation. He gave a new interpretation to the Fourteenth
Amendment that actually gave corporations legal status as citizens .
. . as artificial persons. (5)
It was not long after this change in the interpretation of the
Fourteenth Amendment that John D. Rockefeller, the father of the
modern-day corporation, created the great Standard Oil Corporation
which, by the late 1880s, gained control over 90% of all the oil
refineries in America. (6)
The roots of 20th Century American politics can best be illustrated
by the 1896 Presidential Election, won by Republican William
McKinley by a landslide. The McKinley campaign was directed by
Marcus Alonzo Hanna of Standard Oil and raised a $16000000
campaign fund from wealthy fellow industrialists, (an amount that
was unmatched in Presidential campaigns until the 1960s). The major
theme of the campaign, and one that would echo far into the future,
was "what's good for business is good for the country." (7)
This emerging political and judicial misuse of power in America was
feared by Thomas Jefferson who, in 1787, wrote, "I think our
governments will remain virtuous for many centuries; as long as they
remain chiefly agricultural; and this will be as long as there shall
be vacant lands in any part of America. When they get piled upon one
another in large cities as in Europe they will become corrupt as in
Europe." (8)
It is important to remember that the American Revolution was a
clash between the agriculturists in the colonies, and the British
industrialists who controlled the government in England. Almost 100
years later the Civil War was fought as a continuation of the same
basic struggle, but with the victory going back to the
industrialists. This began the erosion of the American government
"of the people, for the people and by the people." The buying of the
1896 Presidential Election, by Hanna of Standard Oil and the
Northern industrial interests, was the next important step on the
long road to the American government "of the corporation, for the
corporation and by the corporation."
A few years later, World War I would forge an even closer
relationship between corporations and government in the United
States, as well as around the world. Anthony Sampson, in his book
"The Arms Bazaar," notes that "the American companies, led by US
Steel and du Pont, were transformed by war orders. US Steel, which
had absorbed Carnegie's old steel company, had made average annual
profits in the four pre-war years of $105000000, while in the four
war years they were $240000000; and du Pont's average profit went
up from $6000000 to $58000000. . . .
"Certainly the arms companies had become much richer through the
war, and there were widespread suspicions that they were actually
trying to prolong it." (9)
The bottom line is, of course, victory or profit, and in what
proportions? To what lengths would this nation's top industrial
leaders go to secure their share of the profits before and during
the next "war to end all war?"
NOTES: INTRODUCTION
1.American Political Tradition, Hofstadter, p. 109. (As reprinted
in The Irony of Democracy, Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler, p.
72) 2.American Political Tradition, p. 113. (As reprinted in The
Irony of Democracy, p. 72) 3.Irony of Democracy, p. 73 4.Ibid., p.
74 5.Ibid., p. 75 6.Ibid., p. 76 7.Ibid., p. 82 8.Ibid., p. 62 9.The
Arms Bazaar, Anthony Sampson, p. 65
U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS
"A clique of U.S. industrialists is hell-bent to bring a fascist
state to supplant our democratic government and is working closely
with the fascist regime in Germany and Italy. I have had plenty of
opportunity in my post in Berlin to witness how close some of our
American ruling families are to the Nazi regime. . . .
"Certain American industrialists had a great deal to do with
bringing fascist regimes into being in both Germany and Italy. They
extended aid to help Fascism occupy the seat of power, and they are
helping to keep it there." - William E. Dodd, U.S. Ambassador to
Germany, 1937.(1)
A large volume of documentary evidence exists that reveals that
many of the richest, most powerful men in the United States, and the
giant corporations they controlled, were secretly allied with the
Nazis, both before and during World War II, even after war was
declared between Germany and America. This alliance began with U.S.
corporate investment during the reconstruction of post-World War I
Germany in the 1920s and, years later, included financial,
industrial and military aid to the Nazis.
On the pages which follow we will review which prominent Americans
and corporations were involved, what aid and comfort they gave our
nation's enemies - treasonable offenses during time of war, and
investigations into these matters which produced evidence of a
US/Nazi corporate conspiracy to bring a fascist state to America,
and eliminate competition in the industrial raw materials market in
order to force world-wide dependance on oil-based petrochemicals.
WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST
Hearst, who was so concerned about the American public's health and
safety on the matter of marijuana use, apparently had no such fears
when it came to Hitler and the Nazis. According to journalist George
Seldes:
". . . Hitler had the support of the most widely circulated
magazine in history, 'Readers Digest,' as well as nineteen big-city
newspapers and one of the three great American news agencies, the
$220-million Hearst press empire.
". . . William Randolph Hearst, Sr., . . . was the lord of all the
press lords in the United States. The millions who read the Hearst
newspapers and magazines and saw Hearst newsreels in the nation's
moviehouses had their minds poisoned by Hitler propaganda.
"It was . . . disclosed first to President Roosevelt [by Ambassador
Dodd] almost on the day it happened, in September 1934, and it is
detailed in the book 'Ambassador Dodd's Diary,' published in 1941,
and again in libel-proof documents on file in the courts of the
state of New York. William E. Dodd, professor of history [at the
University of Chicago], told me about the Hearst sell-out . . .
"According to Ambassador Dodd, Hearst came to take the waters at
Bad Nauheim in September 1934, and Dodd somehow learned immediately
that Hitler had sent two of his most trusted Nazi propagandists,
Hanfstangel and Rosenberg, to ask Hearst how Nazism could present a
better image in the United States. When Hearst went to Berlin later
in the month, he was taken to see Hitler."
Seldes reports that a $400000 a year deal was struck between
Hearst and Hitler, and signed by Doctor Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi
propaganda minister. "Hearst," continues Seldes, "completely changed
the editorial policy of his nineteen daily newspapers the same month
he got the money."
In the court documents filed on behalf of Dan Gillmor, publisher of
a magazine named "Friday," in response to a lawsuit by Hearst, under
item 61, he states: "Promptly after this said visit with Adolf
Hitler and the making of said arrangements. . . said plaintiff,
William Randolph Hearst, instructed all Hearst press correspondents
in Germany, including those of INS [Hearst's International News
Service] to report happenings in Germany only in a friendly' manner.
All of such correspondents reporting happenings in Germany
accurately and without friendliness, sympathy and bias for the
actions of the then German government, were transferred elsewhere,
discharged, or forced to resign. . . ."
In the late 1930s, Seldes recounts, when "several sedition
indictments [were brought by] the Department of Justice . . .
against a score or two of Americans, the defendants included an
unusually large minority of newspaper men and women, most of them
Hearst employees." (2)
ANDREW MELLON
"Thurman Arnold, as assistant district attorney of the United
States, his assistant, Norman Littell, and several Congressional
investigations, have produced incontrovertible evidence that some of
our biggest monopolies entered into secret agreements with the Nazi
cartels and divided the world up among them," states Seldes in his
book, "Facts and Fascism," published in 1943. "Most notorious of all
was Alcoa, the Mellon-Davis-Duke monopoly which is largely
responsible for the fact America did not have the aluminum with
which to build airplanes before and after Pearl Harbor, while
Germany had an unlimited supply." (3)
Alcoa sabotage of American war production had already cost the U.S.
"10000 fighters or 1665 bombers," according to Congressman Pierce
of Oregon speaking in May 1941, because of "the effort to protect
Alcoa's monopolistic position. . ."
"If America loses this war," said Secretary of the Interior
[Harold] Ickes, June 26, 1941, "it can thank the Aluminum
Corporation of America."
"By its cartel agreement with I.G. Farben, controlled by Hitler,"
writes Seldes, "Alcoa sabotaged the aluminum program of the U.S. air
force. The Truman Committee [on National Defense, chaired by then-
Senator Harry S. Truman in 1942] heard testimony that Alcoa's
representative, A.H. Bunker, $1-a-year head of the aluminum section
of O.P.M., prevented work on our $600000000 aluminum expansion
program." (4)
DU PONT AND GENERAL MOTORS
General Motors is included here because, by 1929, the Du Pont
corporation had acquired controlling interest in, and had
interlocking directorships with, General Motors.
Irenee du Pont, "the most imposing and powerful member of the
clan," according to biographer and historian Charles Higham, "was
obsessed with Hitler's principles." "He keenly followed the career
of the future Fuhrer in the 1920s, and on September 7, 1926, in a
speech to the American Chemical Society, he advocated a race of
supermen, to be achieved by injecting special drugs into them in
boyhood to make their characters to order." Higham's book on this
subject, "Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American
Money Plot 1933-1949," is highly recommended.
Du Pont's anti-Semitism "matched that of Hitler" and, in 1933, the
Du Ponts "began financing native fascist groups in America . . ."
one of which Higham identifies as the American Liberty League: "a
Nazi organization whipping up hatred of blacks and Jews," and the
"love of Hitler.
"Financed . . . to the tune of $500000 the first year, the Liberty
League had a lavish thirty-one-room office in New York, branches in
twenty-six colleges, and fifteen subsidiary organizations nationwide
that distributed fifty million copies of its Nazi pamphlets. . . .
"The Du Ponts' fascistic behavior was seen in 1936, when Irenee du
Pont used General Motors money to finance the notorious Black
Legion. This terrorist organization had as its purpose the
prevention of automobile workers from unionizing. The members wore
hoods and black robes, with skulls and crossbones. They fire-bombed
union meetings, murdered union organizers, often by beating them to
death, and dedicated their lives to destroying Jews and communists.
They linked to the Ku Klux Klan. . . . It was brought out that at
least fifty people, many of them blacks, had been butchered by the
Legion." (5)
Du Pont support of Hitler extended into the very heart of the Nazi
war machine as well, according to Higham, and several other
researchers: "General Motors, under the control of the Du Pont
family of Delaware, played a part in collaboration" with the Nazis.
"Between 1932 and 1939, bosses of General Motors poured $30000000
into I.G. Farben plants . . ." Further, Higham informs us that by
"the mid-1930s, General Motors was committed to full-scale
production of trucks, armored cars, and tanks in Nazi Germany." (6)
Researchers Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, in their book, "Power
Inc.," describe the Du Pont-GM-Nazi relationship in these terms:
". . . In 1929, [Du Pont-controlled] GM acquired the largest
automobile company in Germany, Adam Opel, A.G. This predestined the
subsidiary to become important to the Nazi war effort. In a heavily
documented study presented to the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust
and Monopoly in February 1974, Bradford C. Snell, an assistant
subcommittee counsel, wrote:
"'GM's participation in Germany's preparation for war began in
1935. That year its Opel subsidiary cooperated with the Reich in
locating a new heavy truck facility at Brandenburg, which military
officials advised would be less vulnerable to enemy air attacks.
During the succeeding years, GM supplied the Wehrmact with Opel
"Blitz" trucks from the Brandenburg complex. For these and other
contributions to [the Nazis] wartime preparations, GM's chief
executive for overseas operations [James Mooney] was awarded the
Order of the German Eagle (first class) by Adolf Hitler.'"
Du Pont-GM Nazi collaboration, according to Snell, included the
participation of Standard Oil of New Jersey [now Exxon] in one, very
important arrangement. GM and Standard Oil of New Jersey formed a
joint subsidiary with the giant Nazi chemical cartel, I.G. Farben,
named Ethyl G.m.b.H. [now Ethyl, Inc.] which, according to Snell:
"provided the mechanized German armies with synthetic tetraethyl
fuel [leaded gas]. During 1936-39, at the urgent request of Nazi
officials who realized that Germany's scarce petroleum reserves
would not satisfy war demands, GM and Exxon joined with German
chemical interests in the erection of the lead-tetraethyl plants.
According to captured German records, these facilities contributed
substantially to the German war effort: 'The fact that since the
beginning of the war we could produce lead-tetraethyl is entirely
due to the circumstances that, shortly before, the Americans [Du
Pont, GM and Standard Oil] had presented us with the production
plants complete with experimental knowledge. Without lead-tetraethyl
the present method of warfare would be unthinkable.'" (7)
At about the same time the Du Ponts were serving the Nazi cause in
Germany, they were involved in a Fascist plot to overthrow the
United States government.
"Along with friends of the Morgan Bank and General Motors," in
early 1934, writes Higham, "certain Du Pont backers financed a coup
d'etat that would overthrow the President with the aid of a $3000000
-funded army of terrorists . . ." The object was to force
Roosevelt "to take orders from businessmen as part of a fascist
government or face the alternative of imprisonment and execution . .
."
Higham reports that "Du Pont men allegedly held an urgent series of
meetings with the Morgans," to choose who would lead this "bizarre
conspiracy." "They finally settled on one of the most popular
soldiers in America, General Smedly Butler of Pennsylvania." Butler
was approached by "fascist attorney" Gerald MacGuire (an official of
the American Legion), who attempted to recruit Butler into the role
of an American Hitler.
"Butler was horrified," but played along with MacGuire until, a
short time later, he notified the White House of the plot. Roosevelt
considered having "the leaders of the houses of Morgan and Du Pont"
arrested, but feared that "it would create an unthinkable national
crisis in the midst of a depression and perhaps another Wall Street
crash." Roosevelt decided the best way to defuse the plot was to
expose it, and leaked the story to the press.
"The newspapers ran the story of the attempted coup on the front
page, but generally ridiculed it as absurd and preposterous." But an
investigation by the Congressional Committee on Un-American
Activities - 74th Congress, first session, House of Representatives,
Investigation of Nazi and other propaganda - was begun later that
same year.
"It was four years," continues Higham, "before the committee dared
to publish its report in a white paper that was marked for
'restricted circulation.' They were forced to admit that 'certain
persons made an attempt to establish a fascist organization in this
country . . . [The] committee was able to verify all the pertinent
statements made by General Butler.' This admission that the entire
plan was deadly in intent was not accompanied by the imprisonment of
anybody. Further investigations disclosed that over a million people
had been guaranteed to join the scheme and that the arms and
munitions necessary would have been supplied by Remington, a Du Pont
subsidiary." (8)
The names of important individuals and groups involved in the
conspiracy were suppressed by the committee, but later revealed by
Seldes, Philadelphia Record reporter Paul French, and Jules Archer,
author of the book, "The Plot to Seize the White House." Included
were John W. Davis (attorney for the J.P. Morgan banking group),
Robert Sterling Clark (Wall Street broker and heir to the Singer
sewing machine fortune), William Doyle (American Legion official),
and the American Liberty League (backed by executives from J.P.
Morgan and Co., Rockefeller interests, E.F. Hutton, and Du Pont-
controlled General Motors). (9)
THE US/NAZI CARTEL AGREEMENT
"On November 23, 1937," states Higham, "representatives of General
Motors held a secret meeting in Boston with Baron Manfred von
Killinger, who was . . . in charge of West Coast espionage [for the
Nazis], and Baron von Tipplekirsch, Nazi consul general and Gestapo
leader in Boston. This group signed a joint agreement showing total
commitment to the Nazi cause for the indefinite future. . . ." (10)
Seldes describes the plotters as "the great owners and rulers of
America who planned world domination through political and military
Fascism" including "several leading American industrialists, members
of the Congress of the United States, and representatives of large
business and political organizations . . ."
He obtained the text of the agreement, and published it in his
newsletter, "In Fact," on July 13, 1942. The plan "goes much further
than the mere cartel conspiracies of Big Business of both
countries," writes Seldes, "because it has political clauses and
points to a bigger conspiracy of money and politicians such as
helped betray Norway and France and other lands to the Nazi machine.
The most powerful fortress in America is the production monopolies,
but its betrayal would involve, as it did in France, the
participation of some of the most powerful figures of the political
as well as the industrial world." (11)
STANDARD OIL OF NEW JERSEY (Now Exxon)
"On February 27, 1942," according to Higham, "Arnold, with
documents stuffed under his arms, . . . strode into the lion's den
of Standard at 30 Rockefeller Plaza. Just behind him were Secretary
of the Navy Franklin Knox and Secretary of the Army Henry L.
Stimson." They confronted Standard official William Farish and
"Arnold sharply laid down his charges" that "by continuing to favor
Hitler in rubber deal and patent arrangements," Standard Oil "had
acted against the interests of the American government . . .
suggested a fine of $1500000 and a consent decree whereby
Standard would turn over for the duration all the patents" in
question.
"Farish rejected the proposal on the spot. He pointed out that
Standard" was also selling the U.S. a "high percentage" of the fuel
being used by the Army, Navy, and Air Force "making it possible for
America to win the war. Where would America be without it?"
Blackmail? Yes, says Higham. And effective. Arnold was finally
reduced to asking the oil company official "to what Standard Oil
would agree. After all, there had to be at least token punishment. .
. . Arnold, Stimson, and Knox soon realized they had no power to
compare with that of Standard."
The price Standard Oil "agreed" to pay for its crime? A modest fine
of a few thousand dollars divided up among ten defendants. "Farish
paid $1000 or a quarter of one week's salary, for having betrayed
America."
In New Jersey, charges of "criminal conspiracy with the enemy" were
filed against Standard, then "dropped in return for Standard
releasing its patents and paying the modest fine." But Arnold, and
his ally, Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, weren't finished
with Standard Oil just yet. They approached Senator Truman, chairman
of the Senate Special Committee Investigating the National Defense
Program. "With great enthusiasm Give 'em Hell Harry embarked on a
series of hearings in March 1942, in order to disclose the truth
about Standard."
Between the 26th and the 28th of March, 1942, Arnold "produced
documents showing that Standard and Farben in Germany had literally
carved up the world markets, with oil and chemical monopolies all
over the map," according to Higham. (12)
Mintz and Cohen describe the confrontation:
"Four months after the United States entered World War II, the
Justice Department obtained an indictment of Exxon and its principal
officers for having made arrangements, starting in the late 1920s
with I.G. Farben involving patent sharing and division of world
markets. Jersey Standard agreed not to develop processes for the
manufacture of synthetic rubber; in exchange, Farben agreed not to
compete in the American petroleum market. After war broke out in
Europe, but before the attack on Pearl Harbor, executives of
Standard Oil and Farben, at a meeting in Holland, established a
'modus vivendi' for continuing the arrangements in event of war
between the United States and Germany - although the arrangements
interfered with the ability of the United States to make synthetic
rubber desperately needed after it entered the war in December 1941.
Rather than face a criminal trial, Exxon and the indicted executives
entered no-contest pleas - the legal equivalent of guilty pleas -
and were fined the minor sums which were the maximum amounts
permitted by law. A few days later, on March 26, 1942, the Senate
Special Committee Investigating the National Defense Program held a
hearing at which Thurman Arnold, chief of the Antitrust Division,
put into the record documents on which the [criminal] indictment had
been based, including a memo from a Standard Oil official on the
'modus vivendi' agreed to in Holland. After the hearing, the
committee chairman, Harry S. Truman, characterized the arrangements
as treasonable." (13)
Another source book on this subject of US / Nazi corporate
activities is "The Secret War Against the Jews," by Mark Aarons and
John Loftus. Here is their version of the events:
"Before the war Standard of New Jersey had forged a synthetic oil
and rubber cartel with the Nazi-controlled I.G. Farben," which
"worked well until the United States joined the war in 1941. . . .
Next to the Rockefellers, I.G. Farben owned the largest share of
stock in Standard Oil of New Jersey. Among other things, Standard
had provided Farben with its synthetic rubber patents and technical
knowledge, while Farben had kept its patents to itself, under strict
instructions from the Nazi government."
Evidence which Thurman Arnold turned over to the Truman Committee,
which Truman would declare "treasonous," included "Standard's 1939
letter renewing its agreement, which made it clear that the
Rockefellers' company was prepared to work with the Nazis whether
their own government was at war with the Third Reich or not.
Truman's Senate Committee on the National Defense was outraged and
began to probe into the whole scandalous arrangement, much to the
discomfort of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Suddenly, however, the whole
matter was dropped.
"There was a reason for Rockefeller's escape: blackmail. According
to the former intelligence officers we interviewed on this point,
the blackmail was simple and powerful: The Dulles brothers [John
Foster, later Secretary of State, and Allen, later director of the
CIA] had one of their clients threaten to interrupt the U.S. oil
supply during wartime."
When confronted by Arnold on the Standard - Farben arrangement
"Standard executives made it clear that the entire U.S. war effort
was fueled by their oil and it could be stopped. . . . The American
government had no choice but to go along if it wanted to win the
war." (14)
July 13, 1944, Ralph W. Gallagher, attorney for Standard Oil, filed
a lawsuit against the U.S. government's seizure of the contested
patents. "On November 7, 1945, Judge Charles E. Wyzanski gave his
verdict," according to Higham. "He decided that the government had
been entitled to seize the patents. Gallagher appealed. On September
22, 1947, Judge Charles Clark delivered the final word on the
subject. He said, 'Standard Oil can be considered an enemy national
in view of its relationships with I.G. Farben after the United
States and Germany had become active enemies.' The appeal was
denied." (15)
One aspect of this Standard - I.G. Farben relationship, revealed in
testimony during the Patents Committee hearings, chaired by Senator
Homer T. Bone in May 1942, is of interest to those who seek direct
evidence of a conspiracy by big oil companies to suppress
development of synthetic substitutes to petrochemical products such
as industrial chemicals, aircraft lubricants and fuel, all of which
can be made from hemp:
"On May 6th, John R. Jacobs, Jr., of the Attorney General's
department, testified that Standard had interfered with the American
explosives industry by blocking the use of a method of producing
synthetic ammonia. As a result of its deals with Farben, the United
States had been unable to get the use of this vital process even
after Pearl Harbor. Also, the United States had been restricted in
techniques of producing hydrogen from natural gas and from obtaining
paraflow, a product used for airplane lubrication at high altitudes.
. . ."
On August 7th, "Texas oil operator C.R. Starnes appeared to testify
that Standard had blocked him at every turn in his efforts to
produce synthetic rubber after Pearl Harbor. . . ."
On August 12th, "John R. Jacobs reappeared in an Army private's
uniform (he had been inducted the day before) to bring up another
disagreeable matter: Standard had also, in league with Farben,
restricted production of methanol, a wood alcohol that was sometimes
used as motor fuel." (16)
The restriction against methanol production apparently did not
apply to the Nazis, however. "As late as April 1943," Higham
reveals, "General Motors in Stockholm [Sweden] was reported as
trading with the enemy. . . . Further documents show that, as with
Ford, repairs on German army trucks and conversion from gasoline to
wood-gasoline production were being handled by GM in Switzerland."
(17)
The use of hemp as a source of methanol was known to the Nazis,
revealed in the pamphlet "The Humorous Hemp Primer," published in
Berlin, also in 1943. This document, recently re-published in the
1995 edition of "Hemp and the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor
Wears No Clothes," by veteran hemp conspiracy researcher Jack Herer,
states that:
"Crops should not only provide food in large quantities, they can
provide raw materials for industry. . . . Among such raw materials
of especially high value is hemp . . .
"The woody part of this large plant is not to be thrown out, since
it can easily be used for surface coatings for the finest floors. It
also provides paper and cardboard, building materials and wall
paneling. Further processing will even produce wood sugar and wood
gas. . . .
"Anyone who grows hemp today need not fear a lack of a market,
because hemp, as useful as it is, will be purchased in unlimited
amounts." (18)
The Nazis obviously considered hemp a vital war material that could
be used to produce methanol, or "wood gas," at the same time, in
1943, that Du Pont-controlled General Motors in Switzerland was
"converting from gasoline to wood-gasoline production." This, taken
into consideration along with the earlier statement that Standard
Oil-I.G. Farben had "restricted production of methanol" and the GM-
Standard Oil-I.G. Farben joint venture, Ethyl, Inc., whose
profitability depended on the production of lead-tetraethyl for oil-
based petrochemical gasoline - in direct competition with the
alternative methanol, or "wood gas," certainly opens new avenues of
investigation into the existence of a conspiracy against hemp as an
alternative, and competing, industrial raw material, by these very
same corporations which sold America out to the Nazis for profit and
control of world resources and markets.
"Just after Pearl Harbor," writes Seldes, "the Assistant Attorney
General, Mr. Thurman Arnold, issued a sensational report of the
sabotage of the national [war production] program, the first report
naming the practices which were later to be referred to as the
treason of big business in wartime. Said Mr. Arnold:
"Looking back over 10 months of defense effort we can now see how
much it has been hampered by the attitude of powerful basic
industries who have feared to expand their production because
expansion would endanger their future control of industry.
"Anti-trust investigations during the past year have shown that
there is not an organized basic industry in the United States which
has not been restricting production by some device or other in order
to avoid what they call 'ruinous overproduction after the war'."
(19)
By "ruinous overproduction," of course, they meant free-market
competition. So, to question the existence of an industrial
conspiracy against competition, during the 1930s and 1940s, is
pointless. It has long been totally documented by volumes of
evidence, available in the public record. And among this list of
convicted corporate conspirators are murderers, racists, pro-Nazi
collaborators, blackmailers and American Fascists who plotted at
least one armed take-over of the U.S. government. And the list is
not yet complete.
THE FORD MOTOR COMPANY
Henry Ford, writes Higham, "admired Hitler from the beginning, when
the future Fuhrer was a struggling and obscure fanatic. He shared
with Hitler a fanatical hatred of Jews."
"Ford's book 'The International Jew' was issued in 1927. A virulent
anti-Semitic tract, it was still being distributed in Latin America
and the Arab countries as late as 1945. Hitler admired the book and
it influenced him deeply. Visitors to Hitler's headquarters at the
Brown House in Munich noticed a large photograph of Henry Ford
hanging in his office. Stacked high on the table outside were copies
of Ford's book. As early as 1923," when Hitler heard that Ford was
planning to run for President, he "told an interviewer from the
'Chicago-Tribune,' 'I wish that I could send some of my shock troops
to Chicago and other big American cities to help'."
As late as 1940, Ford Motor Company "refused to build aircraft
engines for England and instead built supplies of the 5-ton military
trucks that were the backbone of German army transportation." (20)
The Ford Motor Company was also aware of the potential of hemp as
an alternative industrial resource, devoting many years research to
the subject.
In a 1989 ABC Radio broadcast, Hugh Downs reported that in the
1930s, "the Ford Motor Company also saw a future in biomass fuels.
Ford operated a successful biomass conversion plant that included
hemp at their Iron Mountain facility in Michigan. Ford engineers
extracted methanol, charcoal fuel, tar, pitch, ethyl acetate, and
creosote - all fundamental ingredients for modern industry, and now
supplied by oil-related industries. . . . Henry Ford's experiments
with methanol promised cheap, readily-available fuel." (21)
As reported in "Popular Mechanics" in December, 1941, Ford's
research represented "an industrial revolution in progress . . . a
revolution in materials that will affect every home." (22)
So, it is possible, even likely, that Ford and General Motors
conversion "from gasoline to wood-gasoline production" for Nazi
Germany, as earlier reported by Higham, involved at least some
consideration of hemp as a resource, if not actual production of
"wood-gas" from hemp. After all, Ford had already committed several
years and significant research dollars to the subject.
The implication of methanol fuel patents, hemp industry research
and production facilities, all in the hands of this cabal of Nazi-
allied American corporations, during a proven period of anti-
competition conspiracies, and wartime blackmail against the U.S.
government, should provide additional support for the hemp
conspiracy theories. The fact is that Nazi Germany recognized hemp
as a vital war material - one which, just before America's entrance
into World War II, was positioned to compete in the free-market
against the products controlled by the Pro-Nazi American
corporations. Unrestricted expansion of United States industrial
hemp production threatened not only the profits of these treasonous
corporations, but the degree of their control over America's
production of vital war materials.
This view of hemp, not as a "dangerous drug" but as a vital war
material, was acknowledged by the Kentucky Legislature a little over
100 years before the Japanese sneak attack on Pearl Harbor. In 1841,
according to Professor James F. Hopkins, author of "A History of the
Hemp Industry in Kentucky," published by the University of Kentucky
Press in 1951:
"When the farmers of Woodford County [KY] assembled in October,
1841, to consider a program of hemp production for the navy, they
only went as far as to express an opinion that the government should
employ a rope spinner in Kentucky for the purpose of converting the
fiber into yarns, which could be transported much more cheaply and
safely than the bulky raw material. The Committee on Agriculture of
the Kentucky House of Representatives inquired into the matter early
in 1842 . . .
"Both houses of the General Assembly sent to the Senators and
Congressmen from Kentucky a request that they use their 'best
exertions' to have established in the state one or more agencies for
the inspection and manufacture of hemp for the navy. A select
committee of Congress, appointed to consider the resolutions from
Kentucky, reported three resolutions of its own: that the navy be
directed to construct a factory at Louisville 'for the purpose of
depositing and manufacturing . . . such hempen fabrics of domestic
water-rotted hemp as the public service may require'; that
inspectors be appointed to test the fiber that might be offered for
sale; and that, after due notice to the public, purchase of the
necessary amount of fiber be made at the factory. The Committee
contended that its plan would build up during peacetime a source of
hemp which would be vitally important in case of war, encourage
American agriculture and manufactures, and decrease the unfavorable
balance of trade." (23)
[NOTE: For many years we Kentuckians have had a good deal of our
heritage and history buried beneath a thick layer of propaganda from
a source of power and control in this country which knows neither
honor nor justice. Now, we are learning the truth. Our history as a
state built upon the foundation of a long- and dishonestly- outlawed
industry endures.]
INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH
Even after Pearl Harbor, ITT was working for the Nazis, reports
Higham: ". . . the German army, navy, and air force contracted with
ITT for the manufacture of switchboards, telephones, alarm gongs,
buoys, air raid warning devices, radar equipment, and thirty
thousand fuses per month for artillery shells used to kill British
and American troops."
ITT also "supplied ingredients for the rocket bombs that fell on
London," and other devices as well, without which "it would have
been impossible for the German air force to kill American and
British troops, for the German army to fight the Allies in Africa,
Italy, France, and Germany, for England to have been bombed, or for
Allied ships to have been attacked at sea." (24)
In 1938, "following a series of meetings with Luftwaffe chief
Herman Goring, [ITT founder and chairman Sosthenes] Behn encouraged
ITT's Lorenz subsidiary to purchase <data type="percent" unit="%">28%</data> of the Focke-Wulf
firm, manufacturer of the bombers that were to sink so many Allied
ships during the war," according to researcher and author Jim
Hougan. (25)
Anthony Sampson, in "The Sovereign State of ITT," reports on what
is perhaps the most bizarre aspect of the US/Nazi corporate
partnership, war reparations:
". . . ITT now presents itself as the innocent victim of the Second
World War, and has been handsomely recompensed for its injuries. In
1967, nearly thirty years after the events, ITT actually managed to
obtain $27000000 in compensation from the American government, for
war damage to Focke-Wulf plants - on the basis that they were
American property bombed by Allied bombers." (26)
The Foreign Claims Settlement Commission was responsible for this
payment to ITT, and other U.S. corporations as well.
Bradford Snell reports that "After the cessation of hostilities, GM
and Ford demanded reparations from the U.S. Government for wartime
damages sustained by their Axis facilities as a result of Allied
bombing. By 1967 GM had collected more than $33000000 in
reparations and Federal tax benefits for damages to its warplane and
motor vehicle properties in formerly Axis territories . . . Ford
received a little less than $1000000, primarily as a result of
damages sustained by its military truck complex at Cologne." (27)
ALLEN DULLES: ARCHITECT OF THE US-NAZI NETWORK
Contemporary history records Allen Dulles as one of America's top
spymasters, from his early days in the Office of Strategic Services
(OSS) in World War II, to his position as Director of the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the 1950s and early 1960s (until
President John F. Kennedy fired him over the Bay of Pigs disaster in
1961), and finally to his membership on the controversial Warren
Commission, which investigated President Kennedy's assassination.
Until recently, his pivotal role in promoting a U.S. corporate
relationship with the Nazis was little known. Loftus and Aarons
describe the post-World War I role of Allen, and his brother, John
Foster, in the following terms:
"We first turn to Dulles's creation of international finance
networks for the benefit of the Nazis. In the beginning, moving
money into the Third Reich was quite legal. Lawyers saw to that. And
Allen and his brother John Foster were not just any lawyers. They
were international finance specialists for the powerful Wall Street
law firm of Sullivan &amp; Cromwell. . . .
"The Dulles brothers were the ones who convinced American
businessmen to avoid U.S. government regulation by investing in
Germany. It began with the Versailles Treaty, in which they played
no small role. After World War I the defeated German government
promised to pay war reparations to the Allies in gold, but Germany
had no gold. It had to borrow the gold from Sullivan &amp; Cromwell's
clients in the United States. Nearly <data type="percent" unit="%">70%</data> of the money that
flowed into Germany during the 1930s came from investors in the
United States, many of them Sullivan &amp; Cromwell clients. . .
"Foster Dulles, as a member of the board of I.G. Farben, seems to
have had little difficulty in getting along with whoever was in
charge. Some of our sources insist that both Dulles brothers made
substantial but indirect contributions to the Nazi party as the
price of continued influence inside the new German order. . . ."
(28)
NOTES: U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS
1.Facts and Fascism, George Seldes, p. 122 Trading with the Enemy,
Charles Higham, p. 167 2.Even the Gods Can't Change History, Seldes,
pp. 140-144 3.Facts and Fascism, p. 68 4.Ibid., p. 262 5.Trading
with the Enemy, pp. 162-165 6.Ibid., p. 166 7.Power, Inc., Morton
and Mintz, pp. 497-499 8.Trading with the Enemy, pp. 163-165 9.The
Plot to Seize the White House, Jules Archer, Hawthorn Books, 1973
(Quoted from It's A Conspiracy, National Insecurity Council,
EarthWorks Press, 1992, pp. 179-184) 10.Trading with the Enemy, pp.
167-168 11.Facts and Fascism, pp. 68-70 12.Trading with the Enemy,
pp. 45-46 13.Power, Inc, pp. 499-500 14.The Secret War Against The
Jews, Aarons and Loftus, pp. 44-65 15.Trading with the Enemy, pp.
61-62 16.Ibid., pp. 49-52 17.Ibid., p. 176 18.The Emperor Wears No
Clothes, Jack Herer, pp. 127-130 19.One Thousand Americans, Seldes,
pp. 142-143 20.Trading with the Enemy, pp. 154-156 21.Ain't Nobody's
Business If You Do, p. 734 22.Popular Mechanics Magazine, Vol. 76,
No. 6, Dec. 1941 (The Emperor Wears No Clothes, 1995 edition, p.
199) 23.A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky, Professor James
F. Hopkins, University of Kentucky Press, 1951 24.Trading with the
Enemy, p. 99 25.Spooks, Jim Hougan, pp. 423-424 26.The Sovereign
State of ITT, Anthony Sampson, p. 47 (Power, Inc., pp. 500-501)
27.GM and the Nazis, by Bradford C. Snell, Ramparts Magazine, June
1974, pp. 14-16 (Democracy for the Few, Michael Parenti, pp. 91-92)
28.The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 55-60
THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER
"The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if
the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it
becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in
essence, is fascism - ownership of government by an individual, by a
group, or by any other controlling power.
"Among us today a concentration of private power without equal in
history is growing." - President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1)
As mentioned earlier, the secret U.S./Nazi corporate alliance
during World War II was the result of substantial American
investment in post-World War I Germany. In order to protect these
investments, and the accumulating profits, the U.S. multinational
corporations remained an important part of the Nazi war machine
until the final defeat of Germany in 1945. What effect did the end
of World War II have on this faction of American Nazi collaborators?
In this section we will review the evidence, much of it from
recently de-classified documents, that this pro-Nazi faction, rather
than facing charges of high treason, became an integral part of the
United States national security apparatus, extending its fascist
influence in both foreign and domestic policies and, in effect,
creating what has been referred to as America's "Invisible
Government." The excuse, of course, was Communism.
THE BUGGING OF WALL STREET
Aarons and Loftus' research, which documents the Dulles brothers'
pro-Nazi activities, did not go unnoticed. "Before his death, former
Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg granted one of the authors an
interview. Justice Goldberg had served in U.S. intelligence during
World War II. Although he said little in public, he had collected
information on the Dulles boys' activities over the years. His
verdict was blunt. 'The Dulles brothers were traitors.' They had
betrayed their country, by giving aid and comfort to the enemy in
time of war." (2)
Much of what is now known about the activities of the Dulles
brothers and other American Nazi collaborators in banking and
industry came as a result of a top-secret joint U.S.-British
intelligence program known as the Ultra Project. "Prior to the
United States' entry into the war," write Loftus and Aarons,
"Roosevelt permitted British intelligence to wiretap American
targets.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the area
of coverage included a good bit of the New York financial district,
several floors of Rockefeller Plaza, part of the RCA Building, two
prominent clubs, and various shipping firms. . . .
"The wiretap unit reported to Sir William Stephenson, a Canadian
electronics genius better known by his code name, 'Intrepid.' From
his headquarters in the Rockefeller building, Stephenson's job was
to identify U.S. companies that were aiding the Nazis." (3)
"Several months before the United States declared war," continue
Loftus and Aarons, "Bill Donovan invited Allen Dulles to head up the
New York branch of the Office of the Coordinator of Information
(COI), President Roosevelt's new intelligence agency and the
precursor to the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). Its primary
mission was to collect information against the Nazis and their
collaborators. In other words, Dulles was asked to inform on his own
clients in New York. . . ."
"Roosevelt had approved his selection as head of the COI Manhattan
branch because he wanted Dulles where the British wiretappers could
keep an eye on him. . . .
"One floor below Dulles was Stephenson's wiretap shop. Inside
Dulles's operation was one of Roosevelt's spies, Arthur Goldberg . .
." who, "confirmed . . . that Dulles's appointment was a setup. . .
.
"Roosevelt was giving Dulles enough rope to hang himself. From
Stephenson's Manhattan wiretaps, it is known that Dulles was
continuing to work with his German business clients, who wanted to
remove Hitler and install a puppet of their own who would make peace
with the West while forging an alliance against Stalin. It was to be
a kinder, gentler Third Reich, favorably disposed to American
financial interests. . . . (4)
"The wiretap evidence against Dulles originally was collected by a
special section of Operation Safehaven, the U.S. Treasury
Department's effort to trace the movement of stolen Nazi booty
towards the end of the war. Roosevelt and Treasury Secretary Henry
Morganthau had set up Dulles by giving him the one assignment -
intelligence chief in Switzerland - where he would be most tempted
to aid his German clients with their money laundering."
Roosevelt had one thing in mind: "The sudden release of the
Safehaven intercepts would force a public outcry to bring treason
charges against those British and American businessmen who aided the
enemy in time of war." Among the targets were Allen Dulles, Henry
Ford, and other U.S. industrialists. (5)
The plan failed, however, due to Dulles being "tipped off . . .
that he was under surveillance" in time to cover his tracks. One
possible source of the leak was Vice President Henry Wallace, "who
constantly shared information with his brother-in-law, the Swiss
minister in Washington during the war."
"Wallace," the authors reveal, "gave many details of his secret
meetings with Roosevelt to the Swiss diplomat." The problem was
that, at the time, the Nazis "had recruited the head of the Swiss
secret service."
It is, perhaps, no coincidence that Roosevelt dropped Wallace
during the 1944 election, choosing instead Senator Harry S. Truman
as his new running mate. (6)
THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY
"After the Nazis' 1943 defeat at Stalingrad," write Loftus and
Aarons, "various Nazi businessmen realized they were on the losing
side and made plans to evacuate their wealth. The Peron government
in Argentina was receiving the Nazi flight capital with open arms,
and Dulles helped it hide the money. . . .
"The Guinness Book of Records lists the missing Reichsbank treasure
[estimated at $2500000000 dollars] as the greatest unsolved bank
robbery in history. Where did it go? . . . .
"According to our source, the bulk of the treasure was simply
shipped a very short distance across Austria and through the Brenner
Pass into Italy. Dulles's contacts were waiting at the Vatican. The
German-Vatican connection was how Allen Dulles and the Nazi
industrialists planned to get away with it. . . ." (7)
The effort was successful, according to the authors, who state that
the "vast bulk of the wealth of the Nazi empire" which "disappeared
before the end of World War II" reappeared "within a decade in the
hands of the same men who financed Hitler's war against the Jews.
Allen Dulles's clients were not defeated, only inconvenienced." The
authors identify two of Dulles's accomplices as James Jesus Angleton
and his father, Hugh Angleton. The Angletons were members of X-2,
the OSS counterintelligence branch in Italy, in 1943.
Like Dulles, Hugh Angleton was financially involved with Axis
powers. He was the European representative for National Cash
Register in Italy before the war and business associate of Dulles.
When World War II broke out, the authors write,
". . . Angleton was crushed financially as all his investments were
in enemy hands.
"Like Dulles's clients, he wanted his money back. Like Dulles, Hugh
offered his services to the OSS." With high-placed contacts in
Mussolini's Interior Ministry, Hugh was accepted and "promoted
rapidly in U.S. intelligence. He became second in command to Colonel
Clifton Carter, the OSS commander in Italy at the end of World War
II." (8)
Perhaps the most controversial information which is now emerging
with the release of recently declassified documents concerning World
War II, is the role of the Vatican, both in its pre-war German
investments, and its role in helping Nazi war criminals escape
justice after the war. Concerning the Vatican-German investments,
Loftus and Aarons are quite clear:
"That the Vatican encouraged such investments and even donated
money to Hitler himself cannot be denied. A German nun, Sister
Pascalina, was present at its creation. In the early 1920s she was
the housekeeper for Archbishop of the Vatican-Nazi connection . . .
Eugenio Pacelli, then the papal nuncio in Munich. Sister Pascalina
vividly recalls receiving Adolf Hitler late one night and watching
the archbishop give Hitler a large amount of Church money."
In addition, Eugenio Pacelli
"later convinced the Vatican to invest millions of dollars in the
rising German economy, money from the Vatican's land settlement that
ended the Pope's claim of sovereignty over territory outside the
walls of Vatican City. It was Pacelli who negotiated the Concordat
with Germany and then had to deal with the consequences of his own
mistakes when he became pope on the eve of World War II.
"The Vatican and the Dulles brothers had the same problem. Once
their money was in Hitler's hands, how would they get it back?"
The authors interviewed "a former colonel in U.S. Military
Intelligence who specialized in tracing enemy assets. He claimed
that only a tiny portion of the Reichbank's gold ingots actually
reached the Vatican Bank, while the rest was held in cooperative
banks in Belgium, Liechtenstein, and especially Switzerland." It was
only necessary to transfer the paperwork on the gold, not the gold
itself. Since, by that time, Dulles knew his telegraph
communications were being monitored by the British wiretap operation
in New York, he instead used couriers to "ensure absolute secrecy in
moving the foreign currency and the ownership documents out of
Switzerland . . . special agents of the Vatican who had diplomatic
immunity to move back and forth across both Nazi and Allied lines. .
. ." (9)
". . . . The Vatican's eminence grise for Balkan intelligence, the
Bosnian-Croat priest Krunoslav Draganovic, was involved in
transporting large quantities of Nazi booty, especially gold
bullion, from Austria to the safety of the Holy See with the help of
the Dulles-Angleton clique in Rome. Some of the booty was
transported in truck convoys run by British troops. Other shipments
were carried in U.S. Army jeeps provided to Father Draganovic so
that he could conduct pastoral visits' on behalf of the Vatican.
"Another ardent Nazi propagandist and agent, Slovenian bishop
Gregory Rozman, was sent to Bern with the help of Dulles's friends
in U.S. intelligence. Declassified U.S. intelligence files confirm
that Bishop Rozman was suspected of trying to arrange the transfer
of huge quantities of Nazi-controlled gold and Western currency that
had been discreetly secreted in Swiss banks during the war. For a
few months the Allies prevented Rozman from gaining access to this
treasure, but then the way was mysteriously cleared. In fact, the
Dulles-Vatican connection had fixed it, and before too long the
bishop obtained the loot for his Nazi friends, who were hiding in
Argentina.
"Such instances turned out to be only the tip of the iceberg. It
has long been acknowledged that it was Allen Dulles who tipped off
General Patton about the buried German treasure that lay in the path
of the U.S. Third Army. Patton explicitly urged General Eisenhower
to conceal as much of the gold as possible, but his advice was
refused.
"Our sources claim that Dulles and his colleagues exerted a great
deal of influence to ensure that Western investments in Nazi Germany
were not seized by the Allies as reparations for the Jews. After
all, much of 'Hitler's Gold' had originally belonged to the bankers
in London and New York. The . . . captured Nazi loot went
underground. . . .
"In the cause of anticommunism, and to retrieve its own investments
in Germany, the Vatican agreed to become part of Dulles's smuggling
window, through which the Nazis and their treasure could be moved to
safety." (10)
On April 12th, 1945, Roosevelt died, and Truman became President.
May 7th, Nazi Germany surrendered after the suicide of Adolf Hitler.
September 2nd, Japan surrendered.
World War II finally ended, but at the cost of more than 35000000
lives, over half that amount civilians. The death toll for the
United States was 294000. (11)
A PLEDGE BETRAYED
"Dulles and some of his friends volunteered for postwar service
with the government not out of patriotism but of necessity,"
according to Loftus and Aarons. "They had to be in positions of
power to suppress the evidence of their own dealings with the Nazis.
The Safehaven investigation was quickly stripped from Treasury . . .
and turned over to the State Department. There Dulles's friends
shredded the index to the interlocking corporations and blocked
further investigations.
"Dulles had this goal in mind: Not a single American businessman
was ever going to be convicted of treason for helping the Nazis.
None ever was, despite the evidence. According to one of our sources
in the intelligence community, the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence
Corps had two large 'Civilian Internment Centers' in Occupied
Germany, code named 'Ashcan' and 'Dustbin.' The CIC had identified
and captured a large number of U.S. citizens who had stayed in
Germany and aided the Third Reich all through World War II. The
evidence of their treason was overwhelming. The captured German
records were horribly incriminating.
"Yet Victor Wohreheide, the young Justice Department attorney
responsible for preparing the treason trials, suddenly ordered the
prisoners' release. All of the Nazi collaborators were allowed to
return to the United States and reclaim their citizenship. At the
same time, another Justice Department attorney, O. John Rogge, who
dared to make a speech about Nazi collaborators in the United States
was quickly fired. However, the attorney who buried the treason
cases was later promoted to special assistant attorney general.
"Dulles and his clients had won. The proof is in the bottom line.
Forty years after World War II, Fortune magazine published a list of
the hundred richest men in the world. There were no Jews on the
list. The great fortunes of the Rothschilds and Warburgs had been
diminished to insignificance by the Depression, the Nazis, and World
War II.
"Near the top of the list were several multibillionaires who had
been prominent members of Hitler's inner circle. A few even had
served time in Allied prisons as Nazi war criminals, but they were
all released quickly. The bottom line is that the Nazi businessmen
survived the war with their fortunes intact and rebuilt their
industrial empires to become the richest men in the world. Dulles's
clients got away with it. President Roosevelt's dream of putting the
Nazis' moneymen on trial died with him."
England also failed to see justice done, according to the authors:
"The British authorities in Germany ordered the U.S. Army to release
all of the VIP British Nazis and hand over the evidence against
them. Even before Roosevelt's death, Churchill had already begun to
withdraw from his commitment to prosecute Nazis." The reason?" Too
many British industries might be seized as Nazi fronts. Too many
upper-class collaborators might have to be prosecuted. The Germans
were defeated, and the Soviets were now the enemy.
"Funding for British war crimes investigations suddenly dried up.
Nazi bankers such as Herman Abs were released from prison to work as
economic advisers in the British zone of Germany. The history of
British 'efforts' to punish Nazis after the war is aptly summarized
in Tom Bower's book, 'The Pledge betrayed'. . . .
"The pattern was repeated all over the remnants of the Third Reich.
Despite direct orders from President Truman and General Eisenhower,
I.G. Farben, the citadel of the Nazi industrialists, was never
dismantled. Dulles's clients demanded, and received, Allied
compensation for bomb damage to their factories in Germany. Only a
few of the top Nazis were executed. Most of the rest were released
from prison within a few years. Others, . . . would go virtually
unpunished. No one ever investigated the Nazi sympathizers in
Western intelligence who had made it all possible." (12)
As we have seen, the American industrialists who did business with
the Nazis were in no way inconvenienced by war crimes trials, and
even received compensation for damages to their Nazi war plants.
Some Nazi industrialists were charged and convicted by the Nuremberg
war crimes trials but, in their book, "The American Establishment,"
authors Leonard and Mark Silk observe that in the late 1940s "the
United States and its leaders faced an agonizing moral problem in
coming to terms with those German industrialists who had willingly
done business with the Nazis and who were now just as willing to do
business with the Americans in the reconstruction of Germany. The
problem was dramatized when those German industrialists who had been
convicted of war crimes at Nuremberg were all released from
Landsberg prison in early 1951, their sentences commuted by the
American High Commissioner [of German Occupation], John J. McCloy.
". . . . Whatever the motivation," the authors continue, "the
blanket release of the convicted industrialists was taken within
Germany - and by them - as a sign that businessmen were not to be
seriously blamed for their involvement in matters for which others
were hanged or suffered long imprisonment." (13)
The motivation for the mass release of imprisoned Nazi war
criminals is described in the book, "The New Germany and the Old
Nazis," by T.H. Tetens, an expert in German affairs.
Tetens observes that in "1950, when Washington showed its eagerness
to create a new German army of 500000 men, the SS [at that time
reorganized into a neo-Nazi front group called HIAG, which stands
for 'mutual assistance,' a so-called veterans organization],
together with the old Wehrmacht officers, started an all-out
campaign for the immediate release of all war criminals. It was a
superbly organized blackmail action, enjoying wide support from the
public, from all parties, and carried toward success by Dr.
Adenauer's astute maneuverings.
"The Chancellor suggested an inconspicuous way to solve the problem
with 'parole,' 'sick leave,' and other roundabout methods. The more
the U.S. High Commission in Germany showed leniency, however, the
stronger the pressure became: either 'all so-called war criminals
are released or there will be no German army.' American diplomats
followed Dr. Adenauer's plan to feed the nationalistic monster
piecemeal. Every few days we quietly released one or two more from
prison - the Krupps, the I.G. Farben directors, and dozens of former
Wehrmacht Generals. On friendly advice from Washington, the British
and the French, extremely reluctant, had to follow suit. When the
supply dried up, there remained behind bars only the SS, the mass
murderers from Dachau, Belsen, and Buchenwald, and the toughs from
the Waffen SS who had massacred American, British, and Canadian
prisoners of war. This put High Commissioner John McCloy in a most
embarrassing position. . . ."
Tetens explains how Chancellor Adenauer helped High Commissioner
McCloy and the U.S. State Department avoid this embarrassment:
Adenauer "suggested the formation of a review board, with three
German members sitting in and having equal voice in making
recommendations. The whole procedure was to be shrouded in secrecy,
and it was decided that the names of those released should not be
revealed to the public. In this way the last few hundred 'poor
devils,' those SS mass killers and sadists, were quietly set free
within two or three years." (14)
Christopher Simpson, in his extensively documented book on the
subject of U.S. recruitment of Nazis, "Blowback," goes into more
detail of the backgrounds of those released:
"The beneficiaries of this act included, for example, all of the
convicted concentration camp doctors; all of the top judges who had
administered the Nazis' 'special courts'" and dozens of similar
cases. In addition, "McCloy's clemency decisions for the Landsberg
inmates set in motion a much broader process that eventually freed
hundreds of other convicted Nazi war criminals over the next five
years. . . . By the winter of 1950-1951 the most senior levels of
the U.S. government had decided to abrogate their wartime pledge to
bring Nazi war criminals to justice. . . . in the interests of
preserving West German military support for American leadership in
the cold war. While nazism and Hitler's inner circle continued to be
publicly condemned throughout the West, the actual investigation and
prosecution of specific Nazi crimes came to a standstill." (15)
One case merits special attention: Sepp Dietrich, "the organizer of
the Fuehrer's bodyguard. Dietrich carried out Hitler's personal
murder assignments" and, Tetens continues, "was in charge of the
liquidation of the Jewish population in the city of Kharkov. During
the Battle of the Bulge his troops committed the Malmedy massacre,
killing more than 600 military and civilian prisoners, among them
115 American G.I.s. He was sentenced to death, and the sentence was
later commuted to life imprisonment. In 1955 he was one of the last
poor devils' quietly released from prison and greeted by the Bonn
government with the homecoming pay of 6000 marks." (16)
In a "New York Times" article published February 1, 1951, one
prominent American expressed support for the reduction of sentences
for those responsible for the mass murder of the 600 unarmed
prisoners of war at Malmedy, describing the decision as "extremely
wise." The American was Senator Joseph McCarthy, Republican from
Wisconsin.
Tetens observes that, despite the wide-spread fear by "the French,
the British, and the smaller European countries" of a re-militarized
Germany, "the outbreak of the Korean War (June 1950) brought a total
change. The provisions which banned all military and veterans'
organizations lost all their meaning and were no longer enforced.
Western Germany was allowed by the Allies to set up its own General
Staff, camouflaged under the name Blank Office. Supported by Bonn
and tolerated by the United States, a nation-wide network was
created to reactivate the experienced officers and the man power of
the old Wehrmacht. The short period of 1950-51 must be marked as the
time when Hitler's old officers, SS leaders, and [Nazi] party
functionaries returned to power and influence." (17)
Tetens' comment that the Nazi's return to power in Germany was
"tolerated by the United States" was a historical understatement. By
the time Tetens' book was published in 1961, hundreds of convicted
Nazi war criminals had already been smuggled out of Germany to avoid
prosecution at the war crimes trials at Nuremberg, recruited by, and
on the payroll of several U.S. government agencies, including the
Army CIC, the OSS, and the Office of Policy Coordination within the
State Department.
Over the past fifty years, it is now documented, these Americanized
fugitive Nazi war criminals have been involved in, and in many cases
in charge of, many U.S. government covert operations --
international weapons smuggling, drug cartels, Central American
death squads, right wing anti-communist dictatorships, LSD mind
control experiments -- the Republican National Committee's Ethnic
Heritage Councils, and the Presidential campaigns of Richard Nixon,
Ronald Reagan, and George Bush.
THE GEHLEN ORGANIZATION
Probably the most influential Nazi to come to work for the United
States intelligence agencies during the Cold War was named Gehlen.
"Reinhard Gehlen," writes author Christopher Simpson, "Hitler's
most senior military intelligence officer on the eastern front, had
begun planning his surrender to the United States at least as early
as the fall of 1944." Of "several hundred" high-ranking Nazi
officers who switched sides at the end of World War II, Gehlen
"proved to be the most important of them all.
"In early March 1945 Gehlen and a small group of his most senior
officers carefully microfilmed the vast holdings on the USSR in the
. . . military intelligence section of the German army's general
staff. They packed the film in watertight steel drums and secretly
buried it in remote mountain meadows scattered through the Austrian
Alps. Then, on May 22, 1945, Gehlen and his top aides surrendered to
an American Counter-intelligence Corps [CIC] team." (18)
According to Tetens: ". . . [Gehlen] immediately asked for an
interview with the commanding officer . . ." and offered the United
States "his intelligence staff, spy apparatus, and the priceless
files for future service."
Gehlen was sent to Washington and his offer was taken. "The
Pentagon-Gehlen agreement," states Tetens, "in practice guaranteed
the continuation of the all-important Abwehr division of the German
General Staff. Hundreds of German army and SS officers were quietly
released from internment camps and joined Gehlen's headquarters in
the Spessart Mountains in central Germany. When the staff had grown
to three thousand men, the Bureau Gehlen opened a closely guarded
twenty-five-acre compound near Pullach, south of Munich, operating
under the innocent name of the South German Industrial Development
Organization. . . .
"Within a few years the Gehlen apparatus had grown by leaps and
bounds. In the early fifties it was estimated that the organization
employed up to 4000 intelligence specialists in Germany, mainly
former army and SS officers, and that more than 4000 V-men
(undercover agents) were active throughout the Soviet-bloc
countries. Gehlen's spy network stretches from Korea to Cairo, from
Siberia to Santiago de Chile. . . . When the Federal Republic [of
West Germany] became a sovereign state in 1955, the Bureau Gehlen
was openly recognized as the official intelligence arm of the Bonn
government." (19)
How important was the Gehlen Org, as it became known, to the
history of the Cold War? Simpson's research documents that it was
perhaps the most significant element of all:
". . . . The Org became the most important eyes and ears for U.S.
intelligence inside the closed societies of the Soviet bloc. 'In
1946 [U.S.] intelligence files on the Soviet Union were virtually
empty,' says Harry Rositzke, the CIA's former chief of espionage
inside the Soviet Union. '. . . . Rositzke worked closely with
Gehlen during the formative years of the CIA and credits Gehlen's
organization with playing a "primary role" in filling the empty file
folders during that period. . . .'
"'Gehlen had to make his money by creating a threat that we were
afraid of,' says Victor Marchetti, formerly the CIA's chief analyst
of Soviet strategic war plans and capabilities, 'so we would give
him more money to tell us about it.' He continues: 'In my opinion,
the Gehlen Organization provided nothing worthwhile for the
understanding or estimating Soviet military or political
capabilities in Eastern Europe or anywhere else.' Employing Gehlen
was 'a waste of time, money, and effort, except that maybe he had
some CI [counter- intelligence] value, because practically everybody
in his organization was sucking off both tits.'" (20)
By 'sucking off both tits' Marchetti is referring to the fact that
Gehlen's elaborate operation was penetrated by Soviet spies at the
very time it was our most important source of intelligence upon
which the Cold War was based. In fact, the Communists had
infiltrated Nazi intelligence long before Gehlen switched sides.
TRIPLE CROSS
"In each generation," write Aarons and Loftus,"Soviet intelligence
created 'anti-Communist' emigre front groups, ostensibly to foment
revolution and topple Bolshevism. The front groups attracted support
from the West. Considerable financial assistance was supplied and
close ties forged with various Western intelligence services. This
enabled the Communist double agents running the front groups to co-
opt the legitimate emigre opposition, splinter their leadership and
provoke them into premature and poorly organized rebellions which
were easily defeated. More importantly, the false front groups were
a vehicle for long-term Soviet penetration of Western society. . .
."
The authors identify one of these groups as the Narodny Trudovoi
Soyuz (NTS), or the People's Labour Alliance. The NTS represented
itself as a group of anti-communist "moles" inside the Kremlin and,
in the 1920s, recruited a Communist agent named Prince Anton
Vasilevich Turkel. Turkel, who actually worked for Soviet Military
intelligence (GRU), went on to penetrate French, Japanese, Italian,
British, German, and even the Vatican intelligence services before
the end of World War II.
"After World War II, Turkel worked for West German intelligence
(the Gehlen Org), collaborated with many of the spy services of
NATO, including the American Military Intelligence Service (MIS -
for offensive intelligence), the US Army Counter Intelligence Corps
(CIC - for defensive purposes), the ultra-secret State Department
Office of Policy Co-ordination and the Central Intelligence Agency.
. ." (21)
"Just before World War II began," according to the authors, "an
Austrian Jew named Richard Kauder created a secret intelligence
network, code named MAX." Kauder, using the name of [Max] Klatt -
Turkel's intelligence chief ["Unholy Trinity," Aarons and Loftus, p.
166] - "worked exclusively for Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the German
spy chief who collaborated with the Vatican and the British to
topple Hitler during the war [the group known as the Black
Orchestra]."
The Nazis thought the Max network was made up of "so-called Fascist
Jews" who "were willing to spy against the Soviet Union, not for the
glory of the Third Reich but to save themselves and their families
from the concentration camps." The Max network was supposed to have
had "the only communication link to a secret network of 'White'
Russian Fascists inside the Kremlin [Turkel's NTS], who had
supposedly infiltrated Stalin's military headquarters prior to World
War II." But, the authors continue, "the Max network was not made up
of Fascist Jews. They were, in fact, Communist Jews who risked their
lives inside the heart of the Third Reich's intelligence service."
The Max network actually misled the Nazis, feeding them false
intelligence on the capabilities and intentions of the Soviet Union,
leading "the Nazi divisions into a series of death traps on the
Eastern front." The Max double-agents were responsible for the Nazis
defeats at Stalingrad, "the giant battle of Kursk where Hitler's
tank divisions were slaughtered. The final sting," continue the
authors, "was to mislead Germany into believing that the Red army
was on the verge of collapse in 1944, when in fact the Soviets were
preparing for the most massive onslaught of the war.
"It would not be an exaggeration to say that the 'Fascist Jews' of
the Max network did more to defeat the German army than all the
Western intelligence services combined. Seventy percent of all
Hitler's divisions were destroyed on the Eastern front, largely as a
result of the misleading intelligence supplied by Max." (22)
When Gehlen was recruited by the United States, Allen Dulles
ordered the ex-Nazi spymaster to "revive the Max network." Gehlen
already had plans to do just that, intending "to make Turkel's Max
network the centerpiece of his new West German intelligence agency.
As soon as a Republican president was elected in the United States,
Dulles intended to take over the CIA and make Gehlen and Turkel the
heart of his anti-Soviet network. The Soviets, of course, were
delighted as they watched Dulles and Gehlen attempt to plant a
Communist spy ring in the heart of Western intelligence. . . .
". . . [E]ventually, in 1956, the Allies decided that the whole
thing had been a giant Soviet-controlled operation. Dozens of
operations, hundreds of agents, thousands of innocent civilians had
been betrayed. . . .
". . . [T]hree years after Dulles became head of CIA in 1953, his
pet 'Fascist,' Turkel, broadcast the CIA codes to start the
Hungarian uprising prematurely. Thousands of innocent Hungarians
rushed on to the streets of Budapest to start the revolution.
Instead of American paratroopers dropping supplies, they found
Soviet tanks waiting in the suburbs."
By 1959, the collapse of Dulles's spy network was almost total:
"U.S. Military Intelligence admitted to the National Security
Council that it did not have a single network of couriers or safe
houses left in Communist territory, apart from East Germany.
Dulles's Nazi 'freedom fighters' had sold him out." (23)
COLD WARRIORS
It was Harry Rositze who best described the attitude of the United
States military-intelligence establishment after the end of World
War II: "Any bastard as long as he was anti-Communist." Rositze, the
"former head of secret operations inside the USSR" for the CIA, was
correct. (24)
We have seen that many Nazis - including those who committed
atrocities - returned to positions of power and influence inside
Germany after the war. Unknown until fairly recently was the extent
of Nazi recruitment by U.S. intelligence agencies and political
organizations, in the 1940s and 1950s.
Perhaps the most publicized program of Nazi recruitment is that of
Project Paperclip, which involved the collection of Nazi rocket
scientists and facilities, all of which were later incorporated into
the U.S. Space Program. Klaus Barbie's employment by the U.S. State
Department in the 1940s is another well-known incident. Barbie, head
of the Gestapo in Lyons, France, was known as the "Butcher of Lyons"
and was sought by the French Government for atrocities committed
against French Resistance fighters captured by the Nazis. Barbie was
recruited as a U.S. intelligence "asset" in 1947 by one branch of
the State Department's Counter-intelligence Corps (CIC), while
another branch, the Operation Selection Board, a joint U.S./British
project, was trying to put him in prison for war crimes.
Eventually, according to Aarons and Loftus, "Barbie's employment
(and protection) by the Americans began to reach French newspapers
and politicians at least as early as 1948. They, in turn brought
increasing pressure on the U.S. government through publicity and
eventually through official notes requesting Barbie's extradition
from Germany. That, in the final analysis, is why the CIC chose to
provide Barbie with a new identity and safe passage to Argentina in
1951, while thousands of other ex-Nazis who had been 'of interest'
to the CIC at one time or another have simply lived out their lives
in Germany. If the CIC had dumped Barbie when the French government
began requesting his extradition, he would have had plenty of
compromising things to say about the CIC. . ." (25)
But when Barbie was eventually captured by Bolivian authorities in
the early 1980s, and returned to France to face charges of war
crimes, the U.S. government was forced to conduct an investigation
into the Barbie affair. The official position? ". . . [T]his
investigation concluded that the United States had indeed protected
Barbie in Europe and engineered his escape but that Barbie was the
only such Nazi who had been assisted in this fashion." (26)
As documented previously, this statement was false. Hundreds,
perhaps thousands, of Nazis were employed by the several U.S.
agencies, from the CIC to the CIA, and used in covert operations
overseas, as our first line of defense against Communism. Others,
equally as guilty of wartime atrocities, were brought into the
United States for domestic political purposes. This aspect of the
U.S.-Nazi connection is well-documented, and deserves closer
attention by the mainstream press.
One of the first researchers to reveal the connections between the
U.S. government and the Nazis, was a lady named Mae Brussell of
Carmel, California. Her career as a conspiracy researcher and host
of the weekly radio program "World Watchers International" began
with the Kennedy assassination. "In ferreting out every morsel from
the Warren Report," writes Jonathan Vankin, author of the book
"Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes," "supplementing her research
with untold amounts of reading from the 'New York Times' to 'Soldier
of Fortune,' Brussell discovered not merely a conspiracy of a few
renegade CIA agents, Mafiosi, and Castro haters behind Kennedy's
death, but a vast, invisible institutional structure layered into
the very fabric of the U.S. political system.
"Comprising the government within a government were not just spies,
gangsters, and Cubans, but Nazis. Mae found that many of the
commission witnesses -- whose testimony established Oswald as a lone
nut' -- had never even spoken to Oswald, or knew him only slightly.
The bulk of them were White Russian emigres living in Dallas.
Extreme in their anti-Communism, they were often affiliated with
groups set up by the SS in World War II -- Eastern European ethnic
armies used by the Nazis to carry out their dirtiest work.
"Brussell also discovered an episode from history rarely reported
in the media, and not often taught in universities. Those same
collaborationist groups were absorbed by United States intelligence
agencies. They hooked up with the spy net of German General Reinhard
Gehlen, Hitler's Eastern Front espionage chief."
"'This is a story of how key Nazis . . . anticipated military
disaster and laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but disguised,
in havens in the West,' wrote Mae Brussell in 1983. She didn't
author too many articles, but this one, 'The Nazi Connection to the
John F. Kennedy Assassination' (in 'The Rebel,' a short-lived
political magazine published by 'Hustler' impresario Larry Flynt),
was definitive, albeit convoluted.
"'It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963, when
John Kennedy was struck down,' Brussell's article continued. 'And it
is a story with an aftermath -- America's slide to the brink of
Fascism.'"
Mae Brussell quit broadcasting her radio show in Spring of 1988,
after receiving a death threat from a "man who is said to have
identified himself as 'a fascist and proud of it.'"
The last project she worked on, before her death from cancer on
October 3, 1988, writes the author, "was a study of Satanic cults --
within the U.S. military. The hidden fascist oligarchy had
progressed far beyond the need for patsies like Oswald. They were
now able, Brussell asserted, to hypnotically program assassins.
"Satanic cults are the state of the art in brainwashing. With
drugs, sex, and violence, they strip any semblance of moral thought.
They are perfect for use in creating killers. The United States
military, Brussell found, was using them." (27)
NOTES: THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER
1.One Thousand Americans, George Seldes, p. 5-6 2.The Secret War
Against the Jews, Loftus and Aarons, p. 71 3.Ibid., pp. 73-74
4.Ibid., pp. 75-76 5.Ibid., p. 77 6.Ibid., p. 78 7.Ibid., pp. 79-80
8.Ibid., pp. 82-83 9.Ibid., pp. 84-85 10.Ibid., pp. 85-86 11.Tragedy
and Hope, Prof. Carrol Quigley, p. 827 12.Secret War Against the
Jews, pp. 100-102 13.The American Establishment, Leonard and Mark
Silk, p. 249 14.The New Germany and the Old Nazis, T.H. Tetens, pp.
99-102 15.Blowback: America's recruitment of Nazis and its effects
on the Cold War, Christopher Simpson, pp. 191-192 16.The New Germany
and the Old Nazis, p. 103 17.Ibid., pp. 112-113 18.Blowback, pp. 40-
41 19.The New Germany and the Old Nazis, pp. 42-43 20.Blowback, pp.
54-55 21.Unholy Trinity, Mark Aarons and John Loftus, pp. 151-152
22.The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 135-136 23.Ibid., pp. 151-
152 24.Blowback, p. 159 25.Ibid., pp. 187-189 26.Ibid., pp. 192-193
27.Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes, Jonathan Vankin, pp. 101-104
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard
Nixon. To do so we must return to the years just after the end of
World War II and, of course, a man named Dulles.
The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can
only be appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career
also began with one. Loftus and Aarons state that:
"According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard
Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer
temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The
documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing,
"former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel,
Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with Dulles's
principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable
records regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust.
After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records,
but he helped peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible 'New
York Times.'"
The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up
his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an
anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil
interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to
Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian- American
Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of
people with him, including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except
that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti
records."
According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the
young navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard
Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return,
Allen Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional
campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1)
Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman
congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles
considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that
confidential government files showed that one of Foster's foundation
employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles
brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of
Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany, apparently in
anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey
became president." [He would be useful anyway, despite the fact that
incumbent President Truman won reelection in 1948, defeating Dewey.]
(2)
After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen
Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy
received volumes of classified information to support the charge
that the Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When
McCarthy went too far in his Communist investigations, it was Nixon
who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith,
to steer the investigations away from the intelligence community.
"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the
reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of
the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief,
Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European
emigre networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British,
and finally Dulles.
"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the
United States less for intelligence purposes than for political
advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the
Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles
used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the
Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of
the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected Western
intelligence with Nazi recruits.
"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the
Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly,
recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States
after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several
Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant
number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited
by the SS as political and police leaders during the Holocaust.
These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation'
policy as the quickest means of getting back into power in their
former homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its first
operation (1951/1952).'"
The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had
acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov,
a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in
New Jersey. But in <data type="percent" unit="%">90%</data> of the cases, the members of Hitler's
political organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the
very beginning, the word had been put around among Eastern European
Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you
were a rich Fascist . . ." (3)
This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed
because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin
loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote.
When [Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was
determined to build his own ethnic base.
"Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis against Jews
in American politics was never investigated at the time. The foreign
language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a
ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern
European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA
domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s
and the leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups.
The motive for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis
to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats.
"In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican
National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to
power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the
committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration
laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They
flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration
program. As vice president, he even received Eastern European
Fascists in the White House. After a long, long journey, the
Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where they
reestablished their networks.
"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election,
he would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican
party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only
during presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after
the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the
Republican National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an
integral part of the campaign structure of Republican politics,
along with several other Fascist organizations." (4)
The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain
terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968
presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the
point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert operations and
personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in
1956 and 1957." (5)
One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor,
described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's
Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . .
was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of
Nazi Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish
population.
"[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved
Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council. Not
surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the
council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist
organizations.' The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in
droves.
"The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre
Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff,
head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American
Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an
organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive Fascists. Yet
Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even had Docheff to breakfast
for a prayer meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6)
"During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo
Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No
longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position
as the Republican National Committee's nationalities director. . . .
"The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense.
[Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's
Nazis appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the
November 1971 convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor,
'the industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was never
asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by the four GOP
officials who interviewed him for his job.' It was too embarrassing
for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had been a ranking member of a
Fascist government at war with the United States.
". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European
Fascist movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to
let the German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the
Republican administration changed the rules, and even members of the
Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as they
claimed only to have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front."
(7)
The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by
Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the
book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden
and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known
as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with Germanic
names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was
also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the
Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.
"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the
brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University
of Southern California, and the University of California at Los
Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of
a new Reich. America has for a long time harbored this dark side of
its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and
Hitler.
"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will'
was the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi
propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours
of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with
blind ambition, as one of them wrote." (8)
"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community
who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the
secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read
like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi
connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The
rosters will never be disclosed to the public. As will be seen in
Chapter 16 dealing with George Bush, the Fascist connection is too
widespread for damage control.
"According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research
Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War
II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon
administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be
gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass
murderer from what is today called the independent nation of
Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all American
ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section;
there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .
"The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no
one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of the
top emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored
their friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally
fled to Argentina were moving to the United States. . . ." (9)
It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party
Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of
having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a
matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the
Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds, money-
laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the political
sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, the involvement
of ITT and the Nixon Administration into the assassination of
Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, and
many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about
to open. Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth
by the American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning
by his hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford.
NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
1.The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221 2.Ibid., pp. 221-222
3.Ibid., pp. 222-223 4.Ibid., pp. 122-123 5.Ibid., pp. 224-225
6.Ibid., pp. 297-298 7.Ibid., pp. 298-299 8.High Treason, Robert J.
Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, pp. 417-418 9.The Secret War
Against the Jews, pp. 300-301
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
Like Richard Nixon, George Bush was a strong anti-marijuana/hemp
president, escalating the so-called "war on drugs" begun by Nixon.
And, like Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting the
Nazis in the Republican's closet. In fact, support for the Nazis was
a Bush family tradition which goes back more than six decades and,
once again, to Allen Dulles.
Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts well
before he launched his own career. It goes back to the 1920s, when
the Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall Street were making
their deals with the Nazis. . . ."
THE BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION
"George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake and
maternal grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker, a native of St.
Louis, who founded the banking and investment firm of G. H. Walker
and Company in 1900. Later the company shifted from St. Louis to the
prestigious address of 1 Wall Street. . . .
"Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial supporters in
the United States. The relationship went all the way back to 1924,
when Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing Hitler's
infant Nazi party. As mentioned in earlier chapters, there were
American contributors as well.
"Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections to
Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell because
they supported Fascism. The Dulles brothers, who were in it for
profit more than ideology, arranged American investments in Nazi
Germany in the 1930s to ensure that their clients did well out of
the German economic recovery. . . .
"Sullivan &amp; Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in funding
Germany. According to 'The Splendid Blond Beast,' Christopher
Simpson's seminal history of the politics of genocide and profit,
Brown Brothers, Harriman was another bank that specialized in
investments in Germany. The key figure was Averill Harriman, a
dominating figure in the American establishment. . . .
"The firm originally was known as W. A. Harriman &amp; Company. The
link between Harriman &amp; Company's American investors and Thyssen
started in the 1920s, through the Union Banking Corporation, which
began trading in 1924. In just one three-year period, the Harriman
firm sold more than $50000000 of German bonds to American
investors. 'Bert' Walker was Union Banking's president, and the firm
was located in the offices of Averill Harriman's company at 39
Broadway in New York.
"In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law, Prescott
Bush. It was the sort of favor families do to help their children
make a start in life, but Prescott came to regret it bitterly.
Walker made Prescott vice president of W. A. Harriman. The problem
was that Walker's specialty was companies that traded with Germany.
As Thyssen and the other German industrialists consolidated Hitler's
political power in the 1930s, an American financial connection was
needed. According to our sources, Union Banking became an out-and-
out Nazi money-laundering machine. . . .
"In [1931], Harriman &amp; Company merged with a British-American
investment company to become Brown Brothers, Harriman. Prescott Bush
became one of the senior partners of the new company, which
relocated to 59 Broadway, while Union Banking remained at 39
Broadway. But in 1934 Walker arranged to put his son-in-law on the
board of directors of Union Banking.
"Walker also set up a deal to take over the North American
operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G. Farben's
Nazi espionage unit in the United States. The shipping line smuggled
in German agents, propaganda, and money for bribing American
politicians to see things Hitler's way. The holding company was
Walker's American Shipping &amp; Commerce, which shared the offices at
39 Broadway with Union Banking. In an elaborate corporate paper
trail, Harriman's stock in American Shipping &amp; Commerce was
controlled by yet another holding company, the Harriman Fifteen
Corporation, run out of Walker's office. The directors of this
company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and Prescott Bush. . . .
". . . In a November 1935 article in Common Sense, retired marine
general Smedley D. Butler blamed Brown Brothers, Harriman for having
the U.S. marines act like 'racketeers' and 'gangsters' in order to
exploit financially the peasants of Nicaragua. . . .
". . . A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker's
'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi propaganda
efforts both in Germany and the United States.' Walker did not know
it, but one of his American employees, Dan Harkins, had blown the
whistle on the spy apparatus to Congress. Harkins, one of our best
sources, became Roosevelt's first double agent . . . [and] kept up
the pretense of being an ardent Nazi sympathizer, while reporting to
Naval Intelligence on the shipping company's deals with Nazi
intelligence.
"Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the authors, "Bush
hired a lawyer to hide the assets. The lawyer he hired had
considerable expertise in such underhanded schemes. It was Allen
Dulles. According to Dulles's client list at Sullivan &amp; Cromwell,
his first relationship with Brown Brothers, Harriman was on June 18,
1936. In January 1937 Dulles listed his work for the firm as
'Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil] Investing stock.'
"As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey had
completed a major stock transaction with Dulles's Nazi client, I.G.
Farben. By the end of January 1937 Dulles had merged all his
cloaking activities into one client account: 'Brown Brothers
Harriman-Schroeder Rock.' Schroeder, of course, was the Nazi bank on
whose board Dulles sat. The 'Rock' were the Rockefellers of Standard
Oil, who were already coming under scrutiny for their Nazi deals. By
May 1939 Dulles handled another problem for Brown Brothers,
Harriman, their 'Securities Custodian Accounts.'
"If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding companies
Brown Brothers, Harriman was connected with, he did not do a very
good job. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, word leaked from Washington
that affiliates of Prescott Bush's company were under investigation
for aiding the Nazis in time of war. . . .
". . . The government investigation against Prescott Bush
continued. Just before the storm broke, his son, George, abandoned
his plans to enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Army. It was, say
our sources among the former intelligence officers, a valiant
attempt by an eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's honor.
"Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when the U.S.
government charged his father with running Nazi front groups in the
United States. Under the Trading with the Enemy Act, all the shares
of the Union Banking Corporation were seized, including those held
by Prescott Bush as being in effect held for enemy nationals. Union
Banking, of course, was an affiliate of Brown Brothers, Harriman,
and Bush handled the Harrimans' investments as well.
"Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the whole story
of the intricate web of Nazi front corporations began to unravel. A
few days later two of Union Banking's subsidiaries -- the Holland
American Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment
Corporation -- also were seized. Then the government went after the
Harriman Fifteen Holding Company, which Bush shared with his father-
in-law, Bert Walker, the Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian-
American Corporation. The U.S. government found that huge sections
of Prescott Bush's empire had been operated on behalf of Nazi
Germany and had greatly assisted the German war effort." (1)
EDWIN PAULEY
"Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush could not get
away from Dulles's crooked corporate network, which his grandfather
and father had joined in the 1920s. Wherever he turned, George found
that the influence of the Dulles brothers was already there. Even
when he fled to Texas to become a successful businessman on his own,
he ran into the pirates of Wall Street.
"One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the Democratic party
later became George Bush's partner in the Mexican oil business.
Edwin Pauley, a California oil man, was . . . one of Dulles's covert
agents in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations . . . a 'big
business' Democrat. . . ."
Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the
Democratic National Committee, director of the Democratic convention
in 1944 and, after Truman's election, Truman appointed him the
"Petroleum Coordinator of Lend-Lease Supplies for the Soviet Union
and Britain."
Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman appointed
Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied Reparations
Committee, with the rank of ambassador," as well as "industrial and
commercial advisor to the Potsdam Conference, 'where his chief task
was to renegotiate the reparations agreements formulated at Yalta.'
As one historian noted, the 'oil industry has always watched
reparations activities carefully.' There was a lot of money
involved, and much of it belonged to the Dulles brothers' clients."
At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons,
"the Dulles brothers were still shifting Nazi assets out of Europe
for their clients as well as for their own profit. They didn't want
the Soviets to get their hands on these assets or even know that
they existed. Pauley played a significant role in solving this
problem for the Dulles brothers. The major part of Nazi Germany's
industrial assets was located in the zones occupied by the West's
forces. As Washington's man on the ground, Pauley managed to deceive
the Soviets for long enough to allow Allen Dulles to spirit much of
the remaining Nazi assets out to safety. . . .
"Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles brothers' Nazi
assets, then moved into another post where he could help them
further. After successfully keeping German assets in Fascist hands,
Pauley was given the job of 'surveying Japan's assets and
determining the amount of its war debt.' Again, it was another job
that was crucial to the Dulles clique's secret financial and
intelligence operations." (2)
After Pauley retired from government work he went back to being an
independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In 1958 he
founded Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with Howard Hughes
to expand oil production in the Gulf of Mexico.
"Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive offshore petroleum
reserve and in 1959 became involved in a dispute with the Mexican
Government, which considered the royalties from the wells to be too
low.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the oil
dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by Mexican politicians.
Hughes and Pauley were working for the CIA from time to time, while
advancing their own financial interests in the lucrative Mexican oil
fields. Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who invented
an intelligence money-laundering system in Mexico, which was later
refined in the 1970s as part of Nixon's Watergate scandal. At one
point CIA agents used Pemex, the Mexican government's oil monopoly,
as a business cover at the same time Pemex was being used as a money
laundry for Pauley's campaign contributions. As we shall see, the
Mexican-CIA connection played an important part in the development
of George Bush's political and intelligence career. . . .
"Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought all the
threads of the Mexican connection together. He was Bush's business
associate, a front man for Dulles's CIA [Allen Dulles was CIA
director then], and originator of the use of Mexican oil fronts to
create a slush fund for Richard Nixon's various campaigns. . . .
"Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had been a
committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since 1960. It should be
recalled that Nixon tried to conceal his Mexican slush fund during
the Watergate affair by pressuring the CIA into a 'national
security' cover-up. The CIA, to its credit, declined to participate.
Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's work for Nixon
that they could never extricate themselves. According to a number of
our intelligence sources, the deals Bush cut with Pauley in Mexico
catapulted him into political life. In 1960 Bush became a protege of
Richard Nixon, who was then running for president of the United
States. . . .
"The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to Richard
Nixon, who as vice president had supervised Allen Dulles's covert
planning for the Bay of Pigs [invasion]. For years it has been
rumored that Dulles's client, George Bush's father, was one of the
Republican leaders who recruited Nixon to run for Congress and later
convinced Eisenhower to take him on as vice president. There is no
doubt that the two families were close. George Bush described Nixon
as his 'mentor.' Nixon was a Bush supporter in his very first tilt
at politics, during his unsuccessful run for the Senate in 1964, and
turned out again when he entered the House two years later.
"After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a general
house cleaning on the basis of loyalty. 'Eliminate everyone,' he
told John Ehrlichman about reappointments, 'except George Bush. Bush
will do anything for our cause.' . . . According to Bush's account,
the president told him that 'the place I really need you is over at
the National Committee running things.' So, in 1972, Nixon appointed
George Bush as head of the Republican National Committee.
"It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the 'ethnic'
emigres a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972 Nixon's
State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart
that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in
several key states. Bush's tenure as head of the Republican National
Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor's 1972 drive to
transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party's official
ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as Bush's campaign allies were
the emigre Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States. .
. .
". . . Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in several
respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the same
ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic outreach
program when he first ran for president.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community," state the
authors, "it was Bush who told Nixon that the Watergate
investigations might start uncovering the Fascist skeletons in the
Republican party's closet. Bush himself acknowledges that he wrote
Nixon a letter asking him to step down. The day after Bush did so,
Nixon resigned.
"Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president upon Nixon's
resignation, but he was appointed U.S. ambassador to the UN. Nelson
Rockefeller became vice president and chief damage controller. He
formed a special commission in an attempt to preempt the Senate's
investigation of the intelligence community. The Rockefeller
Commission into CIA abuses was filled with old OPC [Dulles's Office
of Policy Coordination] hands like Ronald Reagan, who had been the
front man back in the 1950s for the money-laundering organization,
the Crusade for Freedom, which was part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom
fighters' program." (3)
In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research
organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the
subject of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major mass
media ignored, overlooked or undercovered at least ten critical
stories reported in America's alternative press that raised serious
questions about the Republican candidate, George Bush, dating from
his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his Presidential
campaign's connection with a network of anti-Semites with Nazi and
fascist affiliations in 1988." (4)
NOTES: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
1.The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 357-361 2.Ibid., pp. 362-364
3.Ibid., pp. 365-371 4.The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News
That Didn't Make The News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl
Jensen, Director., pp. 230.
CONCLUSION
If, before you finished reading this publication, you ever wondered
why the U.S. federal government refuses to consider the medicinal
and industrial value of cannabis hemp, despite widespread and
growing support from the public, medical experts, industry leaders,
and a growing number of state legislators across this nation . . .
you now have the answer.
For the past several generations, Americans have been
systematically deceived about the true nature of cannabis hemp. Many
Americans have died - victims of political murders. Millions have
been imprisoned, their children and their property taken away, their
futures destroyed. The history of my own state - Kentucky - and
others as well, have been "sanitized," rewritten, our heritage
deleted, our citizens defrauded and impoverished to bury the truth.
And if, before you finished reading this publication, you ever
wondered why the U.S. federal government would train and finance
Central American death squads; or why, while waging the so-called
"war on drugs," the U.S. federal government would operate cocaine
and heroin smuggling operations around the world, bringing in tons
of drugs to places like Mena, Arkansas; or why the U.S. federal
government would "spread democracy" throughout the world by
assassinating democratically elected politicians - both at home and
abroad - replacing them with right-wing dictators and training their
secret police in the latest techniques of torture, terrorism, and
mind control; or why the U.S. federal government would conduct
deadly medical and radiation experiments on unsuspecting citizens -
including pregnant women, the mentally impaired, and children . . .
you now have the answer.
The last question is "what are we going to do about it?"
BIBLIOGRAPHY (By section)
INTRODUCTION
The Irony of Democracy: An Uncommon Introduction to American
Politics - Second Edition, By Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler -
Duxbury Press, CA. 1972
The Arms Bazaar: From Lebanon to Lockheed - By Anthony Sampson -
The Viking Press, NY. 1977
U. S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS
Facts and Fascism - By George Seldes (Assisted by Helen Seldes) -
Sixth Edition - In Fact, Inc., NY. 1943
Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American Money Plot
1933-1949 - By Charles Higham - Delecorte Press, NY. 1983
Even the Gods Can't Change History: The Facts Speak for Themselves
- By George Seldes - Lyle Stuart, Inc., NJ. 1976
Power, Inc.: Public and Private Rulers and How to Make Them
Accountable - By Morton Mintz &amp; Jerry S. Cohen - Viking Press, NY.
1976
The Plot to Seize the White House - By Jules Archer - Hawthorn
Books, 1973
It's A Conspiracy!: The Shocking Truth About America's Favorite
Conspiracy Theories - By Michael Litchfield/The National Insecurity
Council - EarthWorks Press, CA. 1992
The Secret War Against The Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed The
Jewish People - By John Loftus and Mark Aarons - St. Martin's Press,
NY. 1994
HEMP &amp; the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor Wears No Clothes - By
Jack Herer (Editors: C. Conrad, L. &amp; J. Osburn, E. Komp , and J.
Stout)
H.E.M.P. (Help Eliminate Marijuana Prohibition), CA. 1995
One Thousand Americans - By George Seldes - BONI &amp; GAER, NY. 1947
Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do: The Absurdity of Consentual
Crimes in a Free Society - By Peter McWilliams - Prelude Press, CA.
1993
A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky - By Professor James F.
Hopkins - University of Kentucky Press, Lexington, KY. 1951
Spooks: The Haunting of America - The Private Use of Secret Agents
- By Jim Hougan - First Bantam Edition - William Morrow and Co., NY.
1979
The Sovereign State of ITT - By Anthony Sampson - Stein and Day,
NY. 1973
Democracy for the Few - By Michael Parenti - Fourth Edition - St.
Martin's Press, NY. 1983
THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER
Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time - By Carroll
Quigley, Second Printing - Wm. Morrison, NY. 1974
The American Establishment - By Leonard Silk &amp; Mark Silk, First
Discus Printing - Avon Books (by arrangement with Basic Books), NY.
1981
The New Germany and the Old Nazis - By T.H. Tetens - Random House,
NY. 1961
Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazi's and Its Effect on the
Cold War - By Christopher Simpson - Weidenfeld &amp; Nicolson, NY. 1988
Unholy Trinity: The Vatican, the Nazis, and Soviet Intelligence -
By Mark Aarons &amp; John Loftus, First U.S. Edition - St. Martin's
Press, NY. 1992
Conspiracies, Cover-Ups and Crimes: From JFK to the CIA Terrorist
Connection - By Jonathan Vankin - Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing
Group, Inc., NY. 1992
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
High Treason: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy and
the New Evidence of Conspiracy - By Robert J. Groden and Harrison
Edward Livingstone, Berkley Edition - Berkley Books, NY. 1990
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
Censored: The News That Didn't Make the News - And Why - By Carl
Jensen - Shelburne Press, Inc., NY. 1993
Dedicated to the principals of an open discussion of the issues.
Copy and distribute freely. Please credit direct quotations where
appropriate. R. William Davis - Founder and Director, The Elkhorn
Project "Restoring Kentucky's Proud Heritage and Bright Future" All
email responses should be directed to: randy@ka.net Hemp for
Victory! Thank you r</conspiracyFile>